run up too tali and cause danger to them
? from the winds after tliey are transplant
ted. To avoid this, it is well to place
them on the win low-stool, where it is very
light, and turn them occasionally to prevent
their acquiring the hahit of looking
loo wishfully out doors'. When set out,
the earth may be drawn about the stem
quite high up without injury.
Hand glasses are an excellent thing in
the garden to forward and protect early
vegetables. A shallow box, higher on the
' O
backside than the front, that is large enough
to be covered bv two panes of grass,
xvjll answer a very good purpose. A joiner
will make you a dozen for a dollar or two.
Those should he placed over the hill facing
the south?so that the sun may have the
best command of them. Seeds planted
in these will soon come up, and the covering
will protect them from frost. In
warm days the glass should be removed
to give the plants the benefit ofair. They
should, too, he watered seasonably. There
is another advantage in those hand glasses?especially
for cucumbers, melons and
squashes. They will he so forward and
atiain such a size, that by the time you
are safe in taking np the boxes, the plants
wiil be out of the way of the yellow bugs
and other insects. In this way you will
insure a crop. They are also important
to insure a ripened crop of late sorts of melons
and winter squashes. By means of
the boxes nearly a month may be gained
in the length of the season, which will put
them out of (he way of the frost of autumn.?Sou'hem
Cabinet.
Production ok Silk.
It cannot be disguised, even had any
one an interest in misrepresenting facts
that many have been disappointed in their
expectations the past season in the growing
of silk. Many deemed a failure al
most impossible; they made no allowance
tor inexperience, and the disadvantages
ineritableto the commencement of a new
business, and when they find the expected
hundred pounds of silk reduced one half
or three-fourths by want of foliage, or disease
of worms, or defective cocoons, dcnouncc
the business as unprofitable, and
the attempt to grow silk in this country
a* chimerical. Others with less sangul
ie exo' v 'atio'is went to work more care
fsil.'v; secured an abundance of foliage,
procured eggs tlint had not been half
hatched, and then chilled some three or
four times, and these, by proper feeding
have had good success, no loss from disease,
and no difficulty in the formation or
qualify of the cocoons.
We find from the various notices of this
subject in the public journals of the country,
that many have repeated the experiment
of Mr. McLean of New-Jersey, in
seeing hnw much silk could he produced
from one-fourth of an acre of mulberries,
andsoineexpress an opinion,that they shall
equal or exceed his crop. From a variety
of notices of the culture in the NewEngland
Farmer of Dec. 23, 1840, we extract
the following from a silk grower in
the county of Franklin, Mass.
' One person fed 30,000 worms consumed
1,200 lbs. of multicauhs leaves,
nnd had 70 lbs. of cocoons; another fed
3.) 000 worms, consumed 1,327 lbs. leaves,
and had 100 lbs. of cocoons; another fed
25.000 worms, consumed 817 lbs. hmves,
and bad 75 lbs. cocoons; another fed 43,000
worms with the white mulberry,
(leaves not weighed.) and had 105 lbs. of
cocoons; another tea ouuu worms wun
mullicnulis(leaves not weighed) and had
11) 1-2 lbs. of cocoons: four ] mi wis of
these last reeled half a pound of raw t ilk."
It was the opinion of these feeders, and is
that of many other persons who have tried
the methods, that chopping the leaves for
the worms in the feeding, promotes the
health of the worms, prevents waste, and
lessens the labor of feeding. It is also the
mode followed by the Chinese in produ
ting their silks.
The readers of the Cultivator for 1840,
will remember that we gave some account
mann(nr>fiirno r\f <i!L* r? i \If
ant, Ohio, by Mr. G. XV, Gill, antl we are
glad to see by an extract from a letter of
that gentleman in the western papers, that
his labors the past year have been eminently
successful. Mr, Gill says, respecting
his manufactures:
"We have increased our variety of
goods. Our stock now consists of plain
ami tigurcd Terry, English, Dutch and
Genoa velvets, hat, tippet, and cap plush;
<*ros de Naples, and other dress silks;
black corded aprons; Italian cravats, silk
tassels, and silk lace, super silk hats, and
super silk caps. Our slock of goods is
large ne.d I can till orders (accompanied
by cash) on vcrv reasonable terms." Mr.
Gill purchases all good cocoons at via
bushel; keeps six looms in operation, and
is confident the silk business must succeed
in this country, and particularly in the
great west. To command the above price,
the cocoons must be killed b)- suffocation
with camphor, sulphur, or charcoal; if kil
> . i .1 e.o I
I 'Cl t)V DaKlllg, I/! * price is pur lmi>uui,
if the floss is taken otT, tlie measure is
level: hut if not, the bushel is heaped.
I'rom the evidence which is already before
the public, it seems most probable
that the failures which have been noticed,
wore rather the result mismanagement
of the eggs or the worms, than of any inherent
difficulty in the husines; and that
when these obstacles are surmounted, as
I liev may be by experience, there will be
no more difficully in growing a crop of
?>ilk, than one of potatoes, and the labor
end expense will be far less.?[Cultivator.
I1? - - V "
Tram the Charleston Courier.
The I a :c against Bank Sn "pensions.?
We perceive that most of the Banks of
our Cit\ and State have summoned their
stockholders to meet'and decide whether
they will resist or acquiesce in the recent
of our Slate Legislature against Bank Si s
pension-. The Bank of South Carolina
leadsofl' tc-day, and \ve trust that it will
"i iv' . *
set a bold and independent e;wimple?an
example of uncompromising resistance to
an act of legislation, which bears on its
face the impress of tyranny, and is equally,
violative of the constitution of the
country and the faith of contracts. It
has heen judicially decided and it
is universally conceded (except by
a few rabid loco locos and anti-baukitcs
of the Fiskeschool), that a charter is a
contract between the State and the individuals
to whom it has been granted ; and,
in the case of our banks, it is a contract
for n valuable consideration, which has
gone into the coffers of the State. The
State therefore cannot impose new condi
lions on a corporation, in other words cannot
aher a charter, icithoiit the consent of
the corporate hotly?both the faith cf the
State and the Federal Constitution forbid
such an interference with the " obligation
o
of contracts." Now what is the character
of the recent act?it is one which shamelessly
keeps the word of promise to the
ear and breaks it to the hope?it commences
with a professed or pretended respect
for the constitution, and forthwith proceeds
to demolish by indirection the shield
which that sacred instrument has thrown
around contracts?it mildly and const it utionaWy
declares, at the cn set that it provision
shall " become parrs of the charter
of every bank in the State, already in-'
' corporoted, which shall accept the same"
and ends with the unjust, despotic and
i unconstitutional edict, 44 that every bank
I which has suspended, and shail neglect tc
| notify the Governor of its acceptance of
this law, shall be proceeded against forthwith
for the purpose of vacating its charter."
What is this but saying," true
your charter cannot be altered, icilhovt
! your consent?hut consent or dV,"?that
| is you must give an involuntary consent?
j no lens vol ens, you must do it of your own
J free will and accord! Is not this discreditable
game for a legislature to plnv?
Thus to make a mockery of the Consiitu;
tion and the plighted faith of the States?
If the hanks have in fact incurred the penalty
of forfeiture of thcr ch. rters, by their
past suspensions, it may have been propI
erlv within the discretion of the Legislature
to have directed the penality to be rigorously
enforced ; but it is, to say the
! least unworthy of that l>ody to use any such
: advantage over tho Banks to compel them
to vary the terms of their contract with
: the State?to surrender any of their pur.
! chased privileges and immunities. Such
a use of power becomes the tyrant, not the
Legislature of a free people.
I5ut the mo i revolting feature in this
novel and faithless legialation, is that the
State herselfis a banker on a groat scale,
and can bank on, not only unharmed, in
case she again commits the crime of sus.
pension, but greatly to her pecuniary profit,
under her own tyrannical and unjust leg.
islation. The penally prescribed for fu.
I ture suspension, under the new net, is not
j forfeiture of charter?no, that might ex.
! pose the State herself to such forfeiture?
' hut 4 that every bank which suspends the
' payment of current coin for its notes, shall
| becomes liable to pay to the State, at the
j expiration of every month after such susj
pension, a sum of rmmey equal to five per
j cent upon the whole amonut of its notes
I in circulation at the beginning of the
o n
month''?an 1 so for each and every month
| while the suspension shall last. Now, let
I us look to the rjfrrt of this legislation,
j The State, we have already said, is a ban.
, kcr on a large scale?she is sole and exciui
vp nwnnr of iho chartered Rank of the
S^ate, with a captal of several millions of
dollars ; and she is chief stockholder in the
South Western Rail Road Rank, and
through the Rank of the State, owns stock
I ?
| largely in several other banks. Should a
general suspension then ever happen again,
j and the Bank of the State be included, as
was the case in 1887, the State will incur
the penality of the law, hut will very conveniently
pay it by transferring her monthly
5 per ct. out of her bank jacket into
i iter treasury pocket?in other words, by
j making an entry in the books of the hank;
while she will unconscicntiouslv actually
i draw it from all the other banks, and thus
make a pecuniary profit out of her own
penal legislation, while evading its inflie,
tio:i on herself. Is not this then a beauti-1
I ful snorimnn of faual and partial Icgvila- j
.... - . J
Hon?Joes it not reflect immortal honor J
on the Solons and Lyeurgi who enacted !
it ? It would have been at least decorous
that the Stale should have retired from
the occupation of a Banker, before passing
a law to grossly partial, unequal and 1
1 and unjust.
; We have hitherto in our remarks, conceded
arguendo that suspension of specie
payments, by our Banks, is cause of for- J
; fciture of charter?but the concession was
j only made arguendo?we deny italiogoth-1
! cr?it is an idea which has taken its origin,
only in the hot-bed of parly feeling?of
late years, politics and finance have heen
mingied together, and tins is one of the
monstrosities of the unhallowed and inauspicious
union. Banks arc under no
other obligation to pay their notes or debts
in specie, than lies on the rest of the
community, unless their charters other,
wise provide?and it is as irrational, in
irt ft intend that a Bank forfeits
t?ltvil X/UOV ) ?\/
ilschartcr,as that an individual forfeits
his life, by not forking up the shines.
Hanks and individuals are alike liable to
be sued, and to be made to pay debt inI
terest and costs fornon payment-of their
notes. This is all their liabilitv, for suspension,
unless their charters prescribe
otherwise. The very fact that the Rail
Road Bank Charter imposes a penality of
, 12perct. interest per annum, in favor of
the holders of notes of that institution,
who shall not obtain specie for them on
demand, is proof conclusive that suspension
cannot work forfeiture of charter in
that institution : and is strong proof that
7 ~ 1
it is not cause of such forfeiture in any
I
f .v * .
other institution. If the greater penalty <
alrea ly existed intvnr laws, it would have s
been supererogatory to have formally en- <
acted this minor one. i
f There is another-point of view in which <
the legislators concerned in this act have i
compromised the State. They have now I
declared that a suspension of specie pay- 1
mcnts hy a Bank is a crime against good !
faith and against the State, rendering it I
O ' P
rightful and proper to proceed criminality
against the delinquent Bank for the vacation
or forfeiture of its charter. In this
view of the case, as the act extends to all
past suspensions, the Bank of the State
(and through it the State herself) hus
committed this high crime, and has rightfully
and properly incurred the forfeiture
If so, should not the State at once wind
up an institution which has made her commit
a crime against herself, which has in
volved her in, stained her honor, by a
breach of faith, Bat this, it seems, was not
quite so agreeable ; and it was decreed
belter to pass an act to punish every other
hank in the city, with the Shylock penality
to the State of 5 per cent a month, for
future suspension and to grant the Bank
| of the State fall absolution from Us sin
on its taking the penalty out of one pocket
an I p tting it in the other. The foul injustice
of the measure is still more glaring,
in reference to the other banks in which
the State is a joint-stockholder?for in
such case the State as a stockholder may
commit the sin of suspension, and as sovorcign
put the whole of the penality into
her owji treasury. It is manifest, then,
that this legislation is not the work ofclean
hands?it is a clear case of not only Satan
rebuking sin, at actually mulcting it for
the good of his pocket.
We could dilate much farther on the
I injustice and inconsistency of this legis- '
I lation, but our limits admonish us that we
! must draw our remarks to a close. We '
I reornrd the authors of this act as having '
I - - e--- -- ? ^ ^
suicidally conceded its illegality and im- I
constitutionality,Jvy enacting it to he car- 1
ried into effect bv consent, to be wrung
from the banks with the knife of tyrrannv 1
| at tiicir throats. We bold it to b* esseni
tially a j enal law, and to be in itscsscnce 1
; an ex postfccto law, imposing the penalty '
af er the act committed?it is an attempt 1
to try and convict by legislation, without '
judge or jury : and although the conscrv- '
I ative power of the Senate has failed us, 1
| we look to the still more conservative 1
power of the judiciary to extend the srgis '
' of constitutional protection over invaded 1
right?and we do this, not as our neigh- j
hour, the Mercury intimates, " to defy the 1
Slate," but in the hope that the proper de- i
i partment of our State government will (
uphold the constitution of the country, the '
faith of the State, and the rights ofcorpo- s
rations and individuals, against an un- (
warrantable attempt of the legislative arm ;
to cleave them down by usurpation and '
tyranny. I
Before concluding, we would state one '
view of the case, which deeply concerns : 5
our entire community and its most vital '
interests. If the hanks tainc'v submit to
th is edict of oppression, and it is her.ee- I '
forth to 1)3 a part ofthcir charters and the
..... .. ._ i
j law (?} iho land ; should any reverse m me |
j merchantiie world again compel suspen- '
sion by the banks in other places, the (
ihanks of Charleston, could never again
i extend the ^lightest indulgence to their '
ra o
j debtors?<lie State will put the screws to 1
! ibenjfer the niouthly penality of live per 1
' cent, and to avoid if, they will be obliged,
i in very self preservation, toput the screw?
I unsparingly to the community?and general
prostration of credit, and universal !
bankruptcy will he the order of the day. 1
| Are we propared for this result?arc we 1
j read}* to exchange the present wise, pru- '
j dent and salutary administration of our 1
i banks, for the ruthless and disastrous do- '
inination of this inexorable law ? We 1
say resist it, if you are wise?let bold op
[ position and constitutional nullification, not !
same and piritlcss acquiescence in wrong, '
be the order of the day?and let the Hank 1
of South Carolina crown herself with the J
honor of being the leader in the great !
battle, which is to be waged with the trip- 1
. le armour of justice and under the sacred (
banner of the constitution.
Wc subjoin a synopsis of the act. (
I Tlie first section of the act declares that 1 !
i 1
:hc provisions of the act shall he and he- j 1
I come par's of ihe ci nr.or of every hank M
| in thestatc already incorporated, or to he j '
incorporated, which shall accept the same, j j
j The second section enacts that every hank, 1 (
| wh'ch suspends the payment of current j
J coin lor its notes, shall become liable to I
pay to the state, at the expiration of every j
month after suc h suspension a sum of ino- j
ncy ecpial to five per cent [per annum] ;
upon the whole amount of its notes, j
in circulation at the beginning of
the month. This monthly payment)
to the state of five per cent upon j
its circulation, to continue as long as the
suspension lasts, or until the said hank
shall resume. The third section requires
the president cashier of each hank to
make a return under oath on the 1st day
of every month, setting forth the state of
such hanks as it existed at the cliosing of
17
ti c banks on the proceeding day. The
return to give full details as to the assets
and liabilities of the bank, and to be transmitted
to the comptroller general of the
state, within two days after being made
out. Banks which neglect to comply with
the provision embraced in the 3.1 section
to he liable to a tine of $100, for each and
every day of such neglect. Another sccion
of the hill points out the mode of proceding
for the recovery of the monev reO
* ?
quired to be paid to the state, in case of
juspension ; another requires theGovornar
to furnish each bank with a copy of the
ict, with a notice requiring its acceptance
af the provisions thereof; and the last
section declares that every bank, which
has suspended, and shall neglect to notify
the Governer of its acceptance of this law,
shall be proceeded against forthwith, for
the purpose of vacating its charter.
CONGRESS.
DEBATE IN THE SENATE,
ON THE Pt'BLIC LANDS.
Remarks of Mr. Crittenden, of Ky.
On the amendment proposed by Air. Calhoun
to the permanent Prospective j
Pre-emption bill. In Senate, January
12, 1841 :
Mr. Crittenden rose and observed, that
he had hardly ever felt more surprised
than in listening to the amendment proposed
by the Senator from South Carolina.
In offering the amendment which
himself had proposed, his simple and unobtrusive
purpose had been merely to
put on record the views lie entertained
and what he was willing to do on this
subject of 1're-emption. He nad occn
desirous that his views should not be misunderstood
or perverted, and he had
drawn up and offered his amendment for
the purpose of showing that he was willing
to go for Pre-emption, if it was combined
with a just distribution among the States
of the proceeds of the sales of the Public
Lands. For these two measures, if united,
he was willing to vote. He had
been desirous of putting this on record,
and that was his whole purpose in offering,
his amendment. For the audacity of
making such a proposition, said Mr. C. I
?no, not I?but my proposition itself
has been denounced in all the variety of
epithet which the eloquence of the honorable
Senator could supply. It has been
pronounced to be "idle, unjust, or foolish."
This was thesententions condemnation
passed upon it by the Senator
from South Carolina (Mr. Calhoun.)?
The Senator from Missouri, (Mr. BenIon)
had directed against it a storm of
epithets yet more ponderous. According
to the thunder of that gentleman's eloculion,
the proposition was "enormous !"
11 n a. 1 ;
'monstrous!" so monsirous unu so enormous
was it, that I shrank from all attempt
at defending it, and the honorable
Senator did not wonder! Now these
irgumentive epithets of the Senator will,
[ rather imagine, make no very great
mpression on the understanding of the
:ountry, or of the Senate. It is not by
rpithets that eitheir of these gentlemen,
ligh as they may believe themselves to
italic), can put down measures in this body
threat as may be their power of animadversion,
it is not on th it power that the
fate of this measure is to depend. The
entlemen may suppose that I shrink
from the very thought of defending my
mirndmcnt, because I do not choose to
occupy an hour or two in debate?on
what ? On a measure now before the
Senate? Not at all. The hill before us
is to grant a Prospective Pre-emption on
the Public Lands. Did the honorable
Senator expect I was about to take up
the time of this body in unfolding the advantages
and disadvantages of a measure
aftiiis kind ? To him, at least, all such
discussion must be in an eminent degree,
Hoc coJr. r?inf nnnrofitable. Pro-emotion
?" ?
and graduation have been abundantly argued,
both now and heretofore : there re*
mains but one more preposition to be considered,
which is distribution. Is that
to he debated now ? Docs the gentleman
suppose that I am going to debate that
question with the vain hope of carrying it
now ? Surely not; and yet, because I .
have abstained from this, I am accused of
shrinking from the defence of in}' amend- '
mcnt. I thought that it would be abusing
the patience of Senate If I should
attempt sucii a thing. And though, from
tlie manner of the honorable Senator
from Missouri, my frankness must have
surprised the Senate, he has multiplied a
repetition of his thaflks for my proposal
of a measure perfectly stale from repetition.
The propositions have been repeated
for years. What is there about them
so "monstrous ?" Is it Pre-emption??
[s that so atrocious? Is it Distribution?
Is that "idle, unjust, or foolish?" If it be
lot Congress take the burden of these denunciations
on themselves. Pre-emption
laws we have passed again and again, and
a hill for Distribution passed both the
Senate and House of Representatives by
triumphant majorities, and would have
" ' ? ? j i i.?, r..?
been the law 01 ixie lanu long ago, uui i?#i
most extraordinary and unnaralclled instance
of Executive interposition. Was
this the measure that was so "monstrous,"
so "enormous," so "outrageous," as to
deter any gentleman from even an attempt
at its. defence ?
But the honorable gentleman from
Missourri seems to consider this preposition
so monstrous and so outrageous, as a
measure over "cunning" that I will now
sav a word or two on that point. It is, j
on my part, no cunning proposal. I
have very little of that quality in my
composition; it is a thing I know not ni
my public course; to work by cunning,
is a thing I leave to older and more prac- I
tiscd politicians than myself. It was not
my purpose or intention to do any thing
cunning, when I offered the amendment
to the present bill; I wished, as I have
said, to put my exact position on record,
that all might sec it. I do rot see any
thing so very "cunning" in this. I know,
before I hadsaid a word, that all who will
not yield their unquestioning assent to
depredations on the public lands may c
culate on being denounced here, as e
mic3 cf those hardy and adventurous n
who are our precursors in subduing
wilderness. I never was their enemy
I am the son of a Pre-cmptioner, and i
myself born on a Pre-emption, and i
have been restrained from going the
length with gentlemen on this subject,
from no enmity towards the Pre-ei
tioners, but from a sense of duty to
Union, as one of the trustees to wh
has been confided the management
their common property. I rejoice tot
that there is now a way in which I n
at once gratify my sympathies with
industrious and hardy settler, and at
same time do my public duty to ail
States; that I can make a compron
between the rights of the settler and
rights of the Union. I am now rei
and willing to give a pre-emption righ
three hundred and twenty acres of
public land to every real bona fide sot
who is not worth o\ crone thorn and doll;
I am prepared to protect him in his [
sessions against the host of rich andgrj
ing speculators who, under the pretext
your pre-emption law, and under the
ceptive mask of an intention to settle !
improve your lands, are seeking to
the public domain into their possessi
that they may convert it into an cn<>
to enrich themselves.
Is there any thing in this propositi
so very unreasonable?so "monstrous
so "enormous"?so "cunning?" If we
to have a pre-emption at all, for wh
benefit is it to be granted? Gcntlem
in very moving tones, demand our sym
thies and ask our bounties for the poor i
the needv. This proposition meets tl
7 14
sympathies and complies with their
mands: it holds out a bounty to the p
and needy?a larger bounty, than
gentlemen themselves propose to g
and ail it asks is, a guard that this hou
shall not be given to the rich? Is t
''monstrous?" What do gentlemen
sire? What would they have? Do t
want to give pre-emptions to the rich
To make the rich richer? If not, wh)
they reject my proposition? 3/ine
the very essence of a pre-emption k
and it is the only sort of pre-emption
which can be honestly vindicated, f
men, worth over a thousand dollars, s
for themselves a home amongst the dist
wilds of the public lands. Very small,
deed, is the number whom such a rest
tion will exclude; but it will shut out
men who make their wealth out of
public plunder. Do gentlemen resis
on that account?
I would not occupy a moment of
Senate's time, were I not bound to si
that I am not ashamed of the mcasur
have proposed, and have not thought
' shrinking" from its defence. What
icction can he urged against that pari
my amendment which proposes to m
with pre-emption the principle of dis
bution? It would he idle at this time
repeat the history of'he e^ssion to
Union of the public domain?on wh
cession rests the right of the States t<
participation in its proceeds. These la
were ceded, be it remembered, in 17
at a time when the old Confederal
was tiie fundamental law of the Unio
when the Treasury was supplied by
quisitions on the States according to
amount of territory in each State; it
ceded with the express purpose, tha
should he and remain for the comi
benefit of all the States. The procc
were to he diviJed according to the qt
furnished by each S'ute to the expei
of the General Government; and how
that quota regulated? According to
estimate of improved lands in the scv
States. Bui is that the rule of the Sta
contribution now? If the proceeds of
nublic lands go into the Treasury, c
4 i *
each State get its share now in tins |
portion? No; rot unless the taxes v
in exact proportion to the lands in e
State. The rule has been altered.
i i i .i_ r i
nave cnangeu me means 01 iu.\uuwu,
vou cannot change the words of the c
of Cession, by virtue of which you I
your public lands; and the only w n\
fulfil the intent and meaning of that <
sion, is to go according to the terms
which it is expressed. The revenue f
the public lands, is not iike the rest of
revenue under the Constitution. T!
lands were ceded to us, not under
Constitution, but under tbc Con fed
lion; and the purpose of the cession
only be fulfilled by as near an npproxi
tion to the very words of the deed as
cumslnnces now render possible.
But ibis proposition is very dangoro
The honorable gentleman from iMissc
! reminds us that when, some venrs ago
were about to distribute the surplus i
in the Treasury, by depositing it with
States, he uttered the prophecy that
practice of distribution would not
there; that if the States once began t<
that blood, it would eventually bee
their common food; that the General (
ernment would he stripped of its rove
that the Slates would seize upon the
noy in the Treasury, and would leave
General Government to collect the i
ciency as \t could; in a word, that
States having once got the taste of hi
. . . * !/) fnffnn /\n t kn r.on/M'nl ( * Al/P rn II
like so many vampires, and would drai
veins of the last drop of their vitalit;
Well: the honorable Senator last up sc
to think (and I concur with him) lha
ought to repose the fullest confidenc
(he good faith of the States, and rely v
out hesitation on their fulfilling all i
contracts; J>ut what docs the ceur
IC
of the Senator from Missourri imply? (
i tidcnce in the fidelity of the States? W
magnificent compliment has the hor.oi
gentleman paid to the States of this <
fedcracy! In his opinion, they ar
many vampires?they are to lap the I
of the (Government?they arc to feed
its strength and suck its veins.
;al- what is the General Government? la it?
ne- not their own offspring? And is the palen
rental sentiment so weakened, so destroythc
ed, so reversed, that the parent will devour
.? the child? The Slates, it seems, are not
,vas to be trusted; they arc a set of vampires; *
f I they will lap the heart's blocd of the Gtfvfull
erntnent, and drain its veins.. That is the
it is Senator's opinion of them. I believe no
np- such thing, but he does; and we were told
the all this, y^s, and great deal more. The
10m States, if they once get their hands upon
of this money, will apply it to unwise purind
poses; it will corrupt them?destroy their
lay dignity and sense of independence! - In
the our pure hands alone there is no contaTTiifi*
the at ion. The S ates are n pack of idle spend- j
the thrifts, tempted by the sight of money,
lise intoxicated by the touch of their.own
the property, corrupted by its possession, and
idy led into all sorts of folly and mischief; 1
it of therefore wc, as a sort of wise guardians,
the must keep these our little wards from jutler
venile indiscretions?must defend them
ars. from themselves, by?kei ping tliei; inher)os
itancc! [L u ghter.]
tsp- The States have a right to demand thip
; of distrihu'ion; and if they have, their cirdc
cumstances render it desirable that they
and should have what is their due. They have
get debts to pay; and under such circumion,
stances, think you that they do not, like
me private individuals, like to receive what is
due them? We are their debtors; we owe
ion, them this money; and they ought to have
" it. If it is their just right; then it is no
are argument to say 41 we need this money;
ose we cannot spare it; our Treasury is at a
ien, very low ebb, and if we take out this
ipa- amount to pay it to them, we shall have
and to lay taxes upon them to make up thede
?> nr. i _:~u.
leir | nciency. ** c iiuvu nu ii^m iu use navn
de- properly for our purposes. Wo possess
ioor ampler modes of raising funds than the
the States do; and, if paying your just debts ^
ive; loaves you with a deficit, it is much easier \ ^
ntv for you to supply it than for the States to
hat lie out of their dues. That is my answer
de. to the honorable Sonator, and all that lie
hev says about the monstrosity of my provis.
?_L ion. . .
j do It is sa d to be " idle" to pay over this
has money to the S a'cs, if by taxation we
iw; must raise an equal sum. But this is a
law fallacy.?I have shown that the rate of
'ew distribution is to be regulated by theprineck
eiplcs which prevailed under the old Con.
ant federation, and not according to the ratio
,.n* of taxation established' by the Federal
r'k" Constitution. The principle of distribution
applying to the proceeds of these lands is
t j special and nat general; it is regulated
by terms of the original cession, which
t]JC was made while the Cenfederation was
iow yct i" l?rcc i but we have ttone vcry
e i from the rule then laid down. Give this
of money to the State', and every man in
oh- the Slate, rich and poor, will share in the
t of benefit. It is their right, and they ought
nite to enjoy it: I nrght stop here, without
>tri- going into any question of consequences.
1 1? but if, by ds'ri bating to the States the
f',c proceeds of tlnir own pr<pcrty, we are
i:c'' driven to taxation to make up the^eficit,
0 a have wo not ample means? Are there
' * net luxurious on which a vcrV small tax
[ion sufficient for this purpose, without
() reaching the poor man at nil? Lay your
rc_ Concluded on Cou th Cage,
the A shocking Affair.?A bout one o'clock
was last Saturday night, the house of Mr.
t it Welch, four miles west of Paris, Illinois,
nou was attacked by a party of five persons
oris with their faces blacked, and otherwise
iota disfigured to avoid detection. Mr.. Welch
jscs received the contents of a rifie (supposed ^
was to have been fired through the window)
an whilst laying in bed ; and when the door
oral was broken open, the defence of the family
tes' entirely developed on his wife and his son
the (a had of 1G the balance of his household
Iocs consisting of children under eight yeaisof
pro- age.
'ere As soon as the pnftv obtained entrance,
nch a person,' who proved to be (ieorge Red.
? ? '-1'-.t.ikrt/l ?in/\n i'h/1 olfl&P
i ou | man, near ik'i^iiuui, msucu up<#u mu v -.
but Mr. Walcli with a butcher knife ; but, belets
I fore he could accomplish his diabolical purioid
i pose, young Welch knocked him down
' to with a stick of wood, and followed up his
cos- blows until ho broke the assasin's scull in
in several places. Redman lingered until
iom | Sunday evening, when he died of bis
the j wounds. Whilst the boy was thus suc)ose
ccssfiilly defending the life of his father,
the Greenup James, one of Redman's accomora.
plices, attacked* Jfrs. Welch, first by fircan
ing at her in bed, and subsequently, with
nm- a large hi ckory club, prepared for the purcir
pose. Mrs. Welch, with more than Spartan
bravery, seized the tongs, knocked
us.': down her assailant, and, finally,succccd>urri
cd in disabling him so as to prevent his
i wc flight. and render his efforts at mischief
then impotent and harmless.
'j10 l)uring the progress of the affray, three
1C of the party, (two of whom are supposed
tube the son and brother of George Radonle
Iinun) ' ant^ )oun8 ^Telch (leaving his
I mother to taUe rare ofG. James.and pre
jov. . - .
nuc; vcnt his flight, went to Paris and procurmo
medical aid for his father, who was
. (he nearly exhausted from the loss of olood
defi. caused by his wounds. Mrs. Welch in
the the meantime, attended well to the safety
ood, of her charge, paralyzing his efforts at
nent flight by applications of her trusty weapon,
n its Though badly wounded, it is believed
the elder Welch will, recover, as the ball
ferns |jeen carefully extracted. Mrs.
* NTe Welch and her son (through a singular
idtl" 'n*crPos'tmn Providence) are entirely
llieir free from injury., A younger son (a bqy
nent seven or eight) was woundod in the
nnn_ head during the atfray, by one q? the or,
h;.;3 sassins, although not dangerously. This
mble shocking attempt to murder a whole faruiL'on
ly, originated, it is supposed, in a misun.
e so derstanding or family quarrel of some
dood months standings
upon (i. James is secured in the Paris jail.
IV'by and the officers of justice are in pursuit of