Farmers' gazette, and Cheraw advertiser. (Cheraw, S.C.) 1839-1843, March 10, 1841, Page 66, Image 2
i k>" .iiaunaiB
Inaugural address of gen- t
eral harrison. c
CALLED from a retirement which I '
had supjxxsed was to continue for the resi- |V
due of my life, to fill the Chief Executive
oflicc of this great and free nation, I ap.
pear before you, fellow-citizens, to take t
the oaths which the Constitution pre-! ?
scribes, as a necessary qualification for the j
performance of its duties. And in obedience j
to a custom coeval with our Government,
and what I believe to be your expecta- j
tions, I proceed to present to you a sum- |
mary of the principles which will govern;me
in the discharge of the duties whichi I
shall be called upon to perform.
It was tbo-remark of a Roman Consul, ^
in an carlv period of that celebrated Republic,
that a most striking contrast was '
observable in the conduct of candidates j
for offices of power and trust, before and]
after obtaining them?they seldom carry-1
ing out in the latter case the pledges and j
?.n;wl,? in the former. However
piV/l?IUW (
much the world rr.ay have improved in
manv respects, in the lapse of upwards of
.* two thousand years since the remark was
made bv the virtuous and indignant Roman,
I fear that a strict examination of the
annals of some of the modern elective
Governments, would dovolope similar instances
of violated confidence.
Although the fiat of the people has
gone forth, proclaiming me the Chief Ma- ;
gist rate of thisgloi iousunson, nothing upon J
their part remaining to be done, it may be j
thought that a motive may exist to keep J
up the delusion under which they may be ;
supposed to have acted in relation to my ;
principles and opinions; and perhaps there j
may be some in this assembly who have
come here either prepared to condemn
those I shall now deliver, or, approving
them, to doubt the sincerity with which
they arc uttered. Rut the lapse of a few
months will confirm or dispel their fears.
The outline of principles to govern, and
measures to he adopted, by an Admfhistra- ,
lion not yet begun, will soon be exchanged
lor immutable history; and I shall
stand either exonerated bv my countryr
" % *
men, or classed with the mass of those ,
who promised that they iright deceive, (
and flattered with the intention to hetrav. ,
However strong may he my present \
purpose to realize the expectations j
of a magnanimous and confiding People, j
I too well understand the infirmities of hu
man nature, and the dangerous tempta- (
tions to which I shall he exposed, from .
the magnitude of the power which it has ,
hcen the pleasure of the People to commit
to my hands, not !? place inv chief confi- j
donee upon the aid of that Almighty Power
which has hitherto protected me, and ,
enabled me to bring to favorable issues (
other important, but still greatly inferior |
trusts heretofore confided to me by my .
country. |
The broad foundation upon which our |
Constitution rests l>ei ng the People?a ;
breatli of theirs having made, as a breath j
can unmake, change, or modify it?it can ,
he assigned to none of the gn at divisions (
of Government but to that of Democracy. |
If such is its theory, those who are called i
upon to administer it must recognise, as i
its leading principle, I lie duty of shaping j
their measures so as to produce the great- I
eM good to the greatest number. But, |
with those broad admissions, if wc com- I
pare the sovereignty acknowledged to ex- j
ist in the mass of our People with the >
power claimed by other sovereignties, even i
Krao whift? h:ivp l>w?n ron?id<?r?>d i I
most purely democratic, we shall find a |
most essential difference. All others lay |;
claim to power limited only by their own ; <
w ill. The majority of our citizens, on ! I
the contrary, possess a sovereignty with j ?
an amount of power which has been gran- i
ted to them bv the parties to the national I
compact, and nothing beyond. We admit
of no Government bv Divine right? ?
? n
believ ing that so far as power is concerned, <
the beneficent Creator has made no dis- :
tinetion amongst men, that all are upon i
n.-? ntmlilv. ant! that the onlv li><ritiinat(> i
-1 J' . . - & -
right to govern is an cxprcssgraut ofpow- <.
or from Ihc governed. The Constitution i
of the United States is the instrument con- .*
tainiiig this grant of power to the several t
departments composing the (iovcrnmont.* <
on an examination of that instrument, it <
will be found to contain declarations ol
power withheld. The latter is also sus- J
ceptiide of division, into power which the
majority had the right to grant, hut which
they did not think proper to intrust to
their agents, and that which they could i
not have granted, not being possessed by *
themselves. In other words, there arc j
certain rights possessed by each individ- \
ual American citizen, which, in his com 1
pact he has never surrendered. Seme oi I
of them, indeed, he is unable 'o sur- 1
render, being, in the language of our sys- s
km, unalienable. t
The boasted privilege of a Roman citi- -s
/.en whs to iiim a shield only against ?. i
?... ...iui..* i
Uuuy |uuvi(itidi iuii;i9 wuiiai iiiu IH.II1U* <
*.7#! of Alliens could console himself under i
a sentence of death for a supposed viola- '
ti.PO of the national faith, winch no one I
understood, and which at times was the '
subject of the mockery of all. or of banish- I
ment from his home, his family, and his $
country, without an alleged cause; that it J
was the act, not of a single tyrant, o? I
hated aristocracy, but of his assembled '
countrymen. Far different is the power (
of our sovereignty. It can interfere with | 1
no one's faith, prescribe forms of worship]1
for no one's observance, inflict no punish-11
inent but after well ascertained gailt, the |
result of investigation un<lcr rules pie- >
scribed bv the Constitution itself. Tocsc 1
precious privileges, and those scarcely less ?
important, of giving expression to his 1
thoughts and opinions, either by writing {
.or speaking, unrestrained but by the lia- 1
bility for injury to others, and that of a *
full participation in all the advantages 4
-which flow irom the Government, the ac- 1
knoweledged property of all, the American 4
?itizo? derives from no charter granted *
? ? ? ?r
>y his fellow man. lie claims them be-1 n<
:ause he is himself a Man, fashioned hv uli
he same Almighty hand as the rest of his C
species, and entitled to a full share of the in
ilcssings with which he has endowed in
hem. tc
Notwithstanding the limited sovereign- w
v possessed l?v the People of the United
States, and the restricted grant of power ft
o the (Government which they have adop- si
:ed, enough has been given to accomplish c
ill the objects for which it was created, tl
[t has been found powerful in war, and, rr
hitherto, justice has been administered, an ii
ntimate union effected, domestic tran- ti
juility preserved, and personal liberty se- a
:ured to the citizen. As was to he cxpec- p
ted, however, from the defect of language, tl
ind the necessarily sententious manner in e
which the Constitution is written, disputes t<
have arisen as to the amount of power a
which it has actually granted, or was in- h
tended to grant. This is more particu- i:
larly the case in relation to that part of t
I he instrument which treats of the Lcgis- ()
lative branch. And not only as regards c
the exercise of powers claimed under a ,-i
general clause, giving that body the an f
tiiority to pass all laws necessary to carry (
into efleet the specified powers, but in re- ji
lation to the latter also. It is, however, j
consolatory to reflect, that mostof the in- j
stances of a I lodged departure from the let- i
tcr or spirit of the Constitution, have ultimately
received the sanction of a majority t
of the people. And the fact, that many ?
of our statesmen, most distinguished for ^
talent and patriotism, have been, at one
time or other of their political career, on
both sides of each of the most warmly disputed
questions, forces upon us the infer- a
e ice that the errors there, are attributable 1
to the intrinsic difficulty, in many in- 1
glances, of ascertaining the intentions I:
of the framers of the Constitution, rather t
than the influence of any sinister or un- c
patriotic motive. ti
Hut the great danger to our institutions c
does not appear to ino to he in a usurpa- | v
(ion, by the Government, of power not j c
granted bv the People, but by the accu-1 v
mulution, in one of the Departments, of
that which was assigned to others. Liin- j
ted as are the powers which have been ^
granted, still enough have been granted j
;o constitute a despotism if concentrated | 11
in one of the departments. This danger j *
is greatly heightened, as it has been al- <
ways observable that men are less jealous
of encroachments of one department upon s
.mother, than upon their own reserved e
rights. a
When the Constitution of the United j
Slates first came from the bands of the
Convention which formed it, many of the n
ifprnosl rnniiblirnns of (he djlV WtTe alar
mcd at the extent of the power which had J"
l)een granted lo Ihe Federal Government,
and more particularly of that portion which ''
had been assigned to the Executive 'J
I
branch. There wore in it features which
appeared not to ho in harmony with their 1
ideas of a simple representative Domocra- v
:v, or Republic. And knowing the ten- r
dcncy of power to increase itself particu- h
iarly when exercised by a single indivjd- I
Jul, predictions were made that at no very i<
emote period, the Government would tor- tJ
ninate in virtual monarchy. It would not s
>eco:ne im to say that the fears of these p
idtriots have boon already realized.But,as l(
1 sincerely believe that the tendency of 'j
neasares, and of men's opinions, for some .
r'tarspast, has been in that direction, it
s, I conceive, sti icily proper that I should ^
ake this occasion to repeat the assurances k_
l have heretofore given of mv dctermin- r
/? i'
ltion to arrest the progress of that ten- 1
lency, if it really exists, and restore the s
Hovcrmcnt to its pristine health and vigor v
is far as tliis can be elfected bv any legit- n
mate exercise of the power placed in my s
lands. j
I proceed to state, in as summary a [
Manner as lean, my opinion of the sour- e
ie.s of the evils which have been so cxten- tj
sivcly complained of, and the correctives
which may be applied. Sonic of the for
I , #ll? V
INT uru lUNJltUSl IOIIcIJi V II# UU IUUHU 111
icfects of the Constitution; others, in my
idgmcnt, are atlrihumhlc to a miscon- ?
;!ruction of sonu of its provisions. Of 1
lie former is the eligibility of the same iniiviilual
to a second term of the Presiden- ('
y. The sagacious mind of Mr. Jclfer- f
son early saw and lanienled this error, and c
attempts have been made, hitherto with- t
out success, to'apply the amendatory pow- I
er of (he Stales to its correction. ,|
As, however, one mode of correct ion is j
in the power of every President, and con- ]
iequenlly in mine, it wouid be useless, and |
)erhaps ividious to enumerate the evils of ^
vhich, in the opinion of many of our felow-citizcns,
this error of the sages who
Vamed theConssilution may have been (
he source, and the hitter fruits which we *
tre still to gather from it, if it continues '
o disfigure our system. It tuny he oh- '
served, however, us a general remai k, thai
Republics can commit no greater error n
ban to adopt or continue any feature in j I
iheir systems of government which may o
>n cnlcMilatod to r.rente or increase the i ,
love of power, in the boscms of those to f
whom necessity obliges them to commit
[he management of their affairs. And, j
aircly, nothing is more likely to produce ^
>uch a state of mind than the lo'iir eon- .
ii
iniiiincc ofan oflice of high trust. Notiing
can he more corrupting, nothing more
lestructivc of all those nohlo feelings I1
which belonjrto the character of a devoted
O #
epuhlican patriot. When this corrupting c
>assion once takes possession of the hu- v
nan mind, like the love of gold, it becomes e
nsatiable. It is the never-dying worm in c
lis bosom, grows with his growth, and a
strengthens with the declining years of c
its victim. If this is true, it is ihe part n
>f wisdom for a republic to limit the ser- ^
rice of that officer, at least to whom she
<as intrusted the management of her for- j(
dgu relations, the execution of her laws,
lud thecommaud of her armies and na,'i
es. to a period so short as to prevent his 0
orgcttir.g that he is the accountable 0
"
%
press grant by the words of the Cor.sti- P
tution, and, therefore, not within the P
competency of the judiciary to declare
void. That ho vcver enlightened and pa- t|
triotie they might suppose, from past ex- li
pcrience, the members of Congress might v
Ihj, and however largely partaking in the a
general, of the liberal feelings of the Peopie,
it was impossible to expect that bod- j,
ies so constituted should not sometimes be t
controlled bv local interests and sectional *
feelings. It was proper, therefore, to
provide some umpire, from whose situation t
and mode of appointment more indepen- o
dencc and freedom from such influences '
might be expected. Sueh a one was af- '
forded by the Executive Department, (
constituten hv the Constitution. A per- ,
son elected to that high ofiicc, having I
his constitutents in every section, State, c
and sub-division of the Union, must con- j
sider himself bound by the most solemn ^
sanctions, ta guard, protect, and defend i
the rights of all, and of every portion, '
great or small, from the injustice and op- '
*cnt, not the principal?the servant, not
ie master. Until an amendment of the
onslilulion can be effected, public opinin
may secure the desired object. 1 give
ly aid to it by renewing the pledge hereifore
given, that, under nocircumstanccs,
ill I consont to serve a second term.
But if there is danger to public liberty
oin the acknowleged defectsofthe Contitufion,
in the want of limit to the
ontinuanoe of the Executive power in
ie same hands, there is, I apprehend, not
niclv less from a misconstruction of that
istrument, as it regards the powers aciaSly
given. I cannot conceive that, by
lair construction, any or either of its
revisions would be fouud to constitute
be President a part of the legislative powr.
It cannot he claimed from the power
o recommend, since, although enjoined as
duty upon him, it is a privilege which
ie holds iti common with every other cit7.en.
And although there may be somcliing
more of confidence in ttie propriety
f the measures recommended iu the one
nsethan in the other, in the obligations
?f ultimate decision there can bono diference.
In the language of the Constiution,
"all the legislative powers" which
t grants "arc vested in the Congress of
lie United Slates." It would bo a solecism
n language to say that any portion of
best; 15 not include'! It? the whole. j ]
It may be said, indeed, that the Consti- ,
ution lias given to the Executive the
iowcr (oannu the acts of lie legislative
iody by refusing to thein bis assent, bo
. Similar power has necessarily resulted
L A ' . . A- i ^ 4 1 . T.l.li^lOI*V
lOilJ H1UI IHMrUllieill IU IllU nuuiwm; j
ml yet the Judiciary forms no part oi
lie Legislature. There is, it is true,
his difference between these grants ot
tower: the Executive can put his negnive
uj)on the acts of the Legislative for
tthcr cause tlian lii.it of want of confornity
to the Constitution, whilst the Judi
'iarv can only declare void those which
iolate that in- truue nt. Hut the decision
if the Judiciary is final in such a case,
rliorci?-:, in erery instance wiicre the
etoof the Executive is applied, it may
'C overcome by a vote of two-thirds of
oth Houses of Congress: The negative
ipon tiie acts of the Legislative, by the
Executive authority, and that in the
lands of one individual, would seem to
ic an incongruity in our system. Like
onic others of a similar character, how.
vcr, it appears to be highly expedient;
nd if used with the forbearance, and
n the spirit which was intended by its
luthors, it may be productive of great
pood. nnd oe found one of the best safe
piardstothe Union. At the period of!
lie formal ion of the Constitution^ theirinciple
does not appear to have enjoyed
nucli favor in the State governments,
t existed but in two, and in one of these
here was a plural Executive. If wo
rould search for the motives which operated
upon the purely patriotic and enghtcncd
assembly which framed the
/'oiistitutio.'i, for the adoption of a provisin
so apparently repugnant to the leading,
emoeratic principle, that the majority!
houid govern, we must reject the idea
fiat they anticipated from it any benefit
i the ordinary course of legislation,
."iiey knew too well the high degree of
ntelltgence which existed among the
Vople, and the enlightened character of
itato Legislatures, not to have the fullest
onfidence that (he two Inxlies elected by
hem would be worthy representatives of
uch constituents, and of course, that they
?ould require no aid in conceiving and
maturing the measures which thccircumtances
of tlie country might require.
Lnd it is preposterous to suppose that a
bought could for a moment have been
ntorta.'ned, that the President, placed at
he Capitol, in the centre of the country, (
cald hotter understand the wants and
fishes of the people tlian tlieir own immediate
rcprrsoiitalivcs, who spend a part
fevery year among then, living with,
hem, often laboring with them, and
loimd to them by the triple tic of interest,
lutv, nod affection. To assist or control
Congress, then, in its ordinary legislation,
ould not, I conceive, have been the moive
for conferring the veto power on the
'resident. This argument acquires adlitional
force from the fact of its never
laving been thus used by the first six
'residents?and two of them were monitors
of the convention, one presiding ovr
its deliberations, an 1 the other having
i larger share in cousin nating utlic labors
f that august body than any oeber peron.
But if bills were never returned to
Jo sgr.'ss by eitiicr of the Presidents a.
>ove rePrred to, upon the ground of their;
icing inexpedient, or not as well adapted
s they might he 1o t!ie wants of the.
\oplo, the veto was applied upon that
if want of conformity to the Constitution,
r because errors had been committed
r<-?m u Irtrt tmvfv ' fl i?f mr?n t
There is another ground for the alopion
of the Veto principle, which hud pro- j
alily more influence in recommending I
t to tlie convention than any other. 1
i fjr to the seeuri.y which it gives to the
nstand cquiiubh action of the Legislanre
upon ail parts of the Union. Ii
ou!d not but have occurred to the condition
that, in a country so extensive,
mbracing so great a variety of soil and
limatc,and, consequently, of products,
nd which, from the same causes, must
ver exhibit a great difference in the amunt
of the population of its various
actions, calling for a great diversity in
we employments of the People, that the
igislation of the majority might not alays
justly regard the rights and interests
f liic minority. And that acts of this
haracfcr might be passed, under an cx
I pression of the rest. I consider the veto j
i power, therefore, given hv the Constitu- r
| lion to the Executive of the United States, J
solely as a conservative power. To be '
used only 1st, to proteet the Constitution '
from violation : 2dlv, the People from the | \
cob"'.? of hasty legislation, where their <
will has been probably disregarded or not '
well understood ; and 3<lly, prevent the 1
effects of combinations violative of the ,
rights of minorities. In reference to tlic
second of these objects, I may observe '
that, I consider it the right and privilege 1
of the People to decide disputed points of j !
the Constitution, arising from the general
grant of power to Congress to carry into
effect the powers expressly given. And
I believe, with Mr. Madison." that repeated
recognitions under varied circumstances,
in acts of the legislative, executive,
and judicial branchesof the Government,
accompanied by indications in ditf.
i ercnt modes of the conurrcnce o f the gen.
oral will of the nation, as affi.r.ling tothe
President sufficient authority for his considering
such disputed points as settled."
Upwards of half a century has elapsed
government. It would he an object more
liJfrlilv dosirnblf than the ^ratification of
n the
curiosity of speculative statesman, if
its precise situation could be ascertained,
i a fair exhibit made of the operations of
each of its Departments, of the powers
which they respectively claimer and exercise,
of the collissions which have nccurcd
betweon them, or between the whole Governmeiit
and those of the States, or either of
them. VVc could then compare our actual
condition, after fifty years'trial of our system 1
what it was in the commencement of iis oper- I
j atinns, and ascertain whether the predictions
j of rhe patriots who opposed it* adoption, or '
j I he confident hopes of its advocates, have been !
i best realized. The great dread of the former 1
seems to have been, that the'reserved pmv '
crs of the States would be absorbed by those
of the Federal Government, and a cnnsuliria- ' 1
ted power established, leaving to ihe Siafe; | 1
the shadow only, of that independent action ,
for which they had so zealously contended.!1
and on the preservation ot which they re.ied j 1
as the last hope of liberty. Without denying I
that the result to which they looked with so I
much apprehension is in the way of being re?- j '
bzed, it is obvious that they did not clearly
seethe mode of its accomplishment. Tin?
General Government has seized upon none of
the reserved rights oftlie Slates. As far as j
any open warfare has g>ne, the State an- j
ihorities have amply maintained their rights.
To a casual observer, our system pres. nts no
appearance of discord between the different i
members which compose it. Even tfie addition
of many new ones has produced no jarr- i
ing. They move in their respective orbits in 1
perfect harmony .vith the central head, and J
with each other. But there is still an under
current at work, by which, if not scasauauiy j
checked, the worst apprehension1 of our an i- J ;
federal patriots will be realized. And not oniv I
-..mi .i-- o._. .i?i - ?i. .i j i .. | !
Will lilt; ijirtiv duiW'iuii's ou uvi,tmi tuovveu oy
[ the groat increase of power in the Executive
i Department of the General Government, but '
j 1 lie character of that Government, if not its
| designation, be essentially and rapidly changed.
Tlrs stateof things has been in part of;
fje.tcd by eauses inherent in the Constitution, !
and in part by the ncvcr-failiug tendency of
.political power lo increase itself. Dy making
the President the sole distributor of all the patronage
of the Government, the framers of the
Constitution do not appear to have anticipated
j at how short a period it would become a for.
inidable instrument to control the ftee opera- <
tionsoftlie State governments. Of tr.fling I ,
1 importance at first, it had, early ir: .Mr. J, flerson's
administration, become so powerful as to
create great alarm in the mind of that patriot, :
from the potent influence it might exert in
controlling the freedom of the elective Iran- i
cliise. It* sueli cou!d have then been the ,
cftoc'8 of its influence, how much greater must |
j be ilie danger at this tun^, quadrupled in a. s
; mount, as it certainly is, and more completely |
under the control of the Executive will, than |
I their construction of their powers allowed, or ,
the forbearing characters of all the early Presi. ;
dents permitted them to make? Put it is |
I not hv the extent of its patronage alone that |
i the Executive Department has become dan- ,
| geroits, but by the use which it appears may ,
lie made of the appointing power, to bring under
i;s control the v\ hole revenues of th<> country.
'i lie Constitution has declared it to be <
the duty of the President to see that the laws I
| ant executed, and it makes him the Common- i
i d,?r?in?Ohief of the Annies and Navy of tiiti
1 United States. If the opinion of the most ap- i
proved writers upon that species of inixod <
Gcvernniont, which, in modern Europe, is I
i .,-.\Tnnnrrhn. in e.ontrudic.tiiiii In >/?_ i
tism, iscorrect; there w is wanting no other
addition to the powers of our Chief Magistrate :
to stamp a monarchical character on our I
Government, but the control of the public li- I
nances. And to inc it appears strange, indeed. j
thai any one should doubt that the entire con- <
trol which the President possesses over the '
officers who have the custody of the public :
money, by the power cf removal with or with.. <
out cause, does, for-all tu'schievous purposes 1
at Joast, virtually sunject the treasure also to '
his disposal. The first Roman Kmperor, in '
his attempt to seiz-i the sacred treasures, si- '
lenced the opposition of the officer to whose
charge it had been committed, by a significant I
allusion to his word. liy a selection of poli- I
tical instruments for the care of the public 1
money, a reference to their commissions by a I J
'resident, would bo q ijre as effectual an arument
as I hat of Ctesar to Iho Roman
[night. I run n >t insensible of the great ditfiulty
i hat oxisfs in devising a proper plan for
be s ?fe-keeping and disbursement of the pub.
c revenues, and I know the importance
/Itich has been attached by men of great
bdities And patriotism to the divorce, as it is
ailed, of the Treasury fr,?m the banking i
iifitilutioris* It is not trie divorce which I
s complained of, but the unhallowed union of I
he Treasury with the Executive Department
vhich has created such extensive alairn. i
To ijus danger to our republican institutions, i
md that created bv the influence g.ven to j
Im Executive through the instrumentality |
if the federal officers, 1 propose to apply all
he remedies which may be at my command,
t was certainly a groat error in the f amers J
>f the Constitution, not to have made the
dlicer ar. the head ol the Treasury Depart,
limit entirely indonpendent of the Executive
le should at least hive^becn remove.ible 1
inly upon the demand of the popular branch 1
if the Legislature. I'have determined never 1
o remove a Secretary of the Treasury
vithnut communicating all the circumstances I
itreud ng such removal to both llousos
>f Congress. The influence of the 1
ixeeutive in controlling the freedom of the
deciive franchise through the medium of the
jublic officers, can bt? effectually checked by
enewing .the prohibition published by Mr.
leff rson, forbidding their interference in elections
lurtber than giving their own votes;
md tneir own independence secured by an
is; ur-utce of perfect immunity, 111 exercising
his sacred privilege of freemen under the
Jictatis of their own unbiassed judgments.
Never, with my consent, shall an officer of
he People, compensated for his services out
il their pockets, becomeihef pliant instrument
ut Executive will.
There is no part of that, means placed in
the hands of the Executive winch might be !
used w.th greater effect, tor unhallowed pur. [
poses, th'-ii 1 he control of the public press* j
The maxim wh'di our ancestors derived t orn 1
the mother countries, tiiat ** the freedom of!
the press is the great bulwark of civil and 1
religious iinerty," is one oi me mo-i previous |
legacies wjiich they have left us. We have |
learned, too, from our own us well as the ex. ^
benonce of oihei countrios,that golden shack,
leg, by whomsoever or by whatever pretence
imposed, are as fatal to it as the iron londs of
DespotiHin. The press in the necessary employment
of the Goverunien' should never te
used 4 to clear th-** g liity, or tr? varnish crimes.'
A decer.t and manly examination of the acts
of the G tvornment should bo not only tolerated
but encouraged
Upon another occasion I have given my opinion,
at some up ni the impropriety of Executive
interference in tin; legislation of Congress.
That the article in the G.institution making I
tt thedu'yof the President to c? minunicate in. J
formation, and authorising htm to recommend
in' arures, was no! intended to make him the
sou cent legislation, and, in particular, that
he shi uld never bi locked to for schemes of
iiuaiice. li would be very strange indeed,
that the Constitution should have strictly forbidden
ono branch of /he Legislature from in
terfering in the origination ot such bills, and
that it should be considered proper that an al.
ioge;her different depar incut of the Govern,
should b i permitted to do'it. Some ofour lies
political maxims anJ opinions h ive been drawn
from our parent Isle. There are others,
however,, which cannot he introduced in our
"Vste n i'hou) singular incongruity, and the
production of much mischief. And /his 1 !
conceive to be one. No in titer i i which of
the Houses of Parliament a bill may origmatc
not by vvliom introduced, a tninisier, or a
member of the opposition, by the fiction* <>f
laiv, or ra.bcr of Constitutionaljpriuciple, the j
Sovereign is supposed 10 have prepaid! u
agreeably to nis will, and then fiihmitfed it
0 Parliannnt for heir advice and consent.
[Now, the very reverse is the case here, Wi
uuly wi'li r.gud to the principle, hut the tonus
prescribed hy I e C nu.t.iti??:i. The principle
certainly aligns to the only body nonslilut d hy
the (/'on-titmion (the legislative body.) the power
to hi .ko laws, and the forms even dir. ct that
1 ho en icimciit sliuuid In uscrib-d to tlicm. Th?
Scaat , in relation to Rcieiiiie bills, have the
right to proposeamendments; and so has the
Executive, bv the power giveo*!?im to retusn
Llieni to the House of Represent ives, with his'objections.
It is in his also, to propose an.end- ,
in nis i:i the existing revenue laws, naggfi?- i
t (I by his oIim rv itioi.s upon th ir del ct vc 01 inju
!o is np.-r ttiou tint the (Krliealo duty of deviiina
f c'l 'tnct of' r v.mu.i should be left where
!li (J ?!i? ti'.ition lias paced it?with the im air ditto
ri'prcseiitcli e-s ol tin People. For similar
rcas.'.as the nude o!" keeping the pu'Lc tretsLirc
should b-- pr sc.ilsetl by them; and the farther
remove I it may bo from the conlrd of I e Exseuliv
the iti-,r<-v. Irdcsoiue tl.c arrangcin lit
it:1,1 the more in sceord nice with Republican
piin< ipl". ,
Connected with this subject is the character
of the currency; T.ic idea of makirg
it exclusively metallic, however well
intended, appears to me to he fraught with
more fatal consequences than any other
scheme, having no relation to the person- !
al rights of the citizen, that has ever heen 1
devised. If any single scheme could produce
the effect of arresting, at once, that
mutation of condition by which thousands
of our most indigent fellow-citizens,
by their industry and enterprise, arc raised
to the possession of wealth, that is the
?tt". If then? is on" nvasure better calcu.'a??.<!
ilinn nnMthrr toniMiluce that State <?' things
io much deprecated by all tru<? republicans, j
liy wlncli the rich arc daily adding to their!
hoards, and the pour sinking deeper intopenu- I
ry. it is an exclusive metallic currency. Or I
if there is a process by which the character ot i
tin* country fur getter*-sity and nobleness of
feeling may be destroyed by tiie great increase
and necess ary toleration of usury, it is an ex~
elusive metallic cuircney.
Amongst the other duties of a delicate
character which the President is call d upon
Lo perform, is the supervision of the government
of the Territories of the United States.
Those of them which are destinnd to become
members of our great political family, are
ompensat* <1 by their rapid progress from infancy
to manhood, for the partial and temporary
deprivation of th-ir political rights. It is
in this I>istric\ only, where American citizens
are to be found, who. under a settled sys.
:ein of policy, are deprived of many important
aolltica! privileges, without any inspiring hope
is to the fu' ure. Their only consolatiun, un:or
circumstances of such deprivation, is that
it liic devoted exterior guard;# ot a camp?that
heir sufferings secure tranquility and sefety
at Inn. Are there any of their countrymen
lvIio would subject t!?em to greater sacrifices,
:<? any other humiliations than those essentialy
necessary to the security of the object for
ivhich they were thus sepera'ed from their
el tow citzens] Are tneir riglns alone not to
je guaranti d l?y fi?e application of those great
Kinciples, upon wliicfi all our coimli tut ions are
oundcd? Wo are told by the greatest ot,
British Oialurs a;:d Statesmen, that, ut the
rmmmenceinent of the War of the Revolutiony^
ihe moot stupid men in England sp ke o
i lioir American subjects." Are there, indeed'
sitizmis of any of our States vvlio have dreim
?rl of their subjects in the District of Columbia?
Such dreams can never be realized by any
igency of mine.
The people of l hi District of Columbia are
lot the sunjects of the people of the-titatev,
nit free American citizens. Being in the
latter condition when the Constitution was
ormed, no words used in that instrument
cou d have been intended to deprive the.tn of
that character. If there is any thing in ?h?
grca1 pr nciples of unalienable rights, so emphatically
insisted upon in onr Declaration of
Independence, they could neither m .ke, nor
the United Stales accept, a surrencf :r of their
liberti-s, and become the subjects, ii> other
words t he slaves, of their former feliow-cit izens.
If this be true, and it will scarcely be denied
by any one who has a correct idea of Iris own
rights as an American citizen, ll?e grant to
Co igress of exclusive jurisdiction in the District
of Columbia. can be interpreted, so far a*
respects the aggrrgare people of the United
States. as meaning nothing more than to
allow to Congress the con ruling power necessary
to afford a free and safe exercise of
the functions assigned to the General Government
by the Constitution In all o'her
respects the legislation of Congress should be
adapted to th jtr peculiar position and wants,
and be conf rimMo with thei " deliberate
opinions of ti.eir own interests.
I have spoken of the necessity of keeping
th-; respective Departments of the Govorttincn',
as well as all the other authorities of our
country, within their appropriate orbits. This
is a m it er of d ifiv'uity in some c ?s s, as the
powers whwch they lesoectivnly cl titn are often
not defined by very distinct lines. Mischievous,
however, in their tendencies, as coli
ions olthis knid m iy be, those which ariscr
between the respective communities, which?
for certain purposes compo*e one nation, are*
much m >re so; for n<> sjcIi n i iou can long exs'
witiioui the c?i.'fuicu'ure of .hone fcelugs m
of conftdu ci and affection wliich are the ? f- ?
fective bonds of umi<*n between free a.d confederated
S:aten Strong as is th-? 'ii of ^
interest, it h i* been often 'found ineffectual:
Mm, bl tided by tueir passions, have been
known to adopt measures for their country in
direct op|M?silioii to all the suggestions of policy.
The allcruat.ve then, is, to destroy or keep
down a bad pass.on by creating and fostering
a good one; and this seeui9 to be the corner
alone np ?n which o.r American political
architects have reared the fabric of our Government.
The cement Vliich was to b?nd it,
and perpetuate its existence, was the affectionate
attachment between all itsmembtrs*
To insure t!ie continuance of th s feeling*
produced at first by a com nunity of dangers,
ol sutf-rinits and of m'eresta, the advantages
of each were made Accessible oall. No participation
m any good, poM?e-8?'d4>y any member/
f an fi* ensiv?; confederacy, except in domestic
government, was witiili?*ld bora to?
citiz'ii of any other member. By a procea*
attended vv.ih no diffi ulty, no delay, no
expense but thai of rem <val. tin* citizen of one
might b coin-* the cttiz-n of any other, and
successively of the whole. Tlw lines, too,
soperating powers t? be exercised by the
citizens o( one State from those of another,
senn to be so distinctly drawn as to leave no
room lor misuiid .rst aiding. The citizens of
each State unite u In ir p rsotis all the privileges
which tli t character confers, and ail
that they may claim as ctt:z -ne of tne' United
States; but in no case can (he same.person,
at the sa.ne time, act as the citizen of two
scpcrat" States, and lie is therefore positively
precluded from any interference wi'h the reserved
pnwei s of any Sla'e but that of which he is. for
the lime being, a citizen, lie m ty indeed offer
to the ci'izen? ol olier Siates his advice as
to their managpinen', and the form in which
it is tend'-red is left to bis own discretion and
sense of piopricty.
It may be observed, however, that organized
associations of citizens, re* tiring compliance
with their wishes, too much resemble
the recommendations ol Atlicns to her allits?
supported bv an armed and powerful fleet.
It was indeed, to the ambition of the leading
States of Greece to con iol. he dorn *stic con- a
corns of the others, that the destruction ofthat
celebrated cotif d?.*racy, and subsequently i?f
all its members, is mainly to be attributed.
And it is o.ving to the absence of that irit
that the Helvetic confederacy has for so many
Years heen preserved. Never has there been
seen in the institutions ol the sep rate membora
of any confederacy more elements of
d-scord. In tin* principles and forms of government
and religion, as well as in the circumstances
of the several cantons, so marked a
d screpance waa observable, as to promise any
thing but harmony in their intercourse or
permanency in their alh incc. And vet, lor
- - : i-.l n
SjJGi'i lK'lllK'r II.is Ui'Cii in. errnpieii. vmicuv
with the pos rive benefits wim h their union
produced, wch the independence and safety
from foreign aggression which it secured,
these sagacious i'eopie respected the institutions
of each other, however repugnantti tlieir
own principles and prejudices.
Our Co.federa-y, f -Jlow citizens, can only
be preserved by the saine forbearance* Our
citizens m i't be content with the cxerrise of
the powers Willi which the Constitution clothes
them. The attempt of those of one Stale
to control the domestic institutions c f another,
can only result in feelings of distrust and
jealously. th,j certain harbingers of disunion,
v-oloiic", civil war, and the ultimate d"Struc?
lion ofour free iu.-tiutinns. Our Confederacy
is perfectly illustrated by the terms and princip'cs
governing a common copartnership.?
There a fund of power to bo exercised under
the direction of the joint councils of the allied
members, hut that which h.is been reserved
by the individual memb"rs i.- intangible by the
../.in.Tinn ...iiii.rnninlll ftp lll.? ill it I Vlft ll:i I ITU'IIV?
VUU.I.IUU fc"" ..... ?
bt*rs co iip sing it To aieinpt it finds no
support ii? tin* ptiwcipK-s of our Constitution.
It sliou d be our constant anil earnest endeavor
mutually to cultivate a spirit of concord and
harmony aui. no the various parts of our
Confederacy. Experience has abundan lv
taugnt us that the .agitation by citizens of one
part of the Ui ion ot a subject not confided to
the General Government, but exclusively
under theguardianship of the local authorities,
is productve of no other consiqurnces than
bitterness, alienation, discord, and injury to
the very cause which is intended to be ad-*
vanccd. Of all ihe great interest* which
appertain to our country, that of union, cordial,
confiding, fraternal union, is by far the most
important, snce it is the only true aud sure
guaranty of aII others.
In consequence of the embarrassed state of
business and the currency some of the States
may inpet wrrh difficuhy in their financial
concerns. However de? ply we | may regret
any thing imprudent or excessive in the en*
gagemaHls into which the States have enter*
ed for purpose? of their rwn. it dogs not become
us to disparage the State Governments, nor to
discourage !h m from making proper efforts
for their own relief; on the contrary, it is our
duty to encourage them, to the extent of our
constitutional authority, to apply their best
means, and cheeifuily to make ah necessary