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g- ? those routes. A single illustration will establish this assertion. Boston is one of the most important points of railroad concentration in the Union. Its business prosperity is proverbial; and yet in that city the quarter ending 31st March last shows, as compared with the corresponding quarter of tiie year before, a decrease in postage re- j cerpta of three thousand one hundred and ; ninety.jftt dollars?l?eing double the j m?uru of dwnintuiiHi to be found, within the auie time, in any other post office in the natiou, with the single exception of Philadelphia, which is another great terminus of railroad coimnunic tion. These facts are presented in no spirit of j unkindness towards fiio-e in vmusmfn: these inc<>r|M)i atjoas are m'rusted, but thai I have considered if due to our whole peop'e to refer to this subject as one winch will pre long ea I for national and State legislation unless a corrective be sooner applied by puulic o ?niun. A cons derable saving will be found in the curudim nt of service generally, directed by my immediate predecessor, in Inn ting the transports ion ot the mai a to six trps a week | U[K? most of the routes throughout the nation. | The ouibarr owed condition of the finances of! the [)e|tf rtmeut, ?f >t was to rem on unaided j ^by GnVernmeir clearly indicated the prop i. etv of some reduc'ion <t( servo-e, and the religious sense of trie community wlk certainly approve the feehng that seeds I tie Sabbarfi as the day on which that service should not be performed. Vet it cannot be denied that j this ojder has borne heavily upon contractors, i and in many instances causes great derangemoid in the transportation of the mti s. Whilst in some sections of our country this j alteration has not only received a che? rfuJ | acquiescence, bin is warmly approved, there has been great gpneral chmpbiint of its operation. and daily appeals for the old facilities are pressed upon the Department. Without enterirg np??n this subject at large, it is sufficient for hiy present porjiose to state tha', as this order purport to have been given to reduce ; the exi*?nse? of the Department, and to aid in ' bringingihem within lis receipts, a return t?j the former service, at this time, might wej'i bo considered as a declaration of my rouhdetre in its ability to sustain the expenditure neces fary for such restoration. I have therefore I felt it imperative upon me to adhere to this order of curtadnien'. The budding now being erected for the j General Poe? Offi.e is so tar advanced as to 1 g ve asrurai ce that if can be ?*onipJe?ed be. > bra the session of Congress m December. This is much to he de&ired, not only for the J coa' enicn< e of the transaction of business, j1 but that the public property inay t>e Kepi in | secerity. Such means as are within my pow. J ] er are couiinuaPy employed to project ilio.M present buildu p from tire, bu: in it? exposed ) ( condition the danger of destruction *o the i books and paper* of the office is a souice of constant anxiety All which is respectfully submitted. FRANCIS Ga%.VGER. To the President of the United States. 1 (The document* accnmpauving this report 1 are necesaar.ly omitted here lor want ofli room] i, proposed b vnk of tre uni1 ed state*. The following is t e report of lb? fchlect ' C?mm ttee of t he Senate on the Currency,;, &<v ofwnich Mr. CUy, of Kentucky it Chair., man, as read by him n the Senaie yesterday: ;, The committee to which was referred so, much of tho President'? d/efaage as plate*! to a uniform currency, and a su.table fiscal 1 agent'capable ?f adding increased facilities! in he collection, and disbursement, and secure ! ( ty of the public revenue, have had the same 1 ??rwi limt liol'ii 1(1 rp riirt ' ! UIHKT CIIWUtTO' i>Mif ?mi ( Tin?, after the most attentive an?l anxious ' consideration if tlic slate o tlie currency, ' and the finances of the Government, in all their interevinj and important bearings, the j 1 committee have arrived at the the same con. 1 j elusion with the ?Se reUry of the Treasury, j that a sound and just policy requires the es- ( tablistriient of a Bank of the United iStatrs J with as little delay as prac'icab'e. The commitiee have neither time nor inclination to enter into a discussion of 1 the question of the power of Congress, tin* 1 dcr the Constitution of the United States 1 to cstahli>h a National Bank. After all ' that has been said and written on that 1 question during the long period of half a century, nothing remains to he added that would be likely to shed much new light upon it. It ought, in the opinion of the committee, to be regarded as a set. tied question?settled by the approbation m.?<rment of the Pt-oole. bv the au-1 thorny of the Legislature. by the sanction of the Executive Department of the Gov. ernment, ami by the solemn adjudications of :he Judiciary. If it be not regarded j as a decided question, when, in thecollis. j ions and conflicts among men, nrising j out of diversity of opinion and judgment, | is a controverted matter to be considered us terminated and quieted ? Nor do trie committee deem it nccesary to discuss the quesrion of the exped. iencv of establishing such an institution as a Hank of the United S ates, Q.t this there is even lass contrariety of opinion than on the former question. On both, it is the deliberate conviction of the committee that a vast majority of the People of the United States concur ; and that they are now looking wiih anxious solicitude, to the deliberations of Congress, under the confident hope that a Hank of the United States will be estab Jished at the present extraordinary session of Congress. Passing bv, therefore, those two queslions as being unnecessary to be further* argued.end assuming what the committee -verily believe that a National Bank is indispensably necessary, they will proceed, at once, to the particular form. powiT3, and faculties with which it mny bo expedient to invest such an institution. And here the committee have no hesitation in sa\ing th*t. confiding in the experience of forty years during which the nation has enjoyed the benefit of a National Bank, ,an?1 during the greater part of tvhieb it has realized eve/y reasonable hope and expiation in Ihe operations of ^urt an institution, they<eaipe to the conrlivsu a ihat it would be wisest to .dismiss nU jex^eiifaents.and toolingtoexpewonce and o?sim?e tbe last charter granted by Congress as the basis of a new bank ;?n. grafting upon it such restrictions, guara^ tie*, amendments, and conditions, as have been found necessary by actual experi. t ence. ? i The Secretary of the Treasury came h to a similar conclusion ; and in his report, b and the draught of a bill which nccom- v panics it, he has taken as lus model the r charter granted by Congress in 1816, il On that he has suggested a great many t valuable improvements, most of which t the committee have incorporated in the draught of a hill which they now report t to the Senate. On this draught they t wish to offer to the Senate s >rne brief ex- 1 plaoatims and observations, t The committee h.?vi adopte 1 Washing- jj ton city, proposed by the S ;cietary of the a Treasury, as the place of location of the v principal bank. They believe the place li of its location is a subordinate question ; a but there are m inv advantages from the n proximity of the Bank to the Government, u The distribution of the capital of the n Bank among the several commercial citi es, in proportion to their respective wants a and magnitude, is what they naturally a desire, and what will doubtless he done, v But to guard against the exercise of any : unworthy transactions, the committee have thought it expedient to deprive the i paren! Bank of all power to make any djs- a counts or loans whatever, except loan* t to Government, authorized by express a law. In order to ensure the command of i the best financial abilities of the country, ti the bill provides that the Directors of tbe Parent Board, which is to consist of nine < members, shall he paid for their services t by the Corporation, and all compensation i to the Di cctors, in the usual form of hank i accommodations, is utterly prohibited. i Thus, the Directors of the Bink at Washington will become a Board of Com. f trol, superinteviding the branches, supply- i ing them with a c irrency, and banking t exclusively through the agency of-their offices of discount and deposite. Tne capita! ef the Bank, proposed by i the Secretary, is retained ; but a power t is reserved to Congress to augment by I the addition of twenty millions, making i the aggregite amount ultimately fiftv ; millions ??f dollars, if that should be found ' to be necessary. a To guard against undue expansion of u the currency bv the operations of the t Bank, various restrictions and securities h tre introduced, t 1. The dividends are limited to sevm c ler cent, per annum ; and. after ncrum t- v a1 inga reserved fundof two millions of j lollars, to cover losses and contingencies, s the excess beyond that seven per cent, is * to be paid into the public Treasury. And. t whatever excess remains at the end of the i charter, beyond the reimbursement to the t stockholders of the capifa! stock, is also .s to be pni I into ths Treasury If the div. lends fall below seven per cent, during i inv year of the charter, th? deficiency is ( to be made good out of the surpluses pre- t riouslv paid into the Treasury. The pffuctof this provision is, to make a per- i tn.inent and invariable seven per cent. s 'jank slock, assuming that the administra- c lion of ?he Bank is conducted with integ- a itv and ability. a 2. The debts due *o the Bink are re- < juired not to exceed the amount of the s apital stork actually paid in, and 75 per <1 ent. thereon, which iaa greater rcstric. n ion than usual. v The total amount of debts which the c fonk is a ithorized to contract, over an I ti ibove the depositee, is not to exceed twen-, ti v.five millions of dollars, which is also a v greater restriction than was placed upon a he late Hank of the United States. c 3. The publicity which is required of ii he general condition of the Rank, and he full and complete exposure to com- t nittees of Congress. and to the Secretary n >f the Treasury, which is amplv secured, t ^f nil the books and transactions of the v Bank,.including piivate accounts. t 4. The prohibition of the renewal of jj inv loan ; thus putting an end (o all mere t iccommodation paper, as far as practiea. j j hie. and confining the Bank to fair busi. J c ness transactions. Iv And 5. Tho Rank is prohibited from I r inuking any further discounts or loans j i wn<*never HS noies in r--ir<:ui;iiifiii c\i;cdu i ithree times the amount of specie in its t vaults. c To protect tho community and the stockholders against mismanagement of i the Rank, several provisions have been < inserted, which it is hoped mav be effVctu- i al. 1. No paid officer of the Rank is tore- I reive loans or accommodations in any I form whatever. ? 2. Securities are provided against a. i husivc use of proxies such as that no ofii I cer of the Rank e?n be a proxy ; no proxy I ran give more thin 313 votes ; no proxy i to be good which is of longer standing < than ninety day?, &c , 3. A prohibition against the Copora. \ i lion's transacting any other' than legiti. j i mate banking business ; excluding all deal. : i irrg in stocks, and all commercial opera. | lions: ' < * 4 liaf a mwiAFtftr f\C tfio I \ t, .1 I r-ljuiflliwn Mini n Iiiij-IMII >( Mlv whole number of the Board of Director* | shall be necessary to transact the busi. i ncss of the Corporation. < 5. Ample power to make the moit thorough examination into the condition i and proceedings of the Bank, down to the < accounts of indidiviiiuaIs, bv totally re ? moving from the Secretary of the Treas. urv and committees of Congress the veil I of secresy. i And G. By denouncing and punishing < pis felony the crime of embezzlement ofj: the funds of the Bank when perpetrated by any of its officers, agent3, or servants. Concurring entirely in the sentiment i c? expressed by the Secretary of the Troa- i sui v, that many wise and patriotic statesmen, whose opinions are entitled to con- i sideration and respect, have questioned j the power of Congress to establish a National Bank; and that it is desirable, as i fdr^as possible, to obviate objections and recoucile opiqwis, the CQumijltt:* have at- 1 entively and earnestly examined the pro- ns -ision, incorporated in the draught of the iill of the Secretary, in regard to the re ranching power of the Bank, and they hn muld have heen happy if they could have econciied it to their sense ofduty to a. pa opt it. But, after the fullest considers. de ion, they have been unable to arrive at re hat result. as It was not without some hesitation that he committee agreed to the location of an he bank in the District of Columbia. (1 Hiis they did because they believed that lei he utility of the Bank did not much de. of end upo.i the place of its location as is upon the capital, facilities, and powers w! vhich should he given to it. But to iao- se ate it in this District, without giving wl inv other branching power than suchj as ar night derive from the consent of partic* ilar States, would be to create an cnor. cr nous District hank, devoid of effective na- wi lonalcharacter. S ich a bank would he pc i bank only of the District of Columbia, ce md its offices of discount and d pwite si vould be nothing more than banks of the n< ? !i'?9 urhmh miirkt atlnur fhf.rrt U/? i lanted within their respective limits. a> ' or all national purposes Congress might ol is well recharter one of the existing Dis- fc riot banks, enlarge its capital, and give it in luthority to establish offi oes of discount :i ind dcpqVite in any State that would per. ti ' it it. to be done. The committee believe that the capita* !i )f a bank soconsti ut<;d would never bi i] ,aken ; and that, if taken, the institution . vould be wholly unable to accomplish I .he great and salutary purposes for which t is desired and should be designed. But the question of establishing a ban' bus to be restricted and circumscribe nvolves higher and graver consideratio ban thoso of mere expediency. TV ioneral Government has or has not tri >owcr to establish a National B&nk. ! t has the power, it derives from the e* sting grants in the Constitution ot tr? ITriited States. The committee heliev t has the power, and ought to exercise ? luf after a contest during the last ten ?< waive years in respect to the coustitutioi. d power of Congress, wh:oh has bet" ? narked bv so much animation and bit i ernes*, forbearance to exerciso the pow. u r would be a virtual surrender of the pow -i r. If a bank wore to bo created," who*:iperations within the limits of the States rero dependent not upon the will of Con;ress, but upon the wdl of each State, k oparately announced, the creation ot A uch a hank would add another to the list if >f disastrous experiments, and would be ?i anfamount to a relinquishment of thena- fi ional power, and it could never be re- h umed. o The power of the Federal Government a s only to be found in the grants of the ii Constitution. If they are inadequate to he fulfilment of the great purposes of its d istablishment, they can only be increased r< n the mode of amendment which the in- E (trument itself has prescribed. They t< unnot be augmented. They cannot be c lugmenteu by the grants or consent of si my Slate or Slates should of the number >t two-thirds, whose concurrence is ncces- p ary to give validity 'oan amendment. A c lerivntion of power the General Govern- ft aeiit from the consent of particular Srat s n rould Imj unsound in principle, and the oimnittoe apprehend dangerous in pine- p ice. Admit such consent to ho a legiti- j j< ante source of power, to the Government j roiild not operate equally, in all the States, | nd the Constitution losing its uni orm I Imraetcr, would exhibit an irregular aod ncongrnous action. Entertaining these deliberate views.; 1 fie committee are decidedly ofophiou that I 10 hill for the establishment of a hank in v he District of Columbia will be effectual j f vhicli does not contain a clear recogni- , ti ion of the constitutional power of Con- P [ress to establish branches wherever, in i ti he United Slates, the public wants, in its ! t' udgmcai1., require them. They cannot n onsent that a bank, emanating from the vili of tho nation, and imperatively do- f nanded by the necessities of the Governnent arid of the nation, shall he wholly h leoendent for its useful operation upon h he will of each and every S^ate, distinctly t 5 x pressed. r Accordingly, in the draught of a bill ? mw reported, the right is asserted to ex. * jrcise the branching power of the bank f independent of the assent of the States. 11 Fne committee dare not allow themselves * :o believe that the bill is free from all de- 1 "ects, hut they do hope that these, in a f spirit of liberality, will be corrected bv the 1 superior wisdom of the Senate and of the * House, and that the present session will ^ it? signalized by the establishment of a f national institution, which has become a ' iosideratutn to the goneral prosperity. 0 The advantages which will flow from *1 inch an institution, in both our domestic ! md foreign relations, are manifest and 1 I MVt It will give the People a sound rorren- 1 :y of uniform value throughout the Union, r which is just as necessary to the success. * ful operation of all branches of business s is pure air or water is to the preservation ' jf human life or health. f It will revive and extend commercial r intercourse, which, for the want of a 3oin;non medium has been almost suspen ,1 Jed between different parts of the Union. It will reduce domestic exchange from ' the enormous premiums and discounts ' now frequently paid to the moderate stan- r dard growing out of the mere cost and in- T surance on the risk of transporting specie d from one to another part of the Union. It will, conseq-.ienlv, save hundreds of * thousands of dollars now annually lost in ' transactions of exchange. 1 It will essentially benefit the manufac- c ing interest by enabling it to realize sales 1 and the proceeds of sales. It will powerfully contribute to the re. ' sumption of specie payments by the hanks, * whose existing delinquency is the greatest ' source of all prevailing pecuniary aad fi- 1 tncial embarrassments. p it will greatly tend to prevent and cor- ti ct the excesses hod abuses of the local I inks. - a It will furnish a medium common to all a rts of the Uniort for the payment of g ibts and dues to the Government: thus s ndering duties and taxes uniform in fact n welt as in name* ? f It is indispensable to the convenient b id successful financial operations of the s overnment in all the departments of col. ( utiort, safe*keeping, aud disbursements n the public revenue. \ a Such are some of the domestic benefits v hich the committee fully believe will be ti cured by a National Bank. Those p tiich appertain to our foreign relations * e also worthy of serious consideration. P If it be true that money is power, ita ^ mcentration under the direction of one c ill, sole or collective, must augment the <j iwer. A nation, without such a con. a mtration of power, mainfainting exten- a v? commercial intercourse with another * ition possessing it must conduct that 1 iterrourso on a condition of inequality nd disadvantage. National Banks, in t her countries, beget the necessity, there- t ire, ofa National Bank in this country, t i like manner as a National Governments a i foreign nations must he met by a Na- ) onal Government in ours. Accordingly, we have seen the influ- J ice exerted by the Bank of England imn American interests, when those in* * :rests were exposed to the action of that ank, and were left without the protec* on of a Bank of the United Statue. The rimmittee do not wish to be understood ? intending to express any approbation i* the commercial operations in which ennsvlvania Bank, assuming the name f the Bank of the United States, engaged, :ien that state of things nrose. But they do mean to say that the in* Tests and dignity o? the United States umand that they should not be exposed, yond the necessary and legitimate in leuce of monetary and commercial op* rations, to the action of a foreign hank* *g institution. They believe, that, iihout a competent Bank of the United rates, foreign National Banks may and robahly will exercise an undue and p^s* bly pernicious influence upon our inter* <ts. In this view of the case, the question i, whether it is better that we should be ft liable to be materially affected by a ireign institution, in which we have no iteresi, over which we can exert noconrol, which is administered solely in re* ;rence to foreign interests, or we shall ave an American Bank, the creature of ur will, subject to American authority, nd animated by American interests, feel rigs, and sympathies ? The committee could not entertain a ouht in such an alternative. And, in sference to the foreign aspect of the ank, the cominitte thought it expedient 5 allow it to deal in foreign bills of ex* liange, which are the barometer of the late of our foreign trade. In conclusion, the committee think it roper to say f hat they have given due onsideration to the various memorials re* jrred to them, and to the instructions loved by a Senator from Mississippi. They subjoin that wherever, in this re* ort. the committee is mentioned, a ina* iritv of tj^e committee is to be understood. All which is respectfully submitted. lousb or representatives.?jum 16. Remarks of Mr, C. H. Williams, of Tennessee, upon Mr, Stuart s resolution. Mr. Speaker: Intending, as I do, sir, to ote for the previous question, and, also, or the adoption of the resolution offered his morning bv the gentlemen from Vir* inia. (Mr. Stuart ) I feal it to be due r> mvseifto make a few general remarks o this House explaining the reason for ?v determination. i ( am sir, a Southern man by birth, in eeling, and interest, tied to Southern in* crests by ail the endearing relations of ifo that are cacelated to bind a man to lis country. Withal, sir, I am one of hose who believe that African slavery is leithcr a religious, moral nor political vit. Still, sir. I am frequently at a loss o toll where I am from?North, South. Sast, or West. The burning bursts of ndignntion. that occasionally display homselves in this House whenever the uestion of abolition petition is under con. ideration. are ho different from my facings, and apparently so uncalled for by he true state of the question, that such a lisplay of feeling presents the appearance o ine, sir, of a "thunderstorm in a teapot." roo much importance, in my humble ipininn, has ever been given to this |uestion. Thcrs never has been a vote in necongress of the United States involving he merits of the question; on the countra. y, all the debating and resolutions touch, ng this question have been upon a colla era! or iinateroil issue, wneretore, men ir, I would ask, in the name of common ense, all this feeling? There are hut six nefiibers in this House who would vofej br the abolition of slavery in the District I >f Columbia ; consequently Southern inerest is safe by a majority in this House if two hundred and thirty. Where. I vould ask, is the danger? Why, then, hould those who represent the Southern nterest 4,gooff half cocked" and antiei. >ate a state of things that may never hap. >cn ? Is it not time enough, in ail con. icience, to meet this question when the Ireadful alternative, ifever, shall be prelented to the slavchnlding States, that hey must desolve this Union or submit o a gratuitous and impertinent :nterined lling with their domestic institutions by | heir Northern bretheren T Yes, Mr. ! speaker, it will be time enough to deend the institutions of the South when hey are in danger by the action of th?s [louse. Congress has been jn session wo weeks and t?ro<daye debating abo'it ion etition*. On yesterday* A re-solution adrtp- t ing the rules of the fait Congress of the h Jutted States, includirtg the 2lst rale j rss rejected. The House also rejected ? resolution adopting the rules of last Con- h ress, excluding the 21st rule. It is a a trange state of things, brought about* in .. ly humble opinion, by a flouting vote f rom the minority of this House, who vote nth ways. What makes it still more l< trange, the gentleman from Pensylvania v ftt\ C. Bftowx) read to this House this 8 doming a resolution upon the subject of v hplition petitions, which he professes a 1 rillingness to have adopted, appealed to > he Southern members not to sustain the t revious question, artd to permit him to p tep forward wi:h his resolution and 'brow a c rotecunjf suioM over the in ?t iui ions of the j South. Wheal take into consideration his r ourxe and hi- votes from the coinme.icement >f this question, I am bound 10 fell him that I ' lo not want his friendship. It comes in such i i questionable shape I w,sh to speak to it. I } irn constrained to view h:a proffered friend* ^ hip and feelin? for the S >Uth as a mere preence and his resolution as an after thought irought in to cover the retreat of him-elf and \ - - ? *1 1 . i portion of inn tnerxi.-, ana inereuy wt?|iD j he just indgnvfion of the country that ought } o be mehfl out to th*m for their sfuf'ing, hinging course, upon tV question of organination The Southern members are called 1 ipon not to submit to the prop-sed curnprom- t nay, air, they are told (not in to many h vorde but in eubitanc**) by th?? gentleman r.?in South Carolina (Mr. Pickens)'hit if ih?*y ' rive one inch of ground limy betray the 1 South. I What >s t' e eomnrnmiae r posed by tliegen- , tleinen #from Virginia, (Mr. Stuart?) h certamly be within t.'ip recollection of ih? older members of this House that during the "i5t'i [ Congress, when the gentleman from Vermont I [Mr. Slade) was proving to the country tnat j wme uisi.iig lirihed Virginians wtc nop >?ed ( to slavery in the abstract this House?I maan the elaveholding por'ion of it?rushed down to the commutee romn for I he dist ict of Columbia 'odirisc ways and menis'o rescue the i South from the impending danger There the entire Sou*h grave Senators and all, met. and after a week's lab t a resolution know as Pat tori's resolution was introduced and passed by a unanimity among the Southern members 1 never before equa led Permit me to say, sir, that Pattou's resolution was substantially the same as the one now under consideration, a compromiso not to' a tim\ but for the entire congress while the resolution ot my friend from Virginia ( Mr Stuart) sutiply proposed To postpone tile settling oflhis vexed and unpleasant question un id the ragularseslion* which meets ii: December. if we have thi power now to include the 2i>t rule, we will have the power in Degenib*r. Can it be .possible, sir, that I can be pi lying the traitor to iny country by consenting to this compromise! No. sir ; no. 1 am anxious that tine house shield proceed U) tie* business for w htch they were called toge'her by the hmeq'ed Harrison. Tiie honor am! interest of my country demand it at my iiaudg I wish, sir, for the Congress of the United Stales io come up to the just expectation* ot the country by doing what is indispensably n,>eessary to be done, and go home. I am therefore in favor of the prevmusq iet ion. CJIERAW ttAZJETTE. WEDNESDAY, Jvsf. 30. 1?41 We copy* from the National laieii,. gencer, some remarks in the House o! Representatives on the I6J1 inst. I?y Mr. Wiliiains of Tennessee, on the resolution of Mr. Stuart, designed to postpone tili next session all discussion and action on the subject of abolition petitions. Without approving the resolution itself, we may lie jiermitted to say that we consider the chief part of Mr. Williams's remark.' appropriate and worthy of commendation. Tne groundless apprehensions ano violent proceedings of many southern memlier.', of Congress, and other politicians, on the subject of abolition movements at the North, have contributed a hundred fold more than any other cause to give impor. tance, not to say strength, to the compar atiwdy small band of ignorant and deluded fanatics who are'striving so zealous. I\ to distract the country on the subject of slavery. We do not mean that the subject is one which does not call for serious attention, anc for action too, on the part of the southern states ; but the extreme, uncalled for and misdirected sen. sitiveness of many members of Congress, and others, tends only to lower our char acter abroad, and to excite prejudice against our cause. Our northern fellow citizens do not approve slavery. If they did they would introduce it among thein. Helves. For this we have no right, to complain of them or censure them. Nor ought we to complain of them for any decorous and temperate expression of opinion on the subject. If there are among them, ill-bred and pragma ic individuals wiio rail against us, our wisest and most manly course is not to notice them. Such railing and rnilers are really too insignifi cant to excite even cootempt. And as to any apprehension that the security or value of our slave property is likely to be affected by any interference of Congress, we have never seen the shadow of rational ground for such annrchension. In the first place, every "II man of common sense who knows any thing of the opinions, and feelings, and character of the southern j>eople, knows that as soon as Congress should take a single step towards an infringement upon our constitutional right to hold slaves without molestation, the whole South would instantly, as one man, unite in severing the bonds of union, and, as an independent nation, would proclaim and maintain their rights. No southern man of common sense can doubt this. In the second place, all the declarations of members of Congress, and of other leading statesmen, or influential individual* 'throughout the non-slaveholding states, on this subjectshew that there is no gen. eral or prevalent disposition anywhere in the country to interfere with the institu I ? ion of slavery in the states. The subject as dented an adventitious importance :*rom connecting, in Congress with the ^jd right of petition." Tnis was an error e onestly committee by southern m ^rnbers, nd in our humble opinion the sooner hey correct the error the better. Let no ilsc fears of being charged with inconsissncy; nor fears that the abolitionists rill raise a shout of triumph at having ;ained a victory, prevent. It will be no ictory, but rather a death blow to aboitionists as such. They wi'l say that it s a victory; so they did and stilfrcontinufr o repeat in all their speeches and more [rave reports, that the decision in the caae if the Amistad Africans was a victory acH* eved by their exertions. But what of thatf rhey may deceive a few ignorant women in J children, and a few equally ignorant nen already enlisted in their service ; but vho cares for that 1 It e n neither add o their strength nor retard one hour - :c heir tan 10 me utter lnsigmuvnucc m vhich a wise and prtiper course on th* >art of southern members of Congress vould at once let them fall, li was only he jmssionate excitement in Congress hat ever gave them importance, or that i tow sustains (hem. L?t petitions on,th* ,., lubiect of,abolition, if resiectfuf, be treat*- <. id like petitions on other subjects, and., t ill excitement in regard to them will scon lie at an end. The continuance of the excitement is the very aim of the abolitionists and as long as they can effect this aim they will certainly continue to pour __ , in their petitions. But let it be seen hy the action of Congress, that excitement haf ceased, and that not more than half ados, members really favor their cause, (which is the cast ) and if they still continue to send in their petitions, they will only thereby render themselves more and more . w ridiculous. ' . We said that it is not from the action of Congress that we have cause to apprehend injury to our slave property; it is from non-slsveholJing states permit* ting their citizens to harbor runaway slaves and aid them in escaping to places beyond the reach of their master*.? Societies are formed in the city of New York and perhaps other places fort ese purposes, who hold their meetings publicly and publish their proceedings ia * their newspapers. Wcsaw it stated lately among the proceedings of an abolition convention held in Ohm, that a number* % of "men" and "young women" took pridein riding to the convention in a long* nlark wagon, which was kept for the purpose of aiding fugitive slaves in escaping to "Victoria's dominions." Wherein dooich association* dilftr from associations ft A o receivn and protect' stolen goodsf in totliing .so tar as the relations of the 'tales to each ot er aru concerned. The r*o;istitution recognize* the institution of lavcry and the obligation of all the slates vhere the fugitive slaves are found, to ieliver them up. Is the tolentfioii of so. duties to a; I i:i"ir escape and! conceal1 'hem, compatible with good faith in the discharge of this obligation ? Certainty not, any more than it would he compati*. ble wah good faith in the discharge of oth'-r obligations recognized by the con. stitution, to tolerate societies for conceal, ing stray horses, stolen hogs, or stolen iroadcloth, from sister states. The abolitionists' oi*t, whether true or fake wc do not k ow, that in this way m .hey annually aid thousands of slaves in escaping to Canada. This is an actual,, lot an im tginary evil; and one whjch calls for a remedy. Although the border statesnre the ones immediately and chiefly interested, the others are bound to>makc common cause with them in maintaining their rights. ' ' J The plan of a fiscal Bank" reported by Mr. Clay to the Sjnnte, from the select committee on the currency, will he found in the preceiing colum.is. It agree* substantially, on most points with that of theS'cretary of the Treasury. There is, however, one very important point on. which we are glad to see it differ. Instead of making it depend upon the consent of individual states whether a branch of the hank may be located within their borders, as is the case in Mr. Ewing-a plan, that of Mr. Clay, and the commit*, tee over which he presides, contemplates the establishment of branches wherever within the limits of the United States it* | may be deemed ntcessnry. No one doubts that the power of the Government to collect a I'd disburse revenue within thn states involves the power of also estab* fishing such agencies within them as may he necessary to that end. If branches of a Fiscal Bank are such agencies then ha* Congrossnn unquestionable right to provide for the establishment of such branches wherever they may be deemed ne* cessary to the fiscal operations of tho Government; and that not only withrut the consent ol the states within which thev are to lie located,, hut against their J w will. The individual states, by adopting g| the constitution, gave up their separate wills in such cases, and submitted to the will of the union or common government which they established for the common goo!. The govrr irnent cannot he dependent upon a state for a constitutional agent ot any kii d any where within the circle of its jurisdiction. It was established with powers competent to the functions of a government. To ask the consent of the htafes to place within their borders institutions admitted to he necessary to the collection, safe keeping and proper disbursement of the public revenue, would not, in our estimation be more out of the \