Farmers' gazette, and Cheraw advertiser. (Cheraw, S.C.) 1839-1843, June 30, 1841, Page 126, Image 2
g- ?
those routes. A single illustration will
establish this assertion.
Boston is one of the most important
points of railroad concentration in the
Union. Its business prosperity is proverbial;
and yet in that city the quarter
ending 31st March last shows, as compared
with the corresponding quarter of
tiie year before, a decrease in postage re- j
cerpta of three thousand one hundred and ;
ninety.jftt dollars?l?eing double the j
m?uru of dwnintuiiHi to be found, within the
auie time, in any other post office in the natiou,
with the single exception of Philadelphia,
which is another great terminus of railroad
coimnunic tion.
These facts are presented in no spirit of j
unkindness towards fiio-e in vmusmfn:
these inc<>r|M)i atjoas are m'rusted, but
thai I have considered if due to our whole
peop'e to refer to this subject as one winch
will pre long ea I for national and State legislation
unless a corrective be sooner applied by
puulic o ?niun.
A cons derable saving will be found in the
curudim nt of service generally, directed by
my immediate predecessor, in Inn ting the
transports ion ot the mai a to six trps a week |
U[K? most of the routes throughout the nation. |
The ouibarr owed condition of the finances of!
the [)e|tf rtmeut, ?f >t was to rem on unaided j
^by GnVernmeir clearly indicated the prop i.
etv of some reduc'ion <t( servo-e, and the religious
sense of trie community wlk certainly
approve the feehng that seeds I tie Sabbarfi
as the day on which that service should not
be performed. Vet it cannot be denied that j
this ojder has borne heavily upon contractors, i
and in many instances causes great derangemoid
in the transportation of the mti s.
Whilst in some sections of our country this j
alteration has not only received a che? rfuJ |
acquiescence, bin is warmly approved, there
has been great gpneral chmpbiint of its operation.
and daily appeals for the old facilities are
pressed upon the Department. Without enterirg
np??n this subject at large, it is sufficient
for hiy present porjiose to state tha', as this
order purport to have been given to reduce ;
the exi*?nse? of the Department, and to aid in '
bringingihem within lis receipts, a return t?j
the former service, at this time, might wej'i bo
considered as a declaration of my rouhdetre
in its ability to sustain the expenditure neces
fary for such restoration. I have therefore I
felt it imperative upon me to adhere to this
order of curtadnien'.
The budding now being erected for the j
General Poe? Offi.e is so tar advanced as to 1
g ve asrurai ce that if can be ?*onipJe?ed be. >
bra the session of Congress m December.
This is much to he de&ired, not only for the J
coa' enicn< e of the transaction of business, j1
but that the public property inay t>e Kepi in |
secerity. Such means as are within my pow. J ]
er are couiinuaPy employed to project ilio.M
present buildu p from tire, bu: in it? exposed ) (
condition the danger of destruction *o the i
books and paper* of the office is a souice of
constant anxiety
All which is respectfully submitted.
FRANCIS Ga%.VGER.
To the President of the United States. 1
(The document* accnmpauving this report 1
are necesaar.ly omitted here lor want ofli
room] i,
proposed b vnk of tre uni1 ed state*.
The following is t e report of lb? fchlect '
C?mm ttee of t he Senate on the Currency,;,
&<v ofwnich Mr. CUy, of Kentucky it Chair.,
man, as read by him n the Senaie yesterday: ;,
The committee to which was referred so,
much of tho President'? d/efaage as plate*!
to a uniform currency, and a su.table fiscal 1
agent'capable ?f adding increased facilities!
in he collection, and disbursement, and secure ! (
ty of the public revenue, have had the same
1 ??rwi limt liol'ii 1(1 rp riirt ' !
UIHKT CIIWUtTO' i>Mif ?mi (
Tin?, after the most attentive an?l anxious '
consideration if tlic slate o tlie currency, '
and the finances of the Government, in all
their interevinj and important bearings, the j 1
committee have arrived at the the same con. 1 j
elusion with the ?Se reUry of the Treasury, j
that a sound and just policy requires the es- (
tablistriient of a Bank of the United iStatrs J
with as little delay as prac'icab'e.
The commitiee have neither time nor
inclination to enter into a discussion of 1
the question of the power of Congress, tin* 1
dcr the Constitution of the United States 1
to cstahli>h a National Bank. After all '
that has been said and written on that 1
question during the long period of half
a century, nothing remains to he added
that would be likely to shed much new
light upon it. It ought, in the opinion
of the committee, to be regarded as a set.
tied question?settled by the approbation
m.?<rment of the Pt-oole. bv the au-1
thorny of the Legislature. by the sanction
of the Executive Department of the Gov.
ernment, ami by the solemn adjudications
of :he Judiciary. If it be not regarded j
as a decided question, when, in thecollis. j
ions and conflicts among men, nrising j
out of diversity of opinion and judgment, |
is a controverted matter to be considered
us terminated and quieted ?
Nor do trie committee deem it nccesary
to discuss the quesrion of the exped.
iencv of establishing such an institution
as a Hank of the United S ates, Q.t
this there is even lass contrariety of opinion
than on the former question. On
both, it is the deliberate conviction of the
committee that a vast majority of the
People of the United States concur ; and
that they are now looking wiih anxious
solicitude, to the deliberations of Congress,
under the confident hope that a
Hank of the United States will be estab
Jished at the present extraordinary session
of Congress.
Passing bv, therefore, those two queslions
as being unnecessary to be further*
argued.end assuming what the committee
-verily believe that a National Bank is indispensably
necessary, they will proceed,
at once, to the particular form. powiT3,
and faculties with which it mny bo expedient
to invest such an institution. And
here the committee have no hesitation in
sa\ing th*t. confiding in the experience
of forty years during which the nation
has enjoyed the benefit of a National
Bank, ,an?1 during the greater part of
tvhieb it has realized eve/y reasonable
hope and expiation in Ihe operations of
^urt an institution, they<eaipe to the conrlivsu
a ihat it would be wisest to .dismiss
nU jex^eiifaents.and toolingtoexpewonce
and o?sim?e tbe last charter granted by
Congress as the basis of a new bank ;?n.
grafting upon it such restrictions, guara^
tie*, amendments, and conditions, as have
been found necessary by actual experi. t
ence. ? i
The Secretary of the Treasury came h
to a similar conclusion ; and in his report, b
and the draught of a bill which nccom- v
panics it, he has taken as lus model the r
charter granted by Congress in 1816, il
On that he has suggested a great many t
valuable improvements, most of which t
the committee have incorporated in the
draught of a hill which they now report t
to the Senate. On this draught they t
wish to offer to the Senate s >rne brief ex- 1
plaoatims and observations, t
The committee h.?vi adopte 1 Washing- jj
ton city, proposed by the S ;cietary of the a
Treasury, as the place of location of the v
principal bank. They believe the place li
of its location is a subordinate question ; a
but there are m inv advantages from the n
proximity of the Bank to the Government, u
The distribution of the capital of the n
Bank among the several commercial citi
es, in proportion to their respective wants a
and magnitude, is what they naturally a
desire, and what will doubtless he done, v
But to guard against the exercise of any :
unworthy transactions, the committee
have thought it expedient to deprive the i
paren! Bank of all power to make any djs- a
counts or loans whatever, except loan* t
to Government, authorized by express a
law. In order to ensure the command of i
the best financial abilities of the country, ti
the bill provides that the Directors of tbe
Parent Board, which is to consist of nine <
members, shall he paid for their services t
by the Corporation, and all compensation i
to the Di cctors, in the usual form of hank i
accommodations, is utterly prohibited. i
Thus, the Directors of the Bink at
Washington will become a Board of Com. f
trol, superinteviding the branches, supply- i
ing them with a c irrency, and banking t
exclusively through the agency of-their
offices of discount and deposite.
Tne capita! ef the Bank, proposed by i
the Secretary, is retained ; but a power t
is reserved to Congress to augment by I
the addition of twenty millions, making i
the aggregite amount ultimately fiftv ;
millions ??f dollars, if that should be found '
to be necessary. a
To guard against undue expansion of u
the currency bv the operations of the t
Bank, various restrictions and securities h
tre introduced, t
1. The dividends are limited to sevm c
ler cent, per annum ; and. after ncrum t- v
a1 inga reserved fundof two millions of j
lollars, to cover losses and contingencies, s
the excess beyond that seven per cent, is *
to be paid into the public Treasury. And. t
whatever excess remains at the end of the i
charter, beyond the reimbursement to the t
stockholders of the capifa! stock, is also .s
to be pni I into ths Treasury If the div.
lends fall below seven per cent, during i
inv year of the charter, th? deficiency is (
to be made good out of the surpluses pre- t
riouslv paid into the Treasury. The
pffuctof this provision is, to make a per- i
tn.inent and invariable seven per cent. s
'jank slock, assuming that the administra- c
lion of ?he Bank is conducted with integ- a
itv and ability. a
2. The debts due *o the Bink are re- <
juired not to exceed the amount of the s
apital stork actually paid in, and 75 per <1
ent. thereon, which iaa greater rcstric. n
ion than usual. v
The total amount of debts which the c
fonk is a ithorized to contract, over an I ti
ibove the depositee, is not to exceed twen-, ti
v.five millions of dollars, which is also a v
greater restriction than was placed upon a
he late Hank of the United States. c
3. The publicity which is required of ii
he general condition of the Rank, and
he full and complete exposure to com- t
nittees of Congress. and to the Secretary n
>f the Treasury, which is amplv secured, t
^f nil the books and transactions of the v
Bank,.including piivate accounts. t
4. The prohibition of the renewal of jj
inv loan ; thus putting an end (o all mere t
iccommodation paper, as far as practiea. j j
hie. and confining the Bank to fair busi. J c
ness transactions. Iv
And 5. Tho Rank is prohibited from I r
inuking any further discounts or loans j i
wn<*never HS noies in r--ir<:ui;iiifiii c\i;cdu i ithree
times the amount of specie in its t
vaults. c
To protect tho community and the
stockholders against mismanagement of i
the Rank, several provisions have been <
inserted, which it is hoped mav be effVctu- i
al.
1. No paid officer of the Rank is tore- I
reive loans or accommodations in any I
form whatever. ?
2. Securities are provided against a. i
husivc use of proxies such as that no ofii I
cer of the Rank e?n be a proxy ; no proxy I
ran give more thin 313 votes ; no proxy i
to be good which is of longer standing <
than ninety day?, &c ,
3. A prohibition against the Copora. \ i
lion's transacting any other' than legiti. j i
mate banking business ; excluding all deal. : i
irrg in stocks, and all commercial opera. |
lions: ' <
* 4 liaf a mwiAFtftr f\C tfio I \
t, .1 I r-ljuiflliwn Mini n Iiiij-IMII >( Mlv
whole number of the Board of Director* |
shall be necessary to transact the busi. i
ncss of the Corporation. <
5. Ample power to make the moit
thorough examination into the condition i
and proceedings of the Bank, down to the <
accounts of indidiviiiuaIs, bv totally re ?
moving from the Secretary of the Treas.
urv and committees of Congress the veil I
of secresy. i
And G. By denouncing and punishing <
pis felony the crime of embezzlement ofj:
the funds of the Bank when perpetrated
by any of its officers, agent3, or servants.
Concurring entirely in the sentiment i
c?
expressed by the Secretary of the Troa- i
sui v, that many wise and patriotic statesmen,
whose opinions are entitled to con- i
sideration and respect, have questioned j
the power of Congress to establish a National
Bank; and that it is desirable, as i
fdr^as possible, to obviate objections and recoucile
opiqwis, the CQumijltt:* have at- 1
entively and earnestly examined the pro- ns
-ision, incorporated in the draught of the
iill of the Secretary, in regard to the re
ranching power of the Bank, and they hn
muld have heen happy if they could have
econciied it to their sense ofduty to a. pa
opt it. But, after the fullest considers. de
ion, they have been unable to arrive at re
hat result. as
It was not without some hesitation that
he committee agreed to the location of an
he bank in the District of Columbia. (1
Hiis they did because they believed that lei
he utility of the Bank did not much de. of
end upo.i the place of its location as
is upon the capital, facilities, and powers w!
vhich should he given to it. But to iao- se
ate it in this District, without giving wl
inv other branching power than suchj as ar
night derive from the consent of partic*
ilar States, would be to create an cnor. cr
nous District hank, devoid of effective na- wi
lonalcharacter. S ich a bank would he pc
i bank only of the District of Columbia, ce
md its offices of discount and d pwite si
vould be nothing more than banks of the n<
? !i'?9 urhmh miirkt atlnur fhf.rrt U/? i
lanted within their respective limits. a>
' or all national purposes Congress might ol
is well recharter one of the existing Dis- fc
riot banks, enlarge its capital, and give it in
luthority to establish offi oes of discount :i
ind dcpqVite in any State that would per. ti
' it it. to be done.
The committee believe that the capita* !i
)f a bank soconsti ut<;d would never bi i]
,aken ; and that, if taken, the institution .
vould be wholly unable to accomplish I
.he great and salutary purposes for which
t is desired and should be designed.
But the question of establishing a ban'
bus to be restricted and circumscribe
nvolves higher and graver consideratio
ban thoso of mere expediency. TV
ioneral Government has or has not tri
>owcr to establish a National B&nk. !
t has the power, it derives from the e*
sting grants in the Constitution ot tr?
ITriited States. The committee heliev
t has the power, and ought to exercise ?
luf after a contest during the last ten ?<
waive years in respect to the coustitutioi.
d power of Congress, wh:oh has bet" ?
narked bv so much animation and bit i
ernes*, forbearance to exerciso the pow. u
r would be a virtual surrender of the pow -i
r. If a bank wore to bo created," who*:iperations
within the limits of the States
rero dependent not upon the will of Con;ress,
but upon the wdl of each State, k
oparately announced, the creation ot A
uch a hank would add another to the list if
>f disastrous experiments, and would be ?i
anfamount to a relinquishment of thena- fi
ional power, and it could never be re- h
umed. o
The power of the Federal Government a
s only to be found in the grants of the ii
Constitution. If they are inadequate to
he fulfilment of the great purposes of its d
istablishment, they can only be increased r<
n the mode of amendment which the in- E
(trument itself has prescribed. They t<
unnot be augmented. They cannot be c
lugmenteu by the grants or consent of si
my Slate or Slates should of the number
>t two-thirds, whose concurrence is ncces- p
ary to give validity 'oan amendment. A c
lerivntion of power the General Govern- ft
aeiit from the consent of particular Srat s n
rould Imj unsound in principle, and the
oimnittoe apprehend dangerous in pine- p
ice. Admit such consent to ho a legiti- j j<
ante source of power, to the Government j
roiild not operate equally, in all the States, |
nd the Constitution losing its uni orm I
Imraetcr, would exhibit an irregular aod
ncongrnous action.
Entertaining these deliberate views.; 1
fie committee are decidedly ofophiou that I
10 hill for the establishment of a hank in v
he District of Columbia will be effectual j f
vhicli does not contain a clear recogni- , ti
ion of the constitutional power of Con- P
[ress to establish branches wherever, in i ti
he United Slates, the public wants, in its ! t'
udgmcai1., require them. They cannot n
onsent that a bank, emanating from the
vili of tho nation, and imperatively do- f
nanded by the necessities of the Governnent
arid of the nation, shall he wholly h
leoendent for its useful operation upon h
he will of each and every S^ate, distinctly t
5 x pressed. r
Accordingly, in the draught of a bill ?
mw reported, the right is asserted to ex. *
jrcise the branching power of the bank f
independent of the assent of the States. 11
Fne committee dare not allow themselves *
:o believe that the bill is free from all de- 1
"ects, hut they do hope that these, in a f
spirit of liberality, will be corrected bv the 1
superior wisdom of the Senate and of the *
House, and that the present session will ^
it? signalized by the establishment of a f
national institution, which has become a '
iosideratutn to the goneral prosperity. 0
The advantages which will flow from *1
inch an institution, in both our domestic !
md foreign relations, are manifest and 1
I MVt
It will give the People a sound rorren- 1
:y of uniform value throughout the Union, r
which is just as necessary to the success. *
ful operation of all branches of business s
is pure air or water is to the preservation '
jf human life or health. f
It will revive and extend commercial r
intercourse, which, for the want of a
3oin;non medium has been almost suspen ,1
Jed between different parts of the Union.
It will reduce domestic exchange from '
the enormous premiums and discounts '
now frequently paid to the moderate stan- r
dard growing out of the mere cost and in- T
surance on the risk of transporting specie d
from one to another part of the Union.
It will, conseq-.ienlv, save hundreds of *
thousands of dollars now annually lost in '
transactions of exchange. 1
It will essentially benefit the manufac- c
ing interest by enabling it to realize sales 1
and the proceeds of sales.
It will powerfully contribute to the re. '
sumption of specie payments by the hanks, *
whose existing delinquency is the greatest '
source of all prevailing pecuniary aad fi- 1
tncial embarrassments. p
it will greatly tend to prevent and cor- ti
ct the excesses hod abuses of the local I
inks. - a
It will furnish a medium common to all a
rts of the Uniort for the payment of g
ibts and dues to the Government: thus s
ndering duties and taxes uniform in fact n
welt as in name* ? f
It is indispensable to the convenient b
id successful financial operations of the s
overnment in all the departments of col. (
utiort, safe*keeping, aud disbursements n
the public revenue. \ a
Such are some of the domestic benefits v
hich the committee fully believe will be ti
cured by a National Bank. Those p
tiich appertain to our foreign relations *
e also worthy of serious consideration. P
If it be true that money is power, ita ^
mcentration under the direction of one c
ill, sole or collective, must augment the <j
iwer. A nation, without such a con. a
mtration of power, mainfainting exten- a
v? commercial intercourse with another *
ition possessing it must conduct that 1
iterrourso on a condition of inequality
nd disadvantage. National Banks, in t
her countries, beget the necessity, there- t
ire, ofa National Bank in this country, t
i like manner as a National Governments a
i foreign nations must he met by a Na- )
onal Government in ours.
Accordingly, we have seen the influ- J
ice exerted by the Bank of England
imn American interests, when those in* *
:rests were exposed to the action of that
ank, and were left without the protec*
on of a Bank of the United Statue. The
rimmittee do not wish to be understood
? intending to express any approbation
i* the commercial operations in which
ennsvlvania Bank, assuming the name
f the Bank of the United States, engaged,
:ien that state of things nrose.
But they do mean to say that the in*
Tests and dignity o? the United States
umand that they should not be exposed,
yond the necessary and legitimate in
leuce of monetary and commercial op*
rations, to the action of a foreign hank*
*g institution. They believe, that,
iihout a competent Bank of the United
rates, foreign National Banks may and
robahly will exercise an undue and p^s*
bly pernicious influence upon our inter*
<ts.
In this view of the case, the question
i, whether it is better that we should be
ft liable to be materially affected by a
ireign institution, in which we have no
iteresi, over which we can exert noconrol,
which is administered solely in re*
;rence to foreign interests, or we shall
ave an American Bank, the creature of
ur will, subject to American authority,
nd animated by American interests, feel
rigs, and sympathies ?
The committee could not entertain a
ouht in such an alternative. And, in
sference to the foreign aspect of the
ank, the cominitte thought it expedient
5 allow it to deal in foreign bills of ex*
liange, which are the barometer of the
late of our foreign trade.
In conclusion, the committee think it
roper to say f hat they have given due
onsideration to the various memorials re*
jrred to them, and to the instructions
loved by a Senator from Mississippi.
They subjoin that wherever, in this re*
ort. the committee is mentioned, a ina*
iritv of tj^e committee is to be understood.
All which is respectfully submitted.
lousb or representatives.?jum 16.
Remarks of Mr, C. H. Williams, of
Tennessee, upon Mr, Stuart s resolution.
Mr. Speaker: Intending, as I do, sir, to
ote for the previous question, and, also,
or the adoption of the resolution offered
his morning bv the gentlemen from Vir*
inia. (Mr. Stuart ) I feal it to be due
r> mvseifto make a few general remarks
o this House explaining the reason for
?v determination. i
( am sir, a Southern man by birth, in
eeling, and interest, tied to Southern in*
crests by ail the endearing relations of
ifo that are cacelated to bind a man to
lis country. Withal, sir, I am one of
hose who believe that African slavery is
leithcr a religious, moral nor political
vit. Still, sir. I am frequently at a loss
o toll where I am from?North, South.
Sast, or West. The burning bursts of
ndignntion. that occasionally display
homselves in this House whenever the
uestion of abolition petition is under con.
ideration. are ho different from my facings,
and apparently so uncalled for by
he true state of the question, that such a
lisplay of feeling presents the appearance
o ine, sir, of a "thunderstorm in a teapot."
roo much importance, in my humble
ipininn, has ever been given to this
|uestion. Thcrs never has been a vote in
necongress of the United States involving
he merits of the question; on the countra.
y, all the debating and resolutions touch,
ng this question have been upon a colla
era! or iinateroil issue, wneretore, men
ir, I would ask, in the name of common
ense, all this feeling? There are hut six
nefiibers in this House who would vofej
br the abolition of slavery in the District I
>f Columbia ; consequently Southern inerest
is safe by a majority in this House
if two hundred and thirty. Where. I
vould ask, is the danger? Why, then,
hould those who represent the Southern
nterest 4,gooff half cocked" and antiei.
>ate a state of things that may never hap.
>cn ? Is it not time enough, in ail con.
icience, to meet this question when the
Ireadful alternative, ifever, shall be prelented
to the slavchnlding States, that
hey must desolve this Union or submit
o a gratuitous and impertinent :nterined
lling with their domestic institutions by |
heir Northern bretheren T Yes, Mr. !
speaker, it will be time enough to deend
the institutions of the South when
hey are in danger by the action of th?s
[louse. Congress has been jn session
wo weeks and t?ro<daye debating abo'it ion
etition*. On yesterday* A re-solution adrtp- t
ing the rules of the fait Congress of the h
Jutted States, includirtg the 2lst rale j
rss rejected. The House also rejected ?
resolution adopting the rules of last Con- h
ress, excluding the 21st rule. It is a a
trange state of things, brought about* in ..
ly humble opinion, by a flouting vote f
rom the minority of this House, who vote
nth ways. What makes it still more l<
trange, the gentleman from Pensylvania v
ftt\ C. Bftowx) read to this House this 8
doming a resolution upon the subject of v
hplition petitions, which he professes a 1
rillingness to have adopted, appealed to >
he Southern members not to sustain the t
revious question, artd to permit him to p
tep forward wi:h his resolution and 'brow a c
rotecunjf suioM over the in ?t iui ions of the j
South. Wheal take into consideration his r
ourxe and hi- votes from the coinme.icement
>f this question, I am bound 10 fell him that I '
lo not want his friendship. It comes in such i
i questionable shape I w,sh to speak to it. I }
irn constrained to view h:a proffered friend* ^
hip and feelin? for the S >Uth as a mere preence
and his resolution as an after thought
irought in to cover the retreat of him-elf and \
- - ? *1 1 .
i portion of inn tnerxi.-, ana inereuy wt?|iD j
he just indgnvfion of the country that ought }
o be mehfl out to th*m for their sfuf'ing,
hinging course, upon tV question of organination
The Southern members are called 1
ipon not to submit to the prop-sed curnprom- t
nay, air, they are told (not in to many h
vorde but in eubitanc**) by th?? gentleman
r.?in South Carolina (Mr. Pickens)'hit if ih?*y '
rive one inch of ground limy betray the 1
South. I
What >s t' e eomnrnmiae r posed by tliegen- ,
tleinen #from Virginia, (Mr. Stuart?) h
certamly be within t.'ip recollection of ih? older
members of this House that during the "i5t'i [
Congress, when the gentleman from Vermont I
[Mr. Slade) was proving to the country tnat j
wme uisi.iig lirihed Virginians wtc nop >?ed (
to slavery in the abstract this House?I maan
the elaveholding por'ion of it?rushed down to
the commutee romn for I he dist ict of Columbia
'odirisc ways and menis'o rescue the i
South from the impending danger There
the entire Sou*h grave Senators and all, met.
and after a week's lab t a resolution know as
Pat tori's resolution was introduced and passed
by a unanimity among the Southern members 1
never before equa led Permit me to say, sir,
that Pattou's resolution was substantially the
same as the one now under consideration,
a compromiso not to' a tim\ but for
the entire congress while the resolution ot
my friend from Virginia ( Mr Stuart) sutiply
proposed To postpone tile settling oflhis vexed
and unpleasant question un id the ragularseslion*
which meets ii: December.
if we have thi power now to include the
2i>t rule, we will have the power in Degenib*r.
Can it be .possible, sir, that I can be
pi lying the traitor to iny country by consenting
to this compromise! No. sir ; no. 1 am
anxious that tine house shield proceed U) tie*
business for w htch they were called toge'her
by the hmeq'ed Harrison. Tiie honor am!
interest of my country demand it at my iiaudg
I wish, sir, for the Congress of the United
Stales io come up to the just expectation* ot
the country by doing what is indispensably n,>eessary
to be done, and go home. I am
therefore in favor of the prevmusq iet ion.
CJIERAW ttAZJETTE.
WEDNESDAY, Jvsf. 30. 1?41
We copy* from the National laieii,.
gencer, some remarks in the House o!
Representatives on the I6J1 inst. I?y Mr.
Wiliiains of Tennessee, on the resolution
of Mr. Stuart, designed to postpone tili
next session all discussion and action on
the subject of abolition petitions. Without
approving the resolution itself, we
may lie jiermitted to say that we consider
the chief part of Mr. Williams's remark.'
appropriate and worthy of commendation.
Tne groundless apprehensions ano violent
proceedings of many southern memlier.',
of Congress, and other politicians, on the
subject of abolition movements at the
North, have contributed a hundred fold
more than any other cause to give impor.
tance, not to say strength, to the compar
atiwdy small band of ignorant and deluded
fanatics who are'striving so zealous.
I\ to distract the country on the subject
of slavery. We do not mean that the
subject is one which does not call for
serious attention, anc for action too, on
the part of the southern states ; but the
extreme, uncalled for and misdirected sen.
sitiveness of many members of Congress,
and others, tends only to lower our char
acter abroad, and to excite prejudice
against our cause. Our northern fellow
citizens do not approve slavery. If they
did they would introduce it among thein.
Helves. For this we have no right, to
complain of them or censure them. Nor
ought we to complain of them for any
decorous and temperate expression of
opinion on the subject. If there are
among them, ill-bred and pragma ic individuals
wiio rail against us, our wisest
and most manly course is not to notice
them. Such railing and rnilers are really
too insignifi cant to excite even cootempt.
And as to any apprehension that
the security or value of our slave property
is likely to be affected by any interference
of Congress, we have never seen
the shadow of rational ground for such
annrchension. In the first place, every
"II
man of common sense who knows any
thing of the opinions, and feelings, and
character of the southern j>eople, knows
that as soon as Congress should take a
single step towards an infringement upon
our constitutional right to hold slaves
without molestation, the whole South
would instantly, as one man, unite in severing
the bonds of union, and, as an independent
nation, would proclaim and
maintain their rights. No southern man
of common sense can doubt this. In the
second place, all the declarations of members
of Congress, and of other leading
statesmen, or influential individual*
'throughout the non-slaveholding states,
on this subjectshew that there is no gen.
eral or prevalent disposition anywhere in
the country to interfere with the institu
I ?
ion of slavery in the states. The subject
as dented an adventitious importance
:*rom connecting, in Congress with the ^jd
right of petition." Tnis was an error e
onestly committee by southern m ^rnbers,
nd in our humble opinion the sooner
hey correct the error the better. Let no
ilsc fears of being charged with inconsissncy;
nor fears that the abolitionists
rill raise a shout of triumph at having
;ained a victory, prevent. It will be no
ictory, but rather a death blow to aboitionists
as such. They wi'l say that it
s a victory; so they did and stilfrcontinufr
o repeat in all their speeches and more
[rave reports, that the decision in the caae
if the Amistad Africans was a victory acH*
eved by their exertions. But what of thatf
rhey may deceive a few ignorant women
in J children, and a few equally ignorant
nen already enlisted in their service ; but
vho cares for that 1 It e n neither add
o their strength nor retard one hour
- :c
heir tan 10 me utter lnsigmuvnucc m
vhich a wise and prtiper course on th*
>art of southern members of Congress
vould at once let them fall, li was only
he jmssionate excitement in Congress
hat ever gave them importance, or that i
tow sustains (hem. L?t petitions on,th* ,.,
lubiect of,abolition, if resiectfuf, be treat*- <.
id like petitions on other subjects, and., t
ill excitement in regard to them will scon
lie at an end. The continuance of the
excitement is the very aim of the abolitionists
and as long as they can effect this
aim they will certainly continue to pour __ ,
in their petitions. But let it be seen hy the
action of Congress, that excitement haf
ceased, and that not more than half ados,
members really favor their cause, (which
is the cast ) and if they still continue to
send in their petitions, they will only
thereby render themselves more and more . w
ridiculous. ' .
We said that it is not from the action
of Congress that we have cause to apprehend
injury to our slave property;
it is from non-slsveholJing states permit*
ting their citizens to harbor runaway
slaves and aid them in escaping to places
beyond the reach of their master*.?
Societies are formed in the city of New
York and perhaps other places fort ese
purposes, who hold their meetings publicly
and publish their proceedings ia *
their newspapers. Wcsaw it stated lately
among the proceedings of an abolition
convention held in Ohm, that a number* %
of "men" and "young women" took pridein
riding to the convention in a long*
nlark wagon, which was kept for the purpose
of aiding fugitive slaves in escaping
to "Victoria's dominions." Wherein dooich
association* dilftr from associations
ft A
o receivn and protect' stolen goodsf in
totliing .so tar as the relations of the
'tales to each ot er aru concerned. The
r*o;istitution recognize* the institution of
lavcry and the obligation of all the slates
vhere the fugitive slaves are found, to
ieliver them up. Is the tolentfioii of so.
duties to a; I i:i"ir escape and! conceal1
'hem, compatible with good faith in the
discharge of this obligation ? Certainty
not, any more than it would he compati*.
ble wah good faith in the discharge of
oth'-r obligations recognized by the con.
stitution, to tolerate societies for conceal,
ing stray horses, stolen hogs, or stolen
iroadcloth, from sister states.
The abolitionists' oi*t, whether true
or fake wc do not k ow, that in this way m
.hey annually aid thousands of slaves in
escaping to Canada. This is an actual,,
lot an im tginary evil; and one whjch
calls for a remedy. Although the border
statesnre the ones immediately and chiefly
interested, the others are bound to>makc
common cause with them in maintaining
their rights.
' ' J
The plan of a fiscal Bank" reported by
Mr. Clay to the Sjnnte, from the select
committee on the currency, will he found
in the preceiing colum.is. It agree*
substantially, on most points with that of
theS'cretary of the Treasury. There
is, however, one very important point on.
which we are glad to see it differ. Instead
of making it depend upon the consent of
individual states whether a branch of
the hank may be located within their
borders, as is the case in Mr. Ewing-a
plan, that of Mr. Clay, and the commit*,
tee over which he presides, contemplates
the establishment of branches wherever
within the limits of the United States it*
| may be deemed ntcessnry. No one
doubts that the power of the Government
to collect a I'd disburse revenue within thn
states involves the power of also estab*
fishing such agencies within them as may
he necessary to that end. If branches of
a Fiscal Bank are such agencies then ha*
Congrossnn unquestionable right to provide
for the establishment of such branches
wherever they may be deemed ne*
cessary to the fiscal operations of tho
Government; and that not only withrut
the consent ol the states within which
thev are to lie located,, hut against their
J w
will. The individual states, by adopting g|
the constitution, gave up their separate
wills in such cases, and submitted to the
will of the union or common government
which they established for the common
goo!. The govrr irnent cannot he dependent
upon a state for a constitutional agent
ot any kii d any where within the circle of
its jurisdiction. It was established with
powers competent to the functions of a
government. To ask the consent of the
htafes to place within their borders institutions
admitted to he necessary to the
collection, safe keeping and proper disbursement
of the public revenue, would
not, in our estimation be more out of the
\