Farmers' gazette, and Cheraw advertiser. (Cheraw, S.C.) 1839-1843, June 30, 1841, Page 126, Image 2
these routes. A single illustration will
establish this assertion.
$ush>n is one of the most important
points of railroad concentration in the
Union. Its business prosperity is proverbial;
and yet in that city the quarter
ending 31st March last shows, as compared
with the corresponding quarter of
tiip year before,a decrease in postage receipts*)
f three thousand one hundred and
ninety-five dollars?f?eing double the
mount of diminution to be found, within the
am" time, in any other post in ihe nation,
with the single exception of Philadelphia,
which is another great terminus of railroad
cominunic tion.
These facia are presented in no spirit of
unkindness towards tho-e to whos?- management
those incorfM>i?tioD? are in'rusted, but
i?.? i have considered if due to our whole
peop'e to refer in this subject us one which
will ere long ea 1 for na'ion*1 and State Jejfi^Jatiori.
unless a corrective be sooner applied by
puulic o anion.
A coni durable saving will be found in the
furudim nt of service generally, directed by
my immediate predecessor, in Inn ting tlie
transport* ion of the mai a to m trps a week
urn?n most >>f the route* throughout the nation.
The euibarr ?to>ed condition of the finances of
the Department, if it was to rem on unaided
by Government clearly indicated the prop i.
etv of some reduc;jon <or servo e, and the rehgons
sense of trie community w lb certainly
approve the feeing that *e?ets the Nabbarh
as the day on which that service should not
be performed. Vet it cannot be denied that
this older has home heavily upon contractors,
ami in many instances causes great derangement
in the transportation of the mti s.
While! in shoo sections of our country this
alteration h is not only received a chctrtui
acquiescence, bin is warmly approved, there
hvs been great general <htnpliin? of its opera,
tion. and oady appeal* for the old facilities are
pressed upon the Department, Without en*
terirg npon this subject at large, it i6 sufficient
for iny present purpose to state tha', as this
order purpor's to have been given to reduce
the ext>enses of the Department, and to aid in
bringingfbem within t(* receipts, a return t<j
the hirmei service, at this time, might wej'i be
considered as a declaration of my rontidetre
in its ability to kusthiu me cAjK-uu.i-jir ucu*.?>
sary for such restoration. I have therefore
telt it imperative upon me to adhere to this
order of cortailnieir.
The building now being erected for the
General IW Office is so tar advanced as to
g ve asi-urai ce that it can be eomplered be.
hro the session of Congress m December.
This is murh to be desired. not only for the
con* entente of the transaction of business,
but that the public property inay be kept in
secerny. Such means as are wi.'htn my (tow.
er are continually employed to protect the
present bwldieg from tire, but in its exposed
condition ih?? danger of destruction *o the
books and papers of the office is a souice of
con?' ant anxiety
All which is n snectfullv submitted.
FRANCIS C.a\VGER.
To the President of Hie United S'atcg.
[The documents acconipau, Jng this report
are neces?ar.!y omitted here for want of
room]
pr( posed b ink op tre unit kd states.
The Mlowing is t e report of the JSiler.t
Cwnm tVe 611 he Senaff on the Currency,
&,c. ofwnich Mr. CUy. of Kentucky is Chair,
man, as read bv him n the Senate ye^erday :
The committee to which was referred so
much of tho President's Message as r? l.ites
to a uniform currency, and a su.table fiscal
agent capab'e of adfmg increased facilities
in he collection, and disbursement, andsecure !
ty or the juihlic revenue, have had the same
under c<?nsidera i<>n, and beg leave to re ort ; !
Tint, after the most attentive and anxious'
consideration ef ttie state o the currency. |
and the finance of the Government, in all i
their interc'ing and important bearings, the j
committee have arrived at the the same con. 1
elusion with the ?Se retary of ?he Treasury,
that a sound and just policy requires the establishment
of a Bank of the United States
well as little delay as prac'icab'e.
Tho ^ri-.mniitip.p. have neither fima nor
inclination to enter into a discussion of
the question of the power of Congress, under
the Cons'ilution of tiic United States
to establish a Notional Bank. After all
that has been said and written on that
question during the long period of half
a century, nothing remains to be added
that would be likely to shed much new
light upon it. It ought, in the opinion
of the committee, to be regarded as a settied
question?settled by tiie approbation
and judgment of the People, by the nuthoiitv
of the Legislature, by the sanction
of the Executive Department of the Gov.
crnment, and by the solemn adjudications
of 'he Judiciary. If it be not regarded
as a decided question, when, in the collisions
and conflicts among men, arising
. i* j: .... ? __,i :...i
out or am;rMi\ ()| (ipirnuu fiiiu juupuiciu,
is a controverted matter to be considered
us terminated and quieted ?
Nor do t iie committee deem it nccesnry
to discuss the question of the expediency
of establishing such an institution
as a Hunk of the United S ates. On
this there? is even loss contrariety ol opiaion
than on the former quostion. On
both, it is the deliberate conviction of the
committee that a vast majority of the
People of the United States concur ; and
that they ore now looking ui.h anxious
solicitude, to the deliberations of Conpress,
under the confident hope that n
IJankofthe United States will be established
at the present extraordinary session
of (lonpress.
passing bv, therefore, those two quesi\,yns
ns hfinor unnecessary to be further1
~~ #
nrguod.and assuming wiiat the committee
verilv believe that a National Bank is indispetwth'y
necessary, they will proceed,
at once, <o the particular form. power3,
and faculties with wliich it mnv be expedient
to invest such an institution. And
here the committee have no hesitation in
sav ing th*t. confuting in the experience
of forty years during which the nation
has enjoyed the benefit of <a National
Bank, and during the greater part of
which it has realized evevry reasonable
hope and expectation in ihe operations or'
such .an ioKtiru'ton. they^aipeto the condusk
?) that it would he wisest to .dismiss
nlj iuaents.and to cling to expe>r,ience
and assume the last charter granted by
Congress as the basis of a new hartk ;?ngrafring
upon it such restrictions, guara^
vic>, amendments, and conditions, as have
been found necessary by actual expert*
ence. v
The Secretary of the Treasury came
to a similar conclusion ; and in his report,
and the draught of a bill which accompanies
it, he has taken as Ins model the
charter granted by Congress in 1816,
On that he has suggested a great many
valuable improvements, most of which
the committee have incorporated in the
draught of a hill which they now report
to the Senate. On this draught they
| wish to offer to the Senate s une brief explanaticns
and observations.
The committee have adopted Washing,
ton city, proposed by the S ;cretary of the
Treasury, as the place of location of the
principal hank. They believe the place
of its location is a subordinate question ;
hut there are m mv advantages from the
proximity of the Bank to the Government.
Pho rli<triKntmn nf llio r?nnifnl nf thp
Bank among the several commercial citi.
es, in proportion to their respective wants
and magnitude, is what they naturally
desire, and what will doubtless he done.
But to guard against the exercise of any
unworthy transactions, the committee
have thought it expedient to deprive the
parent Bank of all power to make any discounts
or loans whatever, except Irrtin*
! to Government, authorized by express
law. In order to ensure the command of
the best financial abilities of the country,
the hill provides that the Directors of the
Parent Board, which is to consist of nine
members, shall be paid for their services
bv the Corporation, and all compensation
to the Di ectors, in the usual form of hank
accommodations, is utterly prohibited.
Tints, the Directors of the Bank at
Washington will Income a Board of Control,
superintending the branches, supplying
them with a c irrency, and banking
exclusively through the agency of. their
offices of discount and deposite.
I Tne capitnl of the Bank, proposed by
I the Secretary, is retained ; hut a power
i is reserved to Congress to augment by
! the addi'ion of twenty millions, making
1 the aggregate amount ultimately fiftv
millions of dollars, if that should be found
to be necessary.
To guard against undue expansion of
the currency bv the operations of the
Bank, various restrictions and securities
are introduced,
1. The dividends are limited to sevm
per cent, per annum : and. after nrcum 1Infinga
reserved fund of two millions of
dollars, to cover losses and contingencies,
the excess hevond that seven per cent, is
to he paid into the public Treasury. A nd.
whatever excess remains at the end of the
charter, beyond the reimbursement to the.
stockholders of the capita! stock, is also
to be pai I into th? Treasury If the div.
i lends fall below seven per cent, during
anv year of the charter, t!i? deficiency is
to be nude good out of the surpluses previouslv
paid into the Treasury. The
effect of this provision is, to make a permunent
and invariable seven per cent,
bank stock, assuming that the ndministra.
tion of the Bank is conducted with integrity
and a-ulity.
2. The debts due *o the Bank are required
not to exceed the amount of the
capital stock actually paid in, and 75 per
cent, thereon, which is a greater restricc*
tion than usual.
The total amount of debts which the
Bank is a ithorized to contract, over an I
above the depositee, is not to exceed twen-.
tv-five millions of do"ars, which is also a
greater restriction than was placet I upon
the late Bank of the United States.
3. The publicity which is required of
the general condition of the Bank, and
the full and complete exposure to committee*
of Congress, and to the Secretary
of the Treasury, which is amply secured,
of all the hooks and transactions of the
Bank, inclu linn private accounts.
4. The prohibition of the renewal of
any loan ; thus putting an end to all mere
accommodation paper, as far as practicable,
and confining the Bank to fair business
transactions.
And 5. The Bank is prohibited from
making anv further discounts or loans
whenever its notes in circulation exceed
n?i/ia (tin ainnnnl nf enM('ll> ir? its
llldl.O UtV WIMV/14IM VI
vaults.
To protect the community and the
stockholders against mismanagement ?f
he Rank, several provisions have heen
inserted, which it is hoped mav be effectual.
1. No paid officer of the Rank is to receive
loans or accommodations in any
form whatever.
2. Securities are provided against ahusivc
use of proxies such as that nooffi
cer of the Batik oun be a proxy ; no proxy
can give more thin 313 votes ; no proxy
to be good which is of longer standing
than ninety days
3. A prohibition against the Coporalion's
transacting any other* than legiri.
j mate banking business ; excluding all dealI
iug in stocks, and all commercial opera[
lions:
I d A room JitiAn 4 % 4 a m*i i/.ri f tr aT f ho
*. -* i<rt|Ui^iwwii 1IKM ? iiiiijdi ii v "I me
whole number of the Board of Directors
shall he necessary to transact the business
of the Corporation.
5. Ample power to make the mo?t
thorough examination into the condition
and proceedings of the Bank, down to the
accounts of iriiiidiviu'uaIs, by totally re
moving from the Secretary of the Trensurv
and committees of Congress the veil
of secresy.
And 0. By denouncing and punishing
as ftdony the crime of embezzlement of
the funds of the Bank when perpetrated
I by any of its officers, agents, or servants.
Concurring entirely in the sentiment
expressed by the Secretary of the Treasury,
that many wise and patriotic statesmen,
wnose opinions are entitled to consi
leration and respect, have questioned
the power of Congress to establish a National
Bank ; and that it is desirable, as
fdr^aspossible, to obviateobjections and reicojicilfeopiniops,
the commute* have at
tentively and earnestly exammed the provision,
incorporated in the diaught of the
hill of the Secretary, in regard to the
branching power of the Bank, and they
would have been happy if they could have
reconciled it to their sense of duty to a.
dopt it. But, after the fullest consider*,
tion, they have been unable to arrive at
that result.
It was not without some hesitation that
the committee agreed to the location of
the bank in the District of Columbia.
This they did because they believed that
the utility of the Bank did not much depend
upo.i the place of its location as
as upon the capital, faculties, and powers
which should he given to it. But to isolate
it in this District, without giving
any other branching power than suchj as
might derive fiorn the consent of particular
States, would be to create an enormous
District bank, devoid oi'effective na ionalcharacter.
Such a bank would he
a bank onlv of the District of Columbia.
and its offices of discount and d p wite
would be nothing more than banks of the
3 ates which might allow them to be
planted within their respective limits,
for all national purposes Congress might
as well recharter one of the existing District
banks, er/large jts capital, and give it
authority to establish oflv tea of discount
md depn^ite in any State that would per.'
Wit it (o be done.
The committee believe that the capita'
of a bank so construed would never hi
taken ; and that, if taken, the institution
would be wholly unable to accomplish
die great and salutary purposes for Which
it is desired and should be designed. >
But the question of establishing a ban'
thin to be restricted and circumscribe
involves higher and graver consideratin.
than those of mere expediency. TV
Joneral Government has or has not th
>owcr to establish a National 2?ank. 1
it has the power, it derives from the ev
isting grants in the Constitution of th
United States. The committee believ
it has the power, and ought to exercise iBut
after a contest during the last ten ??
' wtdve years in respect to the coustitutiof.
al power of Congress, which has betv
marked bv so much animation and bitterness,
forbearance to exercise the pow.
?r would be a virtual surrender of the pow
er. If a bank were to bo created,' whos:operations
w ithin the limits of the States
wore dependent no? upon the will of Congress,
but upon the will of each State,
separately announced, the creation of
such a hank would add another to the list
of disastrous experiments, and would be
tantamount to a relinquishment of thenational
power, and it could never be resumed.
The power of the Federal Government
is only to be found in the grants of the
Constitution. If they are inadequate to
the fu Iff! me nt of the great purposes of its
establishment, they can only he increased
in the mode of amendment which the instrument
itself has prescribed. They
cannot he augmented. They cannot be
augmented by the grants or consent of
any State or Slates should of the number
ot two-thirds, whose concurrence is necessary
to give validity 'oan amendment. A
derivation of power the General Govern
- .? - _
ment trom me consent ot particular rv.ai a
would be unsound in principle, and the
committee apprehend dangerous in practire.
Admit such consent to he a logiti.
mate source of power, to the Government
would not operate equally, in all the States,
an l the Constitution losing its uni orrn
j character, would exhibit an irregular and
incongruous action.
Entertaining these deliberate views,
the committee are decidedly of opinion that
no hill for the establishment of a hank in
the District of Columbia will be effectual
which does not contain a clear recognilion
of the constitutional power of Congress
to estahlish branches wherever, in
; the United States, the public wants, in its
I judgment, require them. They cannot
! consent that a hank, emanating from the
I will of the nation, and imperatively doI
minded by the necessities of the Governj
ment and of the nation, shall he wholly
i dependent for its useful operation upon
1 the will of each and every S^ate, distinctly
expressed.
Accordingly, in the draught of a hill
now reported, the right is asserted to exen-ise
the branching power of the bank
independent of the assent of the States.
T ie committee dare not allow themselves
to believe that the bill is free from all defects,
but thtsy do hope that these, in a
spirit of liberality, will be corrected by the
superior wisdom of the Senate and of the
House, and that the present session will
he signalized by the est ablishment of a
national institution, which has become a
desideratum to the general prosperity.
j The advantages which will flow from
\ such an institution, in both our domestic
and foreign relations, are manifest and
: incontestable.
j It will give the People a sound correnj
cy of uniform value throughout the Union,
j which is just as necessary to the success,
j ful operation of all branches of husines>
I *- ivirp air or water is to the orcservation
I .... - - - - ,
I of human life or health.
! It will revive and extend commercial
i intercourse, which, for the want of a
i common medium has been almost suspen
! led between dull-rent purtsofthe (Jnion.
' It will reduce domestic exchange from
1 the enormous premiums and discount*
j row frequently paid to the moderate stanI
dard growing out of the mere cost and inO
^
surancc on the risk of transporting specie
from one to a nother part of the Union.
It will, consequenlv, save hundreds of
thousands of dollars now annually lost in
*
transactions of exchange.
It will essentially benefit the manufacing
interest by enabling it to realize sales
and the proceeds of sabs.
It will powerfully contribute to the resumption
of specie payments by the banks,
whose existing delinque ncy is the greatesl
source of all prevailing pecuniary aad fi
V x, . , .
nancial embarrassment.
I : will greatly lend to prevent and correct
the excesses and abuses of the local
banks.
It will furnish a medium oommon to all
parts of the Uniort for the payment of
debts and dues to the Government: thus
rendering duties and taxes uniform in fact
as well as in nainei
It is indispensable to the convenient
and successful financial operations Of the
Government in all the departments of collection,
safe-keeping, aud disbursements
of the public revenue. \
inch are some of the domestic benefits
which the committee fully believe will be
secured by a National Bank. Those
which appertain to our foreign relations
are also worthy of serious consideration.
If it be true that money is power, its
concentration under the direction of one
will, sole or collective, must augment the
power. ^ A nation, without such a con.
centration of power, mainfainting extensive
commercial intercourse with another
nation possessing it must conduct that
intercourse on a condition of inequality
and disadvantage. National Banks, in
other countries, beget the necessity, there,
fore, ofa National Bank in this country,
in like manner as a National Governments
:n foreign nations must he met by a National
Government in ours.
Accordingly, we have seen the influ;nce
exerted by the Bank of England
ipon American interests, when those inieresbs
were exposed to the action of that
tank, and were left without the protec.
on of a Bank of the United States. The
mminittee do not wish to be understood
< intending to express any approbation
?' the commercial operations in which
'ennsvlvania Bank, assuming the name
f the Bank of the U nited States, engaged,
'ten that state of things arose.
But they do mean to say that the in.
-.rests and dignity o? the United States
.cmand that they should not be exposed,
yond the necessary and legitimate iniciice
of monetary and commercial op*
rations, to the action of a foreign bank g
institution. They believe, that,
l iihout a competent Bank of the United
j.ates, foreign National Banks may and
probably will exercise an undue and posably
pernicious influence upon our inter,
sts.
In this view of the case, the question
a, whether it is better that we should he
' ft liable to be materially affected by a
foreign institution, in which we have no
interest, over which we can exert no conMo!,
which is administered solely in re.
ference to foreign interests, or we shall
have an American Rank, the creature of
our will, subject to American authority,
and animated by American interests, eel
inn*. find svmnnthies ?
- J
The committee could not entertain a
rlonht in such an alternative. And, in
reference to the foreign aspect of the
Bank, the committe thought it expedient
to allow it to deal in foreign bills of ex*
change, which are the barometer of the
s.tate of our foreign trade.
In conclusion, the committee think it
proper to say that they have given due
consideration to the various memorials re*
.'erred to them, and to the instructions
moved by a Senator from Mississippi.
They subjoin that wherever, in this re*
j port, the committee is mentioned, a majority
of r^e committee is to he understood.
| All which is respectfully submitted.
' House or Representatives.?June 16.
Remarks of Mr. C. H. Williams, of
; Tennessee, upon Mr. Stuart's resolution.
j Mr. Speaker: Intending, as I do, sir, to
vote for the previous question, and, also.
) for the adoption of the resolution offered
this morning by the gentlemen from Virginia.
(Mr. Stuart ) I feal it to be due
i to myseif to make a few general remarks
| to this House explaini'.ig the reason for
my determination. I
I I am sir, a Southern man by birth, in
' " i ? . i a _'.ii _
i reeling, ana interest, uen to oouinern intorests
by all the endearing relations of
life that arecaculated to bind a man to
his country. Withal, sir, I am one of
those who believe that African slavery is
neither a religious, moral nor political
evil. Still, sir, I am frequently at a loss
to tell where I am from?\orth, South.
East, or West. The burning bursts of
indignation, that occasionally display
themselves in this House whenever the
question of abolition petition is under con.
sideration. are so different from my feelings,
and apparently so uncalled for by
the tme state of the question, that such a
display of feeling presents the appearance
to ine, sir, ofa "thunderstorm in a teapot."
Too much importance, in my humble
opinion, has ever been given to this
question. There never has been a vote in
mecongress of the United States involving
the merits of the question; on the countra.
ry, all the debating and resolutions touching
this question have been upon a collateral
or iinaterial issue. Wherefore, then
or, I would ask, in the name of common
sense, all this feeling? There are but si\
members in this House who would vote
for the abolition of slavery in the District
of Columbia ; consequently Southern interest
is safe by a majority in this House
?f two hundred and thirty. Where, I
would ask, is tho danger? Why, then,
should those who represent the Southern
interest **go off half cocked" and anticipate
a state of things that may never happen
? Is it not time enough, in ail conscience,
to meet this question when the
dreadful alternative, if ever, shall be pre
sented to the slavcholding States, that
they must desolve this Union or submit
to a gratuitous arid impertinent :nterineddling
with their domestic institutions by
; their Northern brctheren ? Yes, Mr.
Speaker, it will be time enough to defend
the institutions of the South when
they are in danger by the action of th's
\ House. Congress has been in session
two weeks and twotfaye debating abo'it ion
petition*. On yesterday, i resolution adopting
the rules of the last Congress of the
United States, including the 2lst rule
was rejected. The HousO also rejected
a resolution adopting the rules of last Congress,
excluding the 21st rule. It is a
strange state of things, brought about, in
my humble opinion, by a floating vote
from the minority of this House, who vote
both ways. What makes it still more
strange, the gentleman from Pensylvania
(ftf\ C. Bftowx) read to this House this
morning a resolution upon the subject of
abolition petitions, which he professes a
willingness to have adopted, appealed to
the Southern members not to sustain the
previous question, and to permit him to
step forward with his resolution and throw a
protecting siiicld ov*r the in-tuitions of the
South. Whrtn I take into consideration his
course and hi" votes from the commencement
of this question, I am bound to tell him that I
do not want his friendship. It comes in such
a questionable shape I wish to epeak to it. I
arn constrained to view h.s proffered friend*
ship and feeling for the S ?uth as a mere pre.(
tenee and his resolution as an after thought
brought in to rover the retreat of himself and
a portion of hie friend>, and thereby escape
the just ind gn-tfion of the country that ought
to be meted (Hit to them fur their efnf'ing,
changing course, upon the question of organization
The Southern m-tnbers are called
upon not to submit to the proposed compromise;
nay, air, they are odd (not in ro many
worts but in substance) by the gentleman
from South Carolina (Mr. PiCMns)'h.it ifthey
give one inch of ground they betray the
South.
What > tl compromise t r posed by thegentleinen
tfrom Virginia, (Mr. Stuart?) It
certa;nly be within the recollection id the older
members of this House that during the 25t'i
Con grew, when the gentleman from Vermont
(Mr. Slads) wan proving to the country tnat
some uisi.iig ijrihed Virginians W"re ?up ?*ed
to slavery i:i the abstract this House?l m-an
the alaveholding portion of it?rushed down to
the conimntee room for ihe diat ict of Columbia
to diviso ways and mems'0 rescue the
South from the impending danger There
the entire South grave Senators and ail, met,
and after a week's lab -r a resolution know as
Patton's resolution was introduced and passed
by a unanimity among the Souih-rn members
never before equa led Permit me to say, sir,
that Pattou's reswiutton was substantially the
same as the one now under consideration,
a compromiao not fo- a tim*. but for
the entire congress while the resolution of
my friend from Virginia ( Wr Stuart) s.mply
proposed to postpone the settling of Ibis vexed
and unpleasant question un id the ragulat session'which
meets ic December.
If we have th? power now to include the
2l?t rule, we will have the power in December.
Can it be-possible, sir, that I can b?playing
the traitor to iny coun'trv by conson- |
ting fo this compromise? No. sir ; no. I am
anxious that tin*-House elmuld proceed >u lie*
business for w hich they were called toge'li^r
by the 1 mrjeQ'pd Harr'gim. The honor an.;
interest of my country <)*-r?iian?I it at n.y hain't
I wish, sir, for Hie Congress of the United
St ate* 10 conn* up to the just expectations ot
the country by doing what is indispensably n*'"
ceKsary to be done, ami g.? hnine. I am
therefore in favor of the prevmu6q nMion.
CflEflAW tiAZ?TT?.
WEDNESDAY, Juxe 30. 1*41
I We copy, from the National I iit.il.i
gencer, some remarks in the House of
Representatives oil the IGihinst. by Mr.
Williams of Tennessee, on the resolution
of Mr. Stuart, designed to postpone till
ncx\ session all discussion and action on
the subject of abolition petitions. Without
approving the resolution itself, we
may he |>ermitted to say that we consider
the chief part of Mr. Williams's remarkappropriate
and worthy of commendation.
Tne groundless apprehensions ana violent
proceedings of many southern memlier.-.
of Congress, and other politicians, on the
subject of abolition movements at the
North, have contributed a hundred fold
more than any other cause to give impor.
tance, not to say strength, to the t ompar
atively small hand of ignorant and deluded
fanatics who are'striving so zealousU
to distract the country on the subject
ofslavery. We do not mean that the
subject is one which does not call for
serio:i9 attention, ana for action too, on
the part of the southern states ; but the
extreme, uncaleri for and misdirected sensitiveness
of many members of Congress,
and others, tends only to lower our character
abroad, and to excite prejudice
! against our cause. Our northern fellow
! citizens do not approve slavery. If they
did they would introduce it among themselves.
For this we have no right to
complain of them or censure them. Nor
ought we to complain of them for any
decorous and temperate expression of
opinion on the subject. If there are
among them, ill-bred and pragma ic individuals
wiio rail against us, our wisest
and most manly course is not to notice
them. Such railing and rollers are realj
Iv too insignifi cant to excite even contempt.
And as to any apprehension that
the security or value of our slave property
is likely to be alfectod by any interference
of Congress, we have never seen
/ n '
| the shadow of rational ground for such
j apprehension. In the first place, every
[ man of common sense who knows any
thing of the opinions, and feelings, and
character of the southern people, knows
hof ,g vrmn ns Congress should take a
IIIO.V ...? ?
j single step towards an infringement upon
J our constitutional right to hold slaves
without molestation, the whole South
would instantly, as one man, unite in severing
the bonds of union, and, as an independent
nation, would proclaim and
maintain their rights. No southern man
of common sense can doubt this. In the
j second place, all the declarations of memj
hers of Congress, and of other leading
staiesrnen, or influential individuals
"throughout the non-slaveholding states,
on this subject shew that there is no gen.
eral or prevalent disposition anywhere in
the country to interfere with the institu.
I ?
tion of slavery in the states. The subject
has dernc d an adventitious importance^
from connecting, in Congress with tbcr'
bright of petition." Tuis was an error v
honestly committee by southern members*
and in our humble opinion trie sooner
they correct the error the better. Let no
false fears of being charged with inconsistency
; nor fears that the abolitionists
will raise a shoUt of triumph at having
gained a victory, prevent. It will be no
victory, but rather a death blow to abolitionists
as such. They wi l say that it
is a victory; so they did and sttHcontinue
to repeat in all their speeches and more
grave reports, that the decision in the case
of the Amistad Africans was a victory ach*
icved by their exertions. Bat what of thatT
They may deceive a few ignorant women
anJ children, and a few equally ignorant
men already enlisted in their service ; but
who cares for that ? It c. n neither add
to their strength nor retard one hour
their fall to the utter insignificance to ?
which a wise and proper course on the
part of southern members of Congress
would at once let them fall, li was only
the jKissionate excitement in C'ongrerf
that ever gave them importance, or that **.. ,
now sustains them. Let petitions ^
subject ofj.iholitton', if respectful, be treat- .. .
ed like perilioas 011 other subjects, and..
all excitement in regard to them will scon
he at an end. The continuance of the
excitement is the very aim of the aboiitionists
and as long as they can effect thie
aim they will certainly continue to pour t ,
in their petitions. But let it f?e seen by the
action of Congress, that excitement haf
ceased, and that not more than half a dox.
members really favor their cause, (which
is the case) and if they still continue to
send in their petitions, they will only
thereby render themselves more and more w
ridiculous. '
We said that it is not from the action
of Congress that we have cause to ap.
preiiend injury to our slave property.
It is from non-slaveholJing states permit*
ting their citizens to harbor runaway
slaves and aid them in escaping to places
beyond the reach of their masters.?
Societies are formed in the city of New
York and perhaps other places fort ese
purposes, who hold their meetings publicly
and publish their proceedings in v
their newspapers. We saw it stated late,
ty among the proceedings of an abolition
convention held in Ohio, that a number %
of "men" and "young women" took pride
in riding to the convention in a long
??lark wagon, which was kept for the pur.
nose of aiding fugitive slaves in escaping
to "Victoria's dominions." Wherein do
djch association* differ from associations
o receive and protect 'stolen good*? In;
lolling .so tar as the relations of the
-tales to each ot er aru concerned. The
}
constitution recognizes the institution of
iaverv sod the obligation of all the states
.vhere the fugitive slaves ar* found, to<
ieliver them up. Is the toleralion of so.
' i - ?i*
*|Ol!l';S lO a? 1 l.]?fr ami! uivnvcn?
'hem, compatible with good faith in the
discharge t?i* tins obligation 1 Certainly
ifot,a'iy more than it would he- compatible
wah good faith in the discharge of
otic r obligations recognized hy the con*
stitution, to tolerate societies for concealing
stray horses, stolen hogs, or stolen
iroadcloth, from sister states.
The abolitionists' out, whether true
or false wc do not k ow, that in this way 6
i hey annually aid thousands of slaves in
escaping to Canada. This is an aotuai,,
lot an imtginary evil; and one which
calls for a remedy. Although the border
statcsnre the ones immediately and chiefly
interested, the others are hound to>make
common cause with tnem in maintaining
their rights.
1 J"
The plan of a fiscal Bank* reported by
Mr. Clay to the Senate, from the select
committee on the currency, will he found
in the preceiing columns. It agrees
>u!)stantiallv, on most points with that of'
the S -cretary of the Treasury. There
is, however, one very imj>ortant point on
which we are glad to see it differ. Instead
of making it depend upon the consent of
individual states whether a branch of
the bank may be located within their
borders, as is the case in Mr. Ewing.-a
t il J * I *A
plan, that ot i*ir. v^iny, ana me carnmii*tee
over which he presides, contemplates
the establishment of branches wherever
within the limits of the United States it*
j may be deemed necessary. No one
doubts that the power of the Government
j to collect *1 (I disburse revenue within tha
states involves the power of also estab.
fishing such agencies within them as may
l>e necessary to i hat end. If branches of"
a Fiscal Bank are such agencies then ha*
Congress an unquestionable right to pro.
vide for the establishment of such branches
wherever they may be deemetj nc*
cessary to the fiscal operations of tho
Government; and that not only without
the consent ol the states within which
they are to lie located, hut against their
will. The individual states, hv adootinir .j
, J I O H
the constitution, gave up their separate
wills in such cases, and submitted to the
will of the union or common government
which they established for the common
goo!. The govcr unent cannot he depend*
ent upon a st ito for a constitutional agent
ot any hi: d any where within the circle of
its jurisdiction. It wag established with
powers competent to the functions of *
government. To ask the consent of the
htafes to place within their borders instt*
tutions admitted to be necessary to the
| collection, -nfr keeping and proper dis*
| bursement of the public revenue, would
* not, in our eatimation be more out of tbu