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run up too tali and cause danger to them ? from the winds after tliey are transplant ted. To avoid this, it is well to place them on the win low-stool, where it is very light, and turn them occasionally to prevent their acquiring the hahit of looking loo wishfully out doors'. When set out, the earth may be drawn about the stem quite high up without injury. Hand glasses are an excellent thing in the garden to forward and protect early vegetables. A shallow box, higher on the ' O backside than the front, that is large enough to be covered bv two panes of grass, xvjll answer a very good purpose. A joiner will make you a dozen for a dollar or two. Those should he placed over the hill facing the south?so that the sun may have the best command of them. Seeds planted in these will soon come up, and the covering will protect them from frost. In warm days the glass should be removed to give the plants the benefit ofair. They should, too, he watered seasonably. There is another advantage in those hand glasses?especially for cucumbers, melons and squashes. They will he so forward and atiain such a size, that by the time you are safe in taking np the boxes, the plants wiil be out of the way of the yellow bugs and other insects. In this way you will insure a crop. They are also important to insure a ripened crop of late sorts of melons and winter squashes. By means of the boxes nearly a month may be gained in the length of the season, which will put them out of (he way of the frost of autumn.?Sou'hem Cabinet. Production ok Silk. It cannot be disguised, even had any one an interest in misrepresenting facts that many have been disappointed in their expectations the past season in the growing of silk. Many deemed a failure al most impossible; they made no allowance tor inexperience, and the disadvantages ineritableto the commencement of a new business, and when they find the expected hundred pounds of silk reduced one half or three-fourths by want of foliage, or disease of worms, or defective cocoons, dcnouncc the business as unprofitable, and the attempt to grow silk in this country a* chimerical. Others with less sangul ie exo' v 'atio'is went to work more care fsil.'v; secured an abundance of foliage, procured eggs tlint had not been half hatched, and then chilled some three or four times, and these, by proper feeding have had good success, no loss from disease, and no difficulty in the formation or qualify of the cocoons. We find from the various notices of this subject in the public journals of the country, that many have repeated the experiment of Mr. McLean of New-Jersey, in seeing hnw much silk could he produced from one-fourth of an acre of mulberries, andsoineexpress an opinion,that they shall equal or exceed his crop. From a variety of notices of the culture in the NewEngland Farmer of Dec. 23, 1840, we extract the following from a silk grower in the county of Franklin, Mass. ' One person fed 30,000 worms consumed 1,200 lbs. of multicauhs leaves, nnd had 70 lbs. of cocoons; another fed 3.) 000 worms, consumed 1,327 lbs. leaves, and had 100 lbs. of cocoons; another fed 25.000 worms, consumed 817 lbs. hmves, and bad 75 lbs. cocoons; another fed 43,000 worms with the white mulberry, (leaves not weighed.) and had 105 lbs. of cocoons; another tea ouuu worms wun mullicnulis(leaves not weighed) and had 11) 1-2 lbs. of cocoons: four ] mi wis of these last reeled half a pound of raw t ilk." It was the opinion of these feeders, and is that of many other persons who have tried the methods, that chopping the leaves for the worms in the feeding, promotes the health of the worms, prevents waste, and lessens the labor of feeding. It is also the mode followed by the Chinese in produ ting their silks. The readers of the Cultivator for 1840, will remember that we gave some account mann(nr>fiirno r\f <i!L* r? i \If ant, Ohio, by Mr. G. XV, Gill, antl we are glad to see by an extract from a letter of that gentleman in the western papers, that his labors the past year have been eminently successful. Mr, Gill says, respecting his manufactures: "We have increased our variety of goods. Our stock now consists of plain ami tigurcd Terry, English, Dutch and Genoa velvets, hat, tippet, and cap plush; <*ros de Naples, and other dress silks; black corded aprons; Italian cravats, silk tassels, and silk lace, super silk hats, and super silk caps. Our slock of goods is large ne.d I can till orders (accompanied by cash) on vcrv reasonable terms." Mr. Gill purchases all good cocoons at via bushel; keeps six looms in operation, and is confident the silk business must succeed in this country, and particularly in the great west. To command the above price, the cocoons must be killed b)- suffocation with camphor, sulphur, or charcoal; if kil > . i .1 e.o I I 'Cl t)V DaKlllg, I/! * price is pur lmi>uui, if the floss is taken otT, tlie measure is level: hut if not, the bushel is heaped. I'rom the evidence which is already before the public, it seems most probable that the failures which have been noticed, wore rather the result mismanagement of the eggs or the worms, than of any inherent difficulty in the husines; and that when these obstacles are surmounted, as I liev may be by experience, there will be no more difficully in growing a crop of ?>ilk, than one of potatoes, and the labor end expense will be far less.?[Cultivator. I1? - - V " Tram the Charleston Courier. The I a :c against Bank Sn "pensions.? We perceive that most of the Banks of our Cit\ and State have summoned their stockholders to meet'and decide whether they will resist or acquiesce in the recent of our Slate Legislature against Bank Si s pension-. The Bank of South Carolina leadsofl' tc-day, and \ve trust that it will "i iv' . * set a bold and independent e;wimple?an example of uncompromising resistance to an act of legislation, which bears on its face the impress of tyranny, and is equally, violative of the constitution of the country and the faith of contracts. It has heen judicially decided and it is universally conceded (except by a few rabid loco locos and anti-baukitcs of the Fiskeschool), that a charter is a contract between the State and the individuals to whom it has been granted ; and, in the case of our banks, it is a contract for n valuable consideration, which has gone into the coffers of the State. The State therefore cannot impose new condi lions on a corporation, in other words cannot aher a charter, icithoiit the consent of the corporate hotly?both the faith cf the State and the Federal Constitution forbid such an interference with the " obligation o of contracts." Now what is the character of the recent act?it is one which shamelessly keeps the word of promise to the ear and breaks it to the hope?it commences with a professed or pretended respect for the constitution, and forthwith proceeds to demolish by indirection the shield which that sacred instrument has thrown around contracts?it mildly and const it utionaWy declares, at the cn set that it provision shall " become parrs of the charter of every bank in the State, already in-' ' corporoted, which shall accept the same" and ends with the unjust, despotic and i unconstitutional edict, 44 that every bank I which has suspended, and shail neglect tc | notify the Governor of its acceptance of this law, shall be proceeded against forthwith for the purpose of vacating its charter." What is this but saying," true your charter cannot be altered, icilhovt ! your consent?hut consent or dV,"?that | is you must give an involuntary consent? j no lens vol ens, you must do it of your own J free will and accord! Is not this discreditable game for a legislature to plnv? Thus to make a mockery of the Consiitu; tion and the plighted faith of the States? If the hanks have in fact incurred the penalty of forfeiture of thcr ch. rters, by their past suspensions, it may have been propI erlv within the discretion of the Legislature to have directed the penality to be rigorously enforced ; but it is, to say the ! least unworthy of that l>ody to use any such : advantage over tho Banks to compel them to vary the terms of their contract with : the State?to surrender any of their pur. ! chased privileges and immunities. Such a use of power becomes the tyrant, not the Legislature of a free people. I5ut the mo i revolting feature in this novel and faithless legialation, is that the State herselfis a banker on a groat scale, and can bank on, not only unharmed, in case she again commits the crime of sus. pension, but greatly to her pecuniary profit, under her own tyrannical and unjust leg. islation. The penally prescribed for fu. I ture suspension, under the new net, is not j forfeiture of charter?no, that might ex. ! pose the State herself to such forfeiture? ' hut 4 that every bank which suspends the ' payment of current coin for its notes, shall | becomes liable to pay to the State, at the j expiration of every month after such susj pension, a sum of rmmey equal to five per j cent upon the whole amonut of its notes I in circulation at the beginning of the o n month''?an 1 so for each and every month | while the suspension shall last. Now, let I us look to the rjfrrt of this legislation, j The State, we have already said, is a ban. , kcr on a large scale?she is sole and exciui vp nwnnr of iho chartered Rank of the S^ate, with a captal of several millions of dollars ; and she is chief stockholder in the South Western Rail Road Rank, and through the Rank of the State, owns stock I ? | largely in several other banks. Should a general suspension then ever happen again, j and the Bank of the State be included, as was the case in 1887, the State will incur the penality of the law, hut will very conveniently pay it by transferring her monthly 5 per ct. out of her bank jacket into i iter treasury pocket?in other words, by j making an entry in the books of the hank; while she will unconscicntiouslv actually i draw it from all the other banks, and thus make a pecuniary profit out of her own penal legislation, while evading its inflie, tio:i on herself. Is not this then a beauti-1 I ful snorimnn of faual and partial Icgvila- j .... - . J Hon?Joes it not reflect immortal honor J on the Solons and Lyeurgi who enacted ! it ? It would have been at least decorous that the Stale should have retired from the occupation of a Banker, before passing a law to grossly partial, unequal and 1 1 and unjust. ; We have hitherto in our remarks, conceded arguendo that suspension of specie payments, by our Banks, is cause of for- J ; fciture of charter?but the concession was j only made arguendo?we deny italiogoth-1 ! cr?it is an idea which has taken its origin, only in the hot-bed of parly feeling?of late years, politics and finance have heen mingied together, and tins is one of the monstrosities of the unhallowed and inauspicious union. Banks arc under no other obligation to pay their notes or debts in specie, than lies on the rest of the community, unless their charters other, wise provide?and it is as irrational, in irt ft intend that a Bank forfeits t?ltvil X/UOV ) ?\/ ilschartcr,as that an individual forfeits his life, by not forking up the shines. Hanks and individuals are alike liable to be sued, and to be made to pay debt inI terest and costs fornon payment-of their notes. This is all their liabilitv, for suspension, unless their charters prescribe otherwise. The very fact that the Rail Road Bank Charter imposes a penality of , 12perct. interest per annum, in favor of the holders of notes of that institution, who shall not obtain specie for them on demand, is proof conclusive that suspension cannot work forfeiture of charter in that institution : and is strong proof that 7 ~ 1 it is not cause of such forfeiture in any I f .v * . other institution. If the greater penalty < alrea ly existed intvnr laws, it would have s been supererogatory to have formally en- < acted this minor one. i f There is another-point of view in which < the legislators concerned in this act have i compromised the State. They have now I declared that a suspension of specie pay- 1 mcnts hy a Bank is a crime against good ! faith and against the State, rendering it I O ' P rightful and proper to proceed criminality against the delinquent Bank for the vacation or forfeiture of its charter. In this view of the case, as the act extends to all past suspensions, the Bank of the State (and through it the State herself) hus committed this high crime, and has rightfully and properly incurred the forfeiture If so, should not the State at once wind up an institution which has made her commit a crime against herself, which has in volved her in, stained her honor, by a breach of faith, Bat this, it seems, was not quite so agreeable ; and it was decreed belter to pass an act to punish every other hank in the city, with the Shylock penality to the State of 5 per cent a month, for future suspension and to grant the Bank | of the State fall absolution from Us sin on its taking the penalty out of one pocket an I p tting it in the other. The foul injustice of the measure is still more glaring, in reference to the other banks in which the State is a joint-stockholder?for in such case the State as a stockholder may commit the sin of suspension, and as sovorcign put the whole of the penality into her owji treasury. It is manifest, then, that this legislation is not the work ofclean hands?it is a clear case of not only Satan rebuking sin, at actually mulcting it for the good of his pocket. We could dilate much farther on the I injustice and inconsistency of this legis- ' I lation, but our limits admonish us that we ! must draw our remarks to a close. We ' I reornrd the authors of this act as having ' I - - e--- -- ? ^ ^ suicidally conceded its illegality and im- I constitutionality,Jvy enacting it to he car- 1 ried into effect bv consent, to be wrung from the banks with the knife of tyrrannv 1 | at tiicir throats. We bold it to b* esseni tially a j enal law, and to be in itscsscnce 1 ; an ex postfccto law, imposing the penalty ' af er the act committed?it is an attempt 1 to try and convict by legislation, without ' judge or jury : and although the conscrv- ' I ative power of the Senate has failed us, 1 | we look to the still more conservative 1 power of the judiciary to extend the srgis ' ' of constitutional protection over invaded 1 right?and we do this, not as our neigh- j hour, the Mercury intimates, " to defy the 1 Slate," but in the hope that the proper de- i i partment of our State government will ( uphold the constitution of the country, the ' faith of the State, and the rights ofcorpo- s rations and individuals, against an un- ( warrantable attempt of the legislative arm ; to cleave them down by usurpation and ' tyranny. I Before concluding, we would state one ' view of the case, which deeply concerns : 5 our entire community and its most vital ' interests. If the hanks tainc'v submit to th is edict of oppression, and it is her.ee- I ' forth to 1)3 a part ofthcir charters and the ..... .. ._ i j law (?} iho land ; should any reverse m me | j merchantiie world again compel suspen- ' sion by the banks in other places, the ( ihanks of Charleston, could never again i extend the ^lightest indulgence to their ' ra o j debtors?<lie State will put the screws to 1 ! ibenjfer the niouthly penality of live per 1 ' cent, and to avoid if, they will be obliged, i in very self preservation, toput the screw? I unsparingly to the community?and general prostration of credit, and universal ! bankruptcy will he the order of the day. 1 | Are we propared for this result?arc we 1 j read}* to exchange the present wise, pru- ' j dent and salutary administration of our 1 i banks, for the ruthless and disastrous do- ' inination of this inexorable law ? We 1 say resist it, if you are wise?let bold op [ position and constitutional nullification, not ! same and piritlcss acquiescence in wrong, ' be the order of the day?and let the Hank 1 of South Carolina crown herself with the J honor of being the leader in the great ! battle, which is to be waged with the trip- 1 . le armour of justice and under the sacred ( banner of the constitution. Wc subjoin a synopsis of the act. ( I Tlie first section of the act declares that 1 ! i 1 :hc provisions of the act shall he and he- j 1 I come par's of ihe ci nr.or of every hank M | in thestatc already incorporated, or to he j ' incorporated, which shall accept the same, j j j The second section enacts that every hank, 1 ( | wh'ch suspends the payment of current j J coin lor its notes, shall become liable to I pay to the state, at the expiration of every j month after suc h suspension a sum of ino- j ncy ecpial to five per cent [per annum] ; upon the whole amount of its notes, j in circulation at the beginning of the month. This monthly payment) to the state of five per cent upon j its circulation, to continue as long as the suspension lasts, or until the said hank shall resume. The third section requires the president cashier of each hank to make a return under oath on the 1st day of every month, setting forth the state of such hanks as it existed at the cliosing of 17 ti c banks on the proceeding day. The return to give full details as to the assets and liabilities of the bank, and to be transmitted to the comptroller general of the state, within two days after being made out. Banks which neglect to comply with the provision embraced in the 3.1 section to he liable to a tine of $100, for each and every day of such neglect. Another sccion of the hill points out the mode of proceding for the recovery of the monev reO * ? quired to be paid to the state, in case of juspension ; another requires theGovornar to furnish each bank with a copy of the ict, with a notice requiring its acceptance af the provisions thereof; and the last section declares that every bank, which has suspended, and shall neglect to notify the Governer of its acceptance of this law, shall be proceeded against forthwith, for the purpose of vacating its charter. CONGRESS. DEBATE IN THE SENATE, ON THE Pt'BLIC LANDS. Remarks of Mr. Crittenden, of Ky. On the amendment proposed by Air. Calhoun to the permanent Prospective j Pre-emption bill. In Senate, January 12, 1841 : Mr. Crittenden rose and observed, that he had hardly ever felt more surprised than in listening to the amendment proposed by the Senator from South Carolina. In offering the amendment which himself had proposed, his simple and unobtrusive purpose had been merely to put on record the views lie entertained and what he was willing to do on this subject of 1're-emption. He nad occn desirous that his views should not be misunderstood or perverted, and he had drawn up and offered his amendment for the purpose of showing that he was willing to go for Pre-emption, if it was combined with a just distribution among the States of the proceeds of the sales of the Public Lands. For these two measures, if united, he was willing to vote. He had been desirous of putting this on record, and that was his whole purpose in offering, his amendment. For the audacity of making such a proposition, said Mr. C. I ?no, not I?but my proposition itself has been denounced in all the variety of epithet which the eloquence of the honorable Senator could supply. It has been pronounced to be "idle, unjust, or foolish." This was thesententions condemnation passed upon it by the Senator from South Carolina (Mr. Calhoun.)? The Senator from Missouri, (Mr. BenIon) had directed against it a storm of epithets yet more ponderous. According to the thunder of that gentleman's eloculion, the proposition was "enormous !" 11 n a. 1 ; 'monstrous!" so monsirous unu so enormous was it, that I shrank from all attempt at defending it, and the honorable Senator did not wonder! Now these irgumentive epithets of the Senator will, [ rather imagine, make no very great mpression on the understanding of the :ountry, or of the Senate. It is not by rpithets that eitheir of these gentlemen, ligh as they may believe themselves to italic), can put down measures in this body threat as may be their power of animadversion, it is not on th it power that the fate of this measure is to depend. The entlemen may suppose that I shrink from the very thought of defending my mirndmcnt, because I do not choose to occupy an hour or two in debate?on what ? On a measure now before the Senate? Not at all. The hill before us is to grant a Prospective Pre-emption on the Public Lands. Did the honorable Senator expect I was about to take up the time of this body in unfolding the advantages and disadvantages of a measure aftiiis kind ? To him, at least, all such discussion must be in an eminent degree, Hoc coJr. r?inf nnnrofitable. Pro-emotion ?" ? and graduation have been abundantly argued, both now and heretofore : there re* mains but one more preposition to be considered, which is distribution. Is that to he debated now ? Docs the gentleman suppose that I am going to debate that question with the vain hope of carrying it now ? Surely not; and yet, because I . have abstained from this, I am accused of shrinking from the defence of in}' amend- ' mcnt. I thought that it would be abusing the patience of Senate If I should attempt sucii a thing. And though, from tlie manner of the honorable Senator from Missouri, my frankness must have surprised the Senate, he has multiplied a repetition of his thaflks for my proposal of a measure perfectly stale from repetition. The propositions have been repeated for years. What is there about them so "monstrous ?" Is it Pre-emption?? [s that so atrocious? Is it Distribution? Is that "idle, unjust, or foolish?" If it be lot Congress take the burden of these denunciations on themselves. Pre-emption laws we have passed again and again, and a hill for Distribution passed both the Senate and House of Representatives by triumphant majorities, and would have " ' ? ? j i i.?, r..? been the law 01 ixie lanu long ago, uui i?#i most extraordinary and unnaralclled instance of Executive interposition. Was this the measure that was so "monstrous," so "enormous," so "outrageous," as to deter any gentleman from even an attempt at its. defence ? But the honorable gentleman from Missourri seems to consider this preposition so monstrous and so outrageous, as a measure over "cunning" that I will now sav a word or two on that point. It is, j on my part, no cunning proposal. I have very little of that quality in my composition; it is a thing I know not ni my public course; to work by cunning, is a thing I leave to older and more prac- I tiscd politicians than myself. It was not my purpose or intention to do any thing cunning, when I offered the amendment to the present bill; I wished, as I have said, to put my exact position on record, that all might sec it. I do rot see any thing so very "cunning" in this. I know, before I hadsaid a word, that all who will not yield their unquestioning assent to depredations on the public lands may c culate on being denounced here, as e mic3 cf those hardy and adventurous n who are our precursors in subduing wilderness. I never was their enemy I am the son of a Pre-cmptioner, and i myself born on a Pre-emption, and i have been restrained from going the length with gentlemen on this subject, from no enmity towards the Pre-ei tioners, but from a sense of duty to Union, as one of the trustees to wh has been confided the management their common property. I rejoice tot that there is now a way in which I n at once gratify my sympathies with industrious and hardy settler, and at same time do my public duty to ail States; that I can make a compron between the rights of the settler and rights of the Union. I am now rei and willing to give a pre-emption righ three hundred and twenty acres of public land to every real bona fide sot who is not worth o\ crone thorn and doll; I am prepared to protect him in his [ sessions against the host of rich andgrj ing speculators who, under the pretext your pre-emption law, and under the ceptive mask of an intention to settle ! improve your lands, are seeking to the public domain into their possessi that they may convert it into an cn<> to enrich themselves. Is there any thing in this propositi so very unreasonable?so "monstrous so "enormous"?so "cunning?" If we to have a pre-emption at all, for wh benefit is it to be granted? Gcntlem in very moving tones, demand our sym thies and ask our bounties for the poor i the needv. This proposition meets tl 7 14 sympathies and complies with their mands: it holds out a bounty to the p and needy?a larger bounty, than gentlemen themselves propose to g and ail it asks is, a guard that this hou shall not be given to the rich? Is t ''monstrous?" What do gentlemen sire? What would they have? Do t want to give pre-emptions to the rich To make the rich richer? If not, wh) they reject my proposition? 3/ine the very essence of a pre-emption k and it is the only sort of pre-emption which can be honestly vindicated, f men, worth over a thousand dollars, s for themselves a home amongst the dist wilds of the public lands. Very small, deed, is the number whom such a rest tion will exclude; but it will shut out men who make their wealth out of public plunder. Do gentlemen resis on that account? I would not occupy a moment of Senate's time, were I not bound to si that I am not ashamed of the mcasur have proposed, and have not thought ' shrinking" from its defence. What icction can he urged against that pari my amendment which proposes to m with pre-emption the principle of dis bution? It would he idle at this time repeat the history of'he e^ssion to Union of the public domain?on wh cession rests the right of the States t< participation in its proceeds. These la were ceded, be it remembered, in 17 at a time when the old Confederal was tiie fundamental law of the Unio when the Treasury was supplied by quisitions on the States according to amount of territory in each State; it ceded with the express purpose, tha should he and remain for the comi benefit of all the States. The procc were to he diviJed according to the qt furnished by each S'ute to the expei of the General Government; and how that quota regulated? According to estimate of improved lands in the scv States. Bui is that the rule of the Sta contribution now? If the proceeds of nublic lands go into the Treasury, c 4 i * each State get its share now in tins | portion? No; rot unless the taxes v in exact proportion to the lands in e State. The rule has been altered. i i i .i_ r i nave cnangeu me means 01 iu.\uuwu, vou cannot change the words of the c of Cession, by virtue of which you I your public lands; and the only w n\ fulfil the intent and meaning of that < sion, is to go according to the terms which it is expressed. The revenue f the public lands, is not iike the rest of revenue under the Constitution. T! lands were ceded to us, not under Constitution, but under tbc Con fed lion; and the purpose of the cession only be fulfilled by as near an npproxi tion to the very words of the deed as cumslnnces now render possible. But ibis proposition is very dangoro The honorable gentleman from iMissc ! reminds us that when, some venrs ago were about to distribute the surplus i in the Treasury, by depositing it with States, he uttered the prophecy that practice of distribution would not there; that if the States once began t< that blood, it would eventually bee their common food; that the General ( ernment would he stripped of its rove that the Slates would seize upon the noy in the Treasury, and would leave General Government to collect the i ciency as \t could; in a word, that States having once got the taste of hi . . . * !/) fnffnn /\n t kn r.on/M'nl ( * Al/P rn II like so many vampires, and would drai veins of the last drop of their vitalit; Well: the honorable Senator last up sc to think (and I concur with him) lha ought to repose the fullest confidenc (he good faith of the States, and rely v out hesitation on their fulfilling all i contracts; J>ut what docs the ceur IC of the Senator from Missourri imply? ( i tidcnce in the fidelity of the States? W magnificent compliment has the hor.oi gentleman paid to the States of this < fedcracy! In his opinion, they ar many vampires?they are to lap the I of the (Government?they arc to feed its strength and suck its veins. ;al- what is the General Government? la it? ne- not their own offspring? And is the palen rental sentiment so weakened, so destroythc ed, so reversed, that the parent will devour .? the child? The Slates, it seems, are not ,vas to be trusted; they arc a set of vampires; * f I they will lap the heart's blocd of the Gtfvfull erntnent, and drain its veins.. That is the it is Senator's opinion of them. I believe no np- such thing, but he does; and we were told the all this, y^s, and great deal more. The 10m States, if they once get their hands upon of this money, will apply it to unwise purind poses; it will corrupt them?destroy their lay dignity and sense of independence! - In the our pure hands alone there is no contaTTiifi* the at ion. The S ates are n pack of idle spend- j the thrifts, tempted by the sight of money, lise intoxicated by the touch of their.own the property, corrupted by its possession, and idy led into all sorts of folly and mischief; 1 it of therefore wc, as a sort of wise guardians, the must keep these our little wards from jutler venile indiscretions?must defend them ars. from themselves, by?kei ping tliei; inher)os itancc! [L u ghter.] tsp- The States have a right to demand thip ; of distrihu'ion; and if they have, their cirdc cumstances render it desirable that they and should have what is their due. They have get debts to pay; and under such circumion, stances, think you that they do not, like me private individuals, like to receive what is due them? We are their debtors; we owe ion, them this money; and they ought to have " it. If it is their just right; then it is no are argument to say 41 we need this money; ose we cannot spare it; our Treasury is at a ien, very low ebb, and if we take out this ipa- amount to pay it to them, we shall have and to lay taxes upon them to make up thede ?> nr. i _:~u. leir | nciency. ** c iiuvu nu ii^m iu use navn de- properly for our purposes. Wo possess ioor ampler modes of raising funds than the the States do; and, if paying your just debts ^ ive; loaves you with a deficit, it is much easier \ ^ ntv for you to supply it than for the States to hat lie out of their dues. That is my answer de. to the honorable Sonator, and all that lie hev says about the monstrosity of my provis. ?_L ion. . . j do It is sa d to be " idle" to pay over this has money to the S a'cs, if by taxation we iw; must raise an equal sum. But this is a law fallacy.?I have shown that the rate of 'ew distribution is to be regulated by theprineck eiplcs which prevailed under the old Con. ant federation, and not according to the ratio ,.n* of taxation established' by the Federal r'k" Constitution. The principle of distribution applying to the proceeds of these lands is t j special and nat general; it is regulated by terms of the original cession, which t]JC was made while the Cenfederation was iow yct i" l?rcc i but we have ttone vcry e i from the rule then laid down. Give this of money to the State', and every man in oh- the Slate, rich and poor, will share in the t of benefit. It is their right, and they ought nite to enjoy it: I nrght stop here, without >tri- going into any question of consequences. 1 1? but if, by ds'ri bating to the States the f',c proceeds of tlnir own pr<pcrty, we are i:c'' driven to taxation to make up the^eficit, 0 a have wo not ample means? Are there ' * net luxurious on which a vcrV small tax [ion sufficient for this purpose, without () reaching the poor man at nil? Lay your rc_ Concluded on Cou th Cage, the A shocking Affair.?A bout one o'clock was last Saturday night, the house of Mr. t it Welch, four miles west of Paris, Illinois, nou was attacked by a party of five persons oris with their faces blacked, and otherwise iota disfigured to avoid detection. Mr.. Welch jscs received the contents of a rifie (supposed ^ was to have been fired through the window) an whilst laying in bed ; and when the door oral was broken open, the defence of the family tes' entirely developed on his wife and his son the (a had of 1G the balance of his household Iocs consisting of children under eight yeaisof pro- age. 'ere As soon as the pnftv obtained entrance, nch a person,' who proved to be (ieorge Red. ? ? '-1'-.t.ikrt/l ?in/\n i'h/1 olfl&P i ou | man, near ik'i^iiuui, msucu up<#u mu v -. but Mr. Walcli with a butcher knife ; but, belets I fore he could accomplish his diabolical purioid i pose, young Welch knocked him down ' to with a stick of wood, and followed up his cos- blows until ho broke the assasin's scull in in several places. Redman lingered until iom | Sunday evening, when he died of bis the j wounds. Whilst the boy was thus suc)ose ccssfiilly defending the life of his father, the Greenup James, one of Redman's accomora. plices, attacked* Jfrs. Welch, first by fircan ing at her in bed, and subsequently, with nm- a large hi ckory club, prepared for the purcir pose. Mrs. Welch, with more than Spartan bravery, seized the tongs, knocked us.': down her assailant, and, finally,succccd>urri cd in disabling him so as to prevent his i wc flight. and render his efforts at mischief then impotent and harmless. 'j10 l)uring the progress of the affray, three 1C of the party, (two of whom are supposed tube the son and brother of George Radonle Iinun) ' ant^ )oun8 ^Telch (leaving his I mother to taUe rare ofG. James.and pre jov. . - . nuc; vcnt his flight, went to Paris and procurmo medical aid for his father, who was . (he nearly exhausted from the loss of olood defi. caused by his wounds. Mrs. Welch in the the meantime, attended well to the safety ood, of her charge, paralyzing his efforts at nent flight by applications of her trusty weapon, n its Though badly wounded, it is believed the elder Welch will, recover, as the ball ferns |jeen carefully extracted. Mrs. * NTe Welch and her son (through a singular idtl" 'n*crPos'tmn Providence) are entirely llieir free from injury., A younger son (a bqy nent seven or eight) was woundod in the nnn_ head during the atfray, by one q? the or, h;.;3 sassins, although not dangerously. This mble shocking attempt to murder a whole faruiL'on ly, originated, it is supposed, in a misun. e so derstanding or family quarrel of some dood months standings upon (i. James is secured in the Paris jail. IV'by and the officers of justice are in pursuit of