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these routes. A single illustration will establish this assertion. $ush>n is one of the most important points of railroad concentration in the Union. Its business prosperity is proverbial; and yet in that city the quarter ending 31st March last shows, as compared with the corresponding quarter of tiip year before,a decrease in postage receipts*) f three thousand one hundred and ninety-five dollars?f?eing double the mount of diminution to be found, within the am" time, in any other post in ihe nation, with the single exception of Philadelphia, which is another great terminus of railroad cominunic tion. These facia are presented in no spirit of unkindness towards tho-e to whos?- management those incorfM>i?tioD? are in'rusted, but i?.? i have considered if due to our whole peop'e to refer in this subject us one which will ere long ea 1 for na'ion*1 and State Jejfi^Jatiori. unless a corrective be sooner applied by puulic o anion. A coni durable saving will be found in the furudim nt of service generally, directed by my immediate predecessor, in Inn ting tlie transport* ion of the mai a to m trps a week urn?n most >>f the route* throughout the nation. The euibarr ?to>ed condition of the finances of the Department, if it was to rem on unaided by Government clearly indicated the prop i. etv of some reduc;jon <or servo e, and the rehgons sense of trie community w lb certainly approve the feeing that *e?ets the Nabbarh as the day on which that service should not be performed. Vet it cannot be denied that this older has home heavily upon contractors, ami in many instances causes great derangement in the transportation of the mti s. While! in shoo sections of our country this alteration h is not only received a chctrtui acquiescence, bin is warmly approved, there hvs been great general <htnpliin? of its opera, tion. and oady appeal* for the old facilities are pressed upon the Department, Without en* terirg npon this subject at large, it i6 sufficient for iny present purpose to state tha', as this order purpor's to have been given to reduce the ext>enses of the Department, and to aid in bringingfbem within t(* receipts, a return t<j the hirmei service, at this time, might wej'i be considered as a declaration of my rontidetre in its ability to kusthiu me cAjK-uu.i-jir ucu*.?> sary for such restoration. I have therefore telt it imperative upon me to adhere to this order of cortailnieir. The building now being erected for the General IW Office is so tar advanced as to g ve asi-urai ce that it can be eomplered be. hro the session of Congress m December. This is murh to be desired. not only for the con* entente of the transaction of business, but that the public property inay be kept in secerny. Such means as are wi.'htn my (tow. er are continually employed to protect the present bwldieg from tire, but in its exposed condition ih?? danger of destruction *o the books and papers of the office is a souice of con?' ant anxiety All which is n snectfullv submitted. FRANCIS C.a\VGER. To the President of Hie United S'atcg. [The documents acconipau, Jng this report are neces?ar.!y omitted here for want of room] pr( posed b ink op tre unit kd states. The Mlowing is t e report of the JSiler.t Cwnm tVe 611 he Senaff on the Currency, &,c. ofwnich Mr. CUy. of Kentucky is Chair, man, as read bv him n the Senate ye^erday : The committee to which was referred so much of tho President's Message as r? l.ites to a uniform currency, and a su.table fiscal agent capab'e of adfmg increased facilities in he collection, and disbursement, andsecure ! ty or the juihlic revenue, have had the same under c<?nsidera i<>n, and beg leave to re ort ; ! Tint, after the most attentive and anxious' consideration ef ttie state o the currency. | and the finance of the Government, in all i their interc'ing and important bearings, the j committee have arrived at the the same con. 1 elusion with the ?Se retary of ?he Treasury, that a sound and just policy requires the establishment of a Bank of the United States well as little delay as prac'icab'e. Tho ^ri-.mniitip.p. have neither fima nor inclination to enter into a discussion of the question of the power of Congress, under the Cons'ilution of tiic United States to establish a Notional Bank. After all that has been said and written on that question during the long period of half a century, nothing remains to be added that would be likely to shed much new light upon it. It ought, in the opinion of the committee, to be regarded as a settied question?settled by tiie approbation and judgment of the People, by the nuthoiitv of the Legislature, by the sanction of the Executive Department of the Gov. crnment, and by the solemn adjudications of 'he Judiciary. If it be not regarded as a decided question, when, in the collisions and conflicts among men, arising . i* j: .... ? __,i :...i out or am;rMi\ ()| (ipirnuu fiiiu juupuiciu, is a controverted matter to be considered us terminated and quieted ? Nor do t iie committee deem it nccesnry to discuss the question of the expediency of establishing such an institution as a Hunk of the United S ates. On this there? is even loss contrariety ol opiaion than on the former quostion. On both, it is the deliberate conviction of the committee that a vast majority of the People of the United States concur ; and that they ore now looking ui.h anxious solicitude, to the deliberations of Conpress, under the confident hope that n IJankofthe United States will be established at the present extraordinary session of (lonpress. passing bv, therefore, those two quesi\,yns ns hfinor unnecessary to be further1 ~~ # nrguod.and assuming wiiat the committee verilv believe that a National Bank is indispetwth'y necessary, they will proceed, at once, <o the particular form. power3, and faculties with wliich it mnv be expedient to invest such an institution. And here the committee have no hesitation in sav ing th*t. confuting in the experience of forty years during which the nation has enjoyed the benefit of <a National Bank, and during the greater part of which it has realized evevry reasonable hope and expectation in ihe operations or' such .an ioKtiru'ton. they^aipeto the condusk ?) that it would he wisest to .dismiss nlj iuaents.and to cling to expe>r,ience and assume the last charter granted by Congress as the basis of a new hartk ;?ngrafring upon it such restrictions, guara^ vic>, amendments, and conditions, as have been found necessary by actual expert* ence. v The Secretary of the Treasury came to a similar conclusion ; and in his report, and the draught of a bill which accompanies it, he has taken as Ins model the charter granted by Congress in 1816, On that he has suggested a great many valuable improvements, most of which the committee have incorporated in the draught of a hill which they now report to the Senate. On this draught they | wish to offer to the Senate s une brief explanaticns and observations. The committee have adopted Washing, ton city, proposed by the S ;cretary of the Treasury, as the place of location of the principal hank. They believe the place of its location is a subordinate question ; hut there are m mv advantages from the proximity of the Bank to the Government. Pho rli<triKntmn nf llio r?nnifnl nf thp Bank among the several commercial citi. es, in proportion to their respective wants and magnitude, is what they naturally desire, and what will doubtless he done. But to guard against the exercise of any unworthy transactions, the committee have thought it expedient to deprive the parent Bank of all power to make any discounts or loans whatever, except Irrtin* ! to Government, authorized by express law. In order to ensure the command of the best financial abilities of the country, the hill provides that the Directors of the Parent Board, which is to consist of nine members, shall be paid for their services bv the Corporation, and all compensation to the Di ectors, in the usual form of hank accommodations, is utterly prohibited. Tints, the Directors of the Bank at Washington will Income a Board of Control, superintending the branches, supplying them with a c irrency, and banking exclusively through the agency of. their offices of discount and deposite. I Tne capitnl of the Bank, proposed by I the Secretary, is retained ; hut a power i is reserved to Congress to augment by ! the addi'ion of twenty millions, making 1 the aggregate amount ultimately fiftv millions of dollars, if that should be found to be necessary. To guard against undue expansion of the currency bv the operations of the Bank, various restrictions and securities are introduced, 1. The dividends are limited to sevm per cent, per annum : and. after nrcum 1Infinga reserved fund of two millions of dollars, to cover losses and contingencies, the excess hevond that seven per cent, is to he paid into the public Treasury. A nd. whatever excess remains at the end of the charter, beyond the reimbursement to the. stockholders of the capita! stock, is also to be pai I into th? Treasury If the div. i lends fall below seven per cent, during anv year of the charter, t!i? deficiency is to be nude good out of the surpluses previouslv paid into the Treasury. The effect of this provision is, to make a permunent and invariable seven per cent, bank stock, assuming that the ndministra. tion of the Bank is conducted with integrity and a-ulity. 2. The debts due *o the Bank are required not to exceed the amount of the capital stock actually paid in, and 75 per cent, thereon, which is a greater restricc* tion than usual. The total amount of debts which the Bank is a ithorized to contract, over an I above the depositee, is not to exceed twen-. tv-five millions of do"ars, which is also a greater restriction than was placet I upon the late Bank of the United States. 3. The publicity which is required of the general condition of the Bank, and the full and complete exposure to committee* of Congress, and to the Secretary of the Treasury, which is amply secured, of all the hooks and transactions of the Bank, inclu linn private accounts. 4. The prohibition of the renewal of any loan ; thus putting an end to all mere accommodation paper, as far as practicable, and confining the Bank to fair business transactions. And 5. The Bank is prohibited from making anv further discounts or loans whenever its notes in circulation exceed n?i/ia (tin ainnnnl nf enM('ll> ir? its llldl.O UtV WIMV/14IM VI vaults. To protect the community and the stockholders against mismanagement ?f he Rank, several provisions have heen inserted, which it is hoped mav be effectual. 1. No paid officer of the Rank is to receive loans or accommodations in any form whatever. 2. Securities are provided against ahusivc use of proxies such as that nooffi cer of the Batik oun be a proxy ; no proxy can give more thin 313 votes ; no proxy to be good which is of longer standing than ninety days 3. A prohibition against the Coporalion's transacting any other* than legiri. j mate banking business ; excluding all dealI iug in stocks, and all commercial opera[ lions: I d A room JitiAn 4 % 4 a m*i i/.ri f tr aT f ho *. -* i<rt|Ui^iwwii 1IKM ? iiiiijdi ii v "I me whole number of the Board of Directors shall he necessary to transact the business of the Corporation. 5. Ample power to make the mo?t thorough examination into the condition and proceedings of the Bank, down to the accounts of iriiiidiviu'uaIs, by totally re moving from the Secretary of the Trensurv and committees of Congress the veil of secresy. And 0. By denouncing and punishing as ftdony the crime of embezzlement of the funds of the Bank when perpetrated I by any of its officers, agents, or servants. Concurring entirely in the sentiment expressed by the Secretary of the Treasury, that many wise and patriotic statesmen, wnose opinions are entitled to consi leration and respect, have questioned the power of Congress to establish a National Bank ; and that it is desirable, as fdr^aspossible, to obviateobjections and reicojicilfeopiniops, the commute* have at tentively and earnestly exammed the provision, incorporated in the diaught of the hill of the Secretary, in regard to the branching power of the Bank, and they would have been happy if they could have reconciled it to their sense of duty to a. dopt it. But, after the fullest consider*, tion, they have been unable to arrive at that result. It was not without some hesitation that the committee agreed to the location of the bank in the District of Columbia. This they did because they believed that the utility of the Bank did not much depend upo.i the place of its location as as upon the capital, faculties, and powers which should he given to it. But to isolate it in this District, without giving any other branching power than suchj as might derive fiorn the consent of particular States, would be to create an enormous District bank, devoid oi'effective na ionalcharacter. Such a bank would he a bank onlv of the District of Columbia. and its offices of discount and d p wite would be nothing more than banks of the 3 ates which might allow them to be planted within their respective limits, for all national purposes Congress might as well recharter one of the existing District banks, er/large jts capital, and give it authority to establish oflv tea of discount md depn^ite in any State that would per.' Wit it (o be done. The committee believe that the capita' of a bank so construed would never hi taken ; and that, if taken, the institution would be wholly unable to accomplish die great and salutary purposes for Which it is desired and should be designed. > But the question of establishing a ban' thin to be restricted and circumscribe involves higher and graver consideratin. than those of mere expediency. TV Joneral Government has or has not th >owcr to establish a National 2?ank. 1 it has the power, it derives from the ev isting grants in the Constitution of th United States. The committee believ it has the power, and ought to exercise iBut after a contest during the last ten ?? ' wtdve years in respect to the coustitutiof. al power of Congress, which has betv marked bv so much animation and bitterness, forbearance to exercise the pow. ?r would be a virtual surrender of the pow er. If a bank were to bo created,' whos:operations w ithin the limits of the States wore dependent no? upon the will of Congress, but upon the will of each State, separately announced, the creation of such a hank would add another to the list of disastrous experiments, and would be tantamount to a relinquishment of thenational power, and it could never be resumed. The power of the Federal Government is only to be found in the grants of the Constitution. If they are inadequate to the fu Iff! me nt of the great purposes of its establishment, they can only he increased in the mode of amendment which the instrument itself has prescribed. They cannot he augmented. They cannot be augmented by the grants or consent of any State or Slates should of the number ot two-thirds, whose concurrence is necessary to give validity 'oan amendment. A derivation of power the General Govern - .? - _ ment trom me consent ot particular rv.ai a would be unsound in principle, and the committee apprehend dangerous in practire. Admit such consent to he a logiti. mate source of power, to the Government would not operate equally, in all the States, an l the Constitution losing its uni orrn j character, would exhibit an irregular and incongruous action. Entertaining these deliberate views, the committee are decidedly of opinion that no hill for the establishment of a hank in the District of Columbia will be effectual which does not contain a clear recognilion of the constitutional power of Congress to estahlish branches wherever, in ; the United States, the public wants, in its I judgment, require them. They cannot ! consent that a hank, emanating from the I will of the nation, and imperatively doI minded by the necessities of the Governj ment and of the nation, shall he wholly i dependent for its useful operation upon 1 the will of each and every S^ate, distinctly expressed. Accordingly, in the draught of a hill now reported, the right is asserted to exen-ise the branching power of the bank independent of the assent of the States. T ie committee dare not allow themselves to believe that the bill is free from all defects, but thtsy do hope that these, in a spirit of liberality, will be corrected by the superior wisdom of the Senate and of the House, and that the present session will he signalized by the est ablishment of a national institution, which has become a desideratum to the general prosperity. j The advantages which will flow from \ such an institution, in both our domestic and foreign relations, are manifest and : incontestable. j It will give the People a sound correnj cy of uniform value throughout the Union, j which is just as necessary to the success, j ful operation of all branches of husines> I *- ivirp air or water is to the orcservation I .... - - - - , I of human life or health. ! It will revive and extend commercial i intercourse, which, for the want of a i common medium has been almost suspen ! led between dull-rent purtsofthe (Jnion. ' It will reduce domestic exchange from 1 the enormous premiums and discount* j row frequently paid to the moderate stanI dard growing out of the mere cost and inO ^ surancc on the risk of transporting specie from one to a nother part of the Union. It will, consequenlv, save hundreds of thousands of dollars now annually lost in * transactions of exchange. It will essentially benefit the manufacing interest by enabling it to realize sales and the proceeds of sabs. It will powerfully contribute to the resumption of specie payments by the banks, whose existing delinque ncy is the greatesl source of all prevailing pecuniary aad fi V x, . , . nancial embarrassment. I : will greatly lend to prevent and correct the excesses and abuses of the local banks. It will furnish a medium oommon to all parts of the Uniort for the payment of debts and dues to the Government: thus rendering duties and taxes uniform in fact as well as in nainei It is indispensable to the convenient and successful financial operations Of the Government in all the departments of collection, safe-keeping, aud disbursements of the public revenue. \ inch are some of the domestic benefits which the committee fully believe will be secured by a National Bank. Those which appertain to our foreign relations are also worthy of serious consideration. If it be true that money is power, its concentration under the direction of one will, sole or collective, must augment the power. ^ A nation, without such a con. centration of power, mainfainting extensive commercial intercourse with another nation possessing it must conduct that intercourse on a condition of inequality and disadvantage. National Banks, in other countries, beget the necessity, there, fore, ofa National Bank in this country, in like manner as a National Governments :n foreign nations must he met by a National Government in ours. Accordingly, we have seen the influ;nce exerted by the Bank of England ipon American interests, when those inieresbs were exposed to the action of that tank, and were left without the protec. on of a Bank of the United States. The mminittee do not wish to be understood < intending to express any approbation ?' the commercial operations in which 'ennsvlvania Bank, assuming the name f the Bank of the U nited States, engaged, 'ten that state of things arose. But they do mean to say that the in. -.rests and dignity o? the United States .cmand that they should not be exposed, yond the necessary and legitimate iniciice of monetary and commercial op* rations, to the action of a foreign bank g institution. They believe, that, l iihout a competent Bank of the United j.ates, foreign National Banks may and probably will exercise an undue and posably pernicious influence upon our inter, sts. In this view of the case, the question a, whether it is better that we should he ' ft liable to be materially affected by a foreign institution, in which we have no interest, over which we can exert no conMo!, which is administered solely in re. ference to foreign interests, or we shall have an American Rank, the creature of our will, subject to American authority, and animated by American interests, eel inn*. find svmnnthies ? - J The committee could not entertain a rlonht in such an alternative. And, in reference to the foreign aspect of the Bank, the committe thought it expedient to allow it to deal in foreign bills of ex* change, which are the barometer of the s.tate of our foreign trade. In conclusion, the committee think it proper to say that they have given due consideration to the various memorials re* .'erred to them, and to the instructions moved by a Senator from Mississippi. They subjoin that wherever, in this re* j port, the committee is mentioned, a majority of r^e committee is to he understood. | All which is respectfully submitted. ' House or Representatives.?June 16. Remarks of Mr. C. H. Williams, of ; Tennessee, upon Mr. Stuart's resolution. j Mr. Speaker: Intending, as I do, sir, to vote for the previous question, and, also. ) for the adoption of the resolution offered this morning by the gentlemen from Virginia. (Mr. Stuart ) I feal it to be due i to myseif to make a few general remarks | to this House explaini'.ig the reason for my determination. I I I am sir, a Southern man by birth, in ' " i ? . i a _'.ii _ i reeling, ana interest, uen to oouinern intorests by all the endearing relations of life that arecaculated to bind a man to his country. Withal, sir, I am one of those who believe that African slavery is neither a religious, moral nor political evil. Still, sir, I am frequently at a loss to tell where I am from?\orth, South. East, or West. The burning bursts of indignation, that occasionally display themselves in this House whenever the question of abolition petition is under con. sideration. are so different from my feelings, and apparently so uncalled for by the tme state of the question, that such a display of feeling presents the appearance to ine, sir, ofa "thunderstorm in a teapot." Too much importance, in my humble opinion, has ever been given to this question. There never has been a vote in mecongress of the United States involving the merits of the question; on the countra. ry, all the debating and resolutions touching this question have been upon a collateral or iinaterial issue. Wherefore, then or, I would ask, in the name of common sense, all this feeling? There are but si\ members in this House who would vote for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia ; consequently Southern interest is safe by a majority in this House ?f two hundred and thirty. Where, I would ask, is tho danger? Why, then, should those who represent the Southern interest **go off half cocked" and anticipate a state of things that may never happen ? Is it not time enough, in ail conscience, to meet this question when the dreadful alternative, if ever, shall be pre sented to the slavcholding States, that they must desolve this Union or submit to a gratuitous arid impertinent :nterineddling with their domestic institutions by ; their Northern brctheren ? Yes, Mr. Speaker, it will be time enough to defend the institutions of the South when they are in danger by the action of th's \ House. Congress has been in session two weeks and twotfaye debating abo'it ion petition*. On yesterday, i resolution adopting the rules of the last Congress of the United States, including the 2lst rule was rejected. The HousO also rejected a resolution adopting the rules of last Congress, excluding the 21st rule. It is a strange state of things, brought about, in my humble opinion, by a floating vote from the minority of this House, who vote both ways. What makes it still more strange, the gentleman from Pensylvania (ftf\ C. Bftowx) read to this House this morning a resolution upon the subject of abolition petitions, which he professes a willingness to have adopted, appealed to the Southern members not to sustain the previous question, and to permit him to step forward with his resolution and throw a protecting siiicld ov*r the in-tuitions of the South. Whrtn I take into consideration his course and hi" votes from the commencement of this question, I am bound to tell him that I do not want his friendship. It comes in such a questionable shape I wish to epeak to it. I arn constrained to view h.s proffered friend* ship and feeling for the S ?uth as a mere pre.( tenee and his resolution as an after thought brought in to rover the retreat of himself and a portion of hie friend>, and thereby escape the just ind gn-tfion of the country that ought to be meted (Hit to them fur their efnf'ing, changing course, upon the question of organization The Southern m-tnbers are called upon not to submit to the proposed compromise; nay, air, they are odd (not in ro many worts but in substance) by the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. PiCMns)'h.it ifthey give one inch of ground they betray the South. What > tl compromise t r posed by thegentleinen tfrom Virginia, (Mr. Stuart?) It certa;nly be within the recollection id the older members of this House that during the 25t'i Con grew, when the gentleman from Vermont (Mr. Slads) wan proving to the country tnat some uisi.iig ijrihed Virginians W"re ?up ?*ed to slavery i:i the abstract this House?l m-an the alaveholding portion of it?rushed down to the conimntee room for ihe diat ict of Columbia to diviso ways and mems'0 rescue the South from the impending danger There the entire South grave Senators and ail, met, and after a week's lab -r a resolution know as Patton's resolution was introduced and passed by a unanimity among the Souih-rn members never before equa led Permit me to say, sir, that Pattou's reswiutton was substantially the same as the one now under consideration, a compromiao not fo- a tim*. but for the entire congress while the resolution of my friend from Virginia ( Wr Stuart) s.mply proposed to postpone the settling of Ibis vexed and unpleasant question un id the ragulat session'which meets ic December. If we have th? power now to include the 2l?t rule, we will have the power in December. Can it be-possible, sir, that I can b?playing the traitor to iny coun'trv by conson- | ting fo this compromise? No. sir ; no. I am anxious that tin*-House elmuld proceed >u lie* business for w hich they were called toge'li^r by the 1 mrjeQ'pd Harr'gim. The honor an.; interest of my country <)*-r?iian?I it at n.y hain't I wish, sir, for Hie Congress of the United St ate* 10 conn* up to the just expectations ot the country by doing what is indispensably n*'" ceKsary to be done, ami g.? hnine. I am therefore in favor of the prevmu6q nMion. CflEflAW tiAZ?TT?. WEDNESDAY, Juxe 30. 1*41 I We copy, from the National I iit.il.i gencer, some remarks in the House of Representatives oil the IGihinst. by Mr. Williams of Tennessee, on the resolution of Mr. Stuart, designed to postpone till ncx\ session all discussion and action on the subject of abolition petitions. Without approving the resolution itself, we may he |>ermitted to say that we consider the chief part of Mr. Williams's remarkappropriate and worthy of commendation. Tne groundless apprehensions ana violent proceedings of many southern memlier.-. of Congress, and other politicians, on the subject of abolition movements at the North, have contributed a hundred fold more than any other cause to give impor. tance, not to say strength, to the t ompar atively small hand of ignorant and deluded fanatics who are'striving so zealousU to distract the country on the subject ofslavery. We do not mean that the subject is one which does not call for serio:i9 attention, ana for action too, on the part of the southern states ; but the extreme, uncaleri for and misdirected sensitiveness of many members of Congress, and others, tends only to lower our character abroad, and to excite prejudice ! against our cause. Our northern fellow ! citizens do not approve slavery. If they did they would introduce it among themselves. For this we have no right to complain of them or censure them. Nor ought we to complain of them for any decorous and temperate expression of opinion on the subject. If there are among them, ill-bred and pragma ic individuals wiio rail against us, our wisest and most manly course is not to notice them. Such railing and rollers are realj Iv too insignifi cant to excite even contempt. And as to any apprehension that the security or value of our slave property is likely to be alfectod by any interference of Congress, we have never seen / n ' | the shadow of rational ground for such j apprehension. In the first place, every [ man of common sense who knows any thing of the opinions, and feelings, and character of the southern people, knows hof ,g vrmn ns Congress should take a IIIO.V ...? ? j single step towards an infringement upon J our constitutional right to hold slaves without molestation, the whole South would instantly, as one man, unite in severing the bonds of union, and, as an independent nation, would proclaim and maintain their rights. No southern man of common sense can doubt this. In the j second place, all the declarations of memj hers of Congress, and of other leading staiesrnen, or influential individuals "throughout the non-slaveholding states, on this subject shew that there is no gen. eral or prevalent disposition anywhere in the country to interfere with the institu. I ? tion of slavery in the states. The subject has dernc d an adventitious importance^ from connecting, in Congress with tbcr' bright of petition." Tuis was an error v honestly committee by southern members* and in our humble opinion trie sooner they correct the error the better. Let no false fears of being charged with inconsistency ; nor fears that the abolitionists will raise a shoUt of triumph at having gained a victory, prevent. It will be no victory, but rather a death blow to abolitionists as such. They wi l say that it is a victory; so they did and sttHcontinue to repeat in all their speeches and more grave reports, that the decision in the case of the Amistad Africans was a victory ach* icved by their exertions. Bat what of thatT They may deceive a few ignorant women anJ children, and a few equally ignorant men already enlisted in their service ; but who cares for that ? It c. n neither add to their strength nor retard one hour their fall to the utter insignificance to ? which a wise and proper course on the part of southern members of Congress would at once let them fall, li was only the jKissionate excitement in C'ongrerf that ever gave them importance, or that **.. , now sustains them. Let petitions ^ subject ofj.iholitton', if respectful, be treat- .. . ed like perilioas 011 other subjects, and.. all excitement in regard to them will scon he at an end. The continuance of the excitement is the very aim of the aboiitionists and as long as they can effect thie aim they will certainly continue to pour t , in their petitions. But let it f?e seen by the action of Congress, that excitement haf ceased, and that not more than half a dox. members really favor their cause, (which is the case) and if they still continue to send in their petitions, they will only thereby render themselves more and more w ridiculous. ' We said that it is not from the action of Congress that we have cause to ap. preiiend injury to our slave property. It is from non-slaveholJing states permit* ting their citizens to harbor runaway slaves and aid them in escaping to places beyond the reach of their masters.? Societies are formed in the city of New York and perhaps other places fort ese purposes, who hold their meetings publicly and publish their proceedings in v their newspapers. We saw it stated late, ty among the proceedings of an abolition convention held in Ohio, that a number % of "men" and "young women" took pride in riding to the convention in a long ??lark wagon, which was kept for the pur. nose of aiding fugitive slaves in escaping to "Victoria's dominions." Wherein do djch association* differ from associations o receive and protect 'stolen good*? In; lolling .so tar as the relations of the -tales to each ot er aru concerned. The } constitution recognizes the institution of iaverv sod the obligation of all the states .vhere the fugitive slaves ar* found, to< ieliver them up. Is the toleralion of so. ' i - ?i* *|Ol!l';S lO a? 1 l.]?fr ami! uivnvcn? 'hem, compatible with good faith in the discharge t?i* tins obligation 1 Certainly ifot,a'iy more than it would he- compatible wah good faith in the discharge of otic r obligations recognized hy the con* stitution, to tolerate societies for concealing stray horses, stolen hogs, or stolen iroadcloth, from sister states. The abolitionists' out, whether true or false wc do not k ow, that in this way 6 i hey annually aid thousands of slaves in escaping to Canada. This is an aotuai,, lot an imtginary evil; and one which calls for a remedy. Although the border statcsnre the ones immediately and chiefly interested, the others are hound to>make common cause with tnem in maintaining their rights. 1 J" The plan of a fiscal Bank* reported by Mr. Clay to the Senate, from the select committee on the currency, will he found in the preceiing columns. It agrees >u!)stantiallv, on most points with that of' the S -cretary of the Treasury. There is, however, one very imj>ortant point on which we are glad to see it differ. Instead of making it depend upon the consent of individual states whether a branch of the bank may be located within their borders, as is the case in Mr. Ewing.-a t il J * I *A plan, that ot i*ir. v^iny, ana me carnmii*tee over which he presides, contemplates the establishment of branches wherever within the limits of the United States it* j may be deemed necessary. No one doubts that the power of the Government j to collect *1 (I disburse revenue within tha states involves the power of also estab. fishing such agencies within them as may l>e necessary to i hat end. If branches of" a Fiscal Bank are such agencies then ha* Congress an unquestionable right to pro. vide for the establishment of such branches wherever they may be deemetj nc* cessary to the fiscal operations of tho Government; and that not only without the consent ol the states within which they are to lie located, hut against their will. The individual states, hv adootinir .j , J I O H the constitution, gave up their separate wills in such cases, and submitted to the will of the union or common government which they established for the common goo!. The govcr unent cannot he depend* ent upon a st ito for a constitutional agent ot any hi: d any where within the circle of its jurisdiction. It wag established with powers competent to the functions of * government. To ask the consent of the htafes to place within their borders instt* tutions admitted to be necessary to the | collection, -nfr keeping and proper dis* | bursement of the public revenue, would * not, in our eatimation be more out of tbu