Farmers' gazette, and Cheraw advertiser. (Cheraw, S.C.) 1839-1843, February 17, 1841, Page 54, Image 2
reduction of prico ; and finally, that iftho
. conditions of cession be violated by a
State in any particular, all titles or grants
to land thereafter sold by the Statu to bo
null and void?thus giving the measure
the force and solemnity of a compact, and
placing the whole under &o protection o'
the courts, which wonhl pronounce the
titles to be void, it made after ar* infraction
of the conditions of the.cession.
is not my intention to go into an investigation
of these various, conditions at this
time. On a question of reference, where
the piinciple cnlv is at issue, it is not necessary.
It is sufficient to sjy that the
leading object is to make as little changes
i'1 the land system, as it no\v exists as is
consistent with the object in view, and to
adopt such provisions as will enforce the
faithful per forma nee of the terms of cession
on the part of the States with the least
compensation for their expense and troub!e,
and loss to the Government in a peculiiary
point of view, consistent with this
arrangement, ifitcanbe made to appeal
that there are reasonable grounds to believe
that the States will faithfully comply
with these conditions and that there will
l-~ na/inm!iru l.tdu tn (he fini'fernmfint
I'O tiv |n?vuu?ui j ivw ~ ? ,
compared with the system as it now
stands, in consequence of tiie proposed
disposition, it would seem difficult to conceive
what substantial objection tharecan
be to the measure,
I am brought to the great, I might sav
the only question admitting a doubt as tc
the expediency of the measure. Will the
States to adhere to their contract? or, tc
express it differently, would there be danger
that the Government would lose the
land, in conse uenceofthc States rcfus
iog to comply w ith the conditions of the
cession ? And if not, w ill the pecuniar}
loss to the Government be such as to make
it inexpedient, even if there be full assurH7>ce
that the terms of cession will not be
violated ?
Before I enter on the discussion of these
important points, it will be proper to make
a few remarks on the extent of the interest
that would be embraced in the cession.
Without it, there would be but an imperfeet
conception of the subject.
Trie quantity of public lands lying in
the new States, and embraced in the amendment,
was estimated to be, on the
1st of /anuary 1840, about 160.000,.
000 of acres. It has been reduced since
by sales, the exact quantity not known ;
but it will not materially vary the amount.
Tne Indian title has Dbtm extinguished to
- - 1 -t .. rVi.tftha
neany inu wnuir, ami a:joui wivmnw
lias been surveyed and platted, of which a
larger part lias been long in the market
(much, more than twenty years) and has
been picked and culled, over and over
again, with the view of taking all worth
having, at the present price, even during
the great expansion of currency, and consequent
rise in price, and speculation in
public lands, in 1835, '38, and '37. If
compared in quantity to the remainder of
the public domain, it will be found to be
not equal to onc-sixth part of the whole.
In this respeci, it is a far more limited
measure than that proposed by the Senator
from Kentucky, to which mine is an
amendment. That embraces not only
the proceeds of the whole public domain,
exceeding 1,000,000,000 acres, but ineludes,
in addition, the large sums drawn
from the duties on imposts, which are annually
expended on its sales and manage-1
ment, ali of which he proposes permanently
to distribute. It is also more limited
in its anolication tnan the original bill,
W which
embraces all the lands to which the
Indian title is extinguished, as well Territories
as Spates, which greatly exceeds
the quantify lying in the latter.
Having now shown the object and the
character with the scope of this measure,
1 shall next proceed to the great, and I
must say, in my opinion, the only question
that admits of controvery?will the
States adhere faithfully to the terms of
the cession ? Or, on the contrary, will
they violate a compact solemnly entered
into, on just and liberal principle?, mutually
beneficial to both, and which will
place them, as to their domain, on the
same independent footing on which the
other Stales stand f
I would ask, at the outset, ia there anything
in their history to justify a suspicion
of a want of good faith ? Have they been
in the habit of violating contracts? If
so, point out a single instance ? Instead
of giving ground to'excite suspicion, I rejoice
to say their history a fiords many
ani siriku g examples of exact and faithful
compliance with their engagements.
They ail have standing compacts with
the Government, entered into on their admission
into the Union, which impose
important limitations on what otherwise
would 1)0 their unquestioned right as instnnnrwlunt
mntllKoN flf tllfi UlllOniQndt
livtiavvt m w. ... ? f
among others, the important one, not only
of not taxing the vast portion of their domain
held by the United States within
their limits, but also, for the period of five
years after sale, the portion held by purchasers.
To their honor he it said, that
ill the long period which has elapsed from
fiie admission ofthe oldest of these States,
there has not been a single instance of a
violation on their part of their plighted
M'.tl. w. cfpilrinrT nn Atnmnlp nf
HI llll. ?? 1*11 W fluinmg ?- j- ?
fidelity to engagements, with that justice
can it be objected that the States will
violate their plighted faith to a contract
every way advantageous to them; as well
as the rest of the Union ?
But I take higher ground, and put the
question, with what propriety can we object
to the want of faith on the part of the
States to their engagements? What is
onr Constitution but a compact between
he States; and how do we hold seats
iiere but in virtue of that compact ? And
is it for us to turn round an.d question the
faith on which our system stands, and
through which we have our political exis|
tcnce ; and this, too, when it is notorious
; that the State Governments have adhered
j with far more fidelity than this to the
t constitutional compact ? Many and great
1 violations are charged, and truly charged,
' to us, while few, very few, can be justly
attributed to them.
But, admitting there might be danger of
losing the lands, should they be disposed
of as proposed, from the want of good
faith on the part of the States, I boldly
j assert that the danger of their being lost
i is far greater, if the present system should
unfortunately be continued, and that, too,
under circumstances vastly more disastrous
*o the peace and safety of the Un.
ion. What I have asserted comes from
deep and solemn conviction, resulting
' from a long and careful examination of
1 this vast andcpmphcated subject.
Those who have not given special at]
tention to it, and the progress of our land
I system, can form no just conception of
the danger to which the public lands are
! exposed. The danger is two-fold: that
I they will he lost by the mere progress of
. settlement, without payment, in consei
quence of the vast quantity beyond the
wants of the country, to which the Indian
' title is extinguished ; and if that should
not be the case, they will be from the
' growing conflict between the old and new
* States, in consequence of the rapid increase
of the latter, and the great difier:
ence in their respective views of the policy
proper to be adopted in reference to
| them. Both causes are operating with
, poweriul effect; and if they do not speedily
attract the attention of the Govern,
ment and the country, they will certainly
terminate before long, either by their separate
or joint action, in the loss of the
public domain. Nothing but a full unj
derstanding of the causes of danger, and
the application of prompt and efficient remedy,
can prevent it; and what I propose
is to present a brief sketch of my views
in reference to both.
As important as it is, few have turned
the attention it deserves to the almost
i miraculous extension of our land system.
! In the comparatively short time in which
j it has been in operation, the Indian title
| has l>een extinguished, in round numbers,
| to 3 JO,000,000 of acres, of which there
I has been sold 81,000,000, and granted a.
i way, for various purposes, 12,000,000,
I leaving in the possession of the Govern,
nient, on tk? 1-st of January, 1840,226,I
000,000 a largos portion of which is suri
veyed plaited, and in market, showing
! that the progress ofexting'lTsJjng the tij
ties of the Indians has far outrun t??.e dell
niands of the country for Government
j lands, as great as it has been. In fact,
j the reality far exceeds the statement, as
strong as that is; for, of llie eighty.one
millions of acres sold, upwards of Ihirtveight
millions were sold in the years 18 Jo, !
'6 and 7, during the great expansion of
j the currency and rage for speculation in
j lands, of which but a small portion, per.
' haps not a tiling was for settlement ; and j
of the residue, a greater part, say twenty j
millions, is still for sale in the hands of
large purchasers* Making proper allowance
tor the speculative operations of
those years, the actual sale of the public
j lands for settlement during the period ol
i fifty years, which has elapsed from the
I beginning of the Government, would not
pro!>ably exceed sixty millions of acres,
about one-fourth as much as that to which
the Indian title is now extinguished.
But numbers can give bat a very inir
perfect conception of the vast extent of
i the region to which the Indian title is extinguished,
and of which the Government
I l n
I is the sole and exclusive proprietor. To
form a correct idea of its great magnitude,
t it will be necessary to compare it to porI
tions of the Union, the extent of which is
familiar to all. To enable mc to do that, <
! a friend has furnished mc with a statei
ment, from which it appears that if all
j the land now unsold, and to which the In!
dian title is extinguished, was grouped,
j together, it would be equal in extent to
J all New England, New York, New Jersey,
1 ^ tv i \t i !
! Pennsylvania, uemware, niarviaiui, > ir!
ginia, and a third of North Carolina.
But tiws falls far short of the vast extent
of the region throughout which it lies dis|
persed?a region equalling all the old
j Atlantic Slates, taking in all Florida, the
i States of Alabama and Mississippi, and
i half of Tennessee. Into this vast and
j unoccupied donia;n, our people, with a
; multitude of foreigners, are pouring yearly
j in one incessant tide, by thousands on
! thousands, seeking new homes, some with
! the means of purchasing, who select the
I best lands; others with insufficient means,
j who select their place, and settle, with
< the hope ofpurcliasing in a short time;
t and a large class without means, who settle
on spots, without any fixed intention
hut to remain so long as they arc* undisturbed,
generally on tracts of inferior
quality having the advantage of a spring,
' f% /?.* * *
with a small portion ot more tertue land,
sufficient for their limited cultivation, hut
not sufficient to induce a purchaser to
take it at the Government price. This
class of settlers has greatly increased, if
I am correctly informed, within the las!
ten or fifteen years, and are rapidly and
still increasing, especially in the West
and Southwestern States, where the proportion
of good to inferior land is comptn^tfvely
smaLUrfjid nrius^ continue to
increase with accelerated rapidity,'so long
as the present kind system remains as it
is.
! Those who have had an opportunity of'
witnessing theeilect of such occupancy
j on the naiads of the settlors, will not heat
a loss to anticipate the consequences
' which must follow unless arrested. Oc;
cupation long and undisturbed accompanj
ied by improvement, however limited.
' cannot fail to he associated with the idea
of property, in the soil. It is that, in
fact, which constitutes the primitive right
inland. This will be felt in coitmon bv
all the occupants similarly situated?will
be sure to create an esprit de corps, accumpanicd
by mutual respect for each
others' rights, which would not /ail to
make it dangerous for any one to disturb
the rights of another. This feeling will
not be long in showing itself towards the
emigrant intruder, as lie would be considered
coming in with the view of purchase,
fIc would find it not a little hazardous to
enter nd purchase a spot held by a mere
occupant, or squatter, if you will, and oust
him of his possession. In a short time,
no one who regards his peace and safety,
will attempt it; and then, the feeling,
which began with the poorer class will Oxtend
rapidly upwards to the more wealthy,
until, finally, none will look to any other
title but occupancy and improvement,
and all, the rich and poor, will become
squatters, with a common interest to main,
tain and defend each other, when the
public lands will be lost, and cease to be
any longer a source of revenue, if nothing
be done to stop it. For the truth of the
picture 1 appeal to the Senator froms the
new S:ates, especially from the Western
and Southwestern. We have thus pre
I sented tlic difficult question, what is to be
done to remedy it ?
It is perfectly natural that the first impression
should he, to keep out intruders
on the public lands. The lands belong to
the people of the Union as common propertVi
and it would seem contrary to reason
and justice, that any one should be permitted
to enter on and appropriate the
use of that to himself, without paying for
it, which belongs to all; and we accordingly
find not a small portion of the Senate,)
who insist on keeping out and expelling
all intruders as the proper remedy. But
in this case, like manv others, we must
* y y
look beyond mere abstract right. What
se?ms so plausible would, when tried, prove
impracticable. We need no other proof
than the fact that no Administration has
ever undertaken it, even when it would
have been an easy task, comparatively to
what it now-would be. How is J t to be
done? -By the tnarshalls and their deputies?
Can they expell front their homes
the vast host of occupants on the public
lands, all hardy and bold men. familiar with
the use of the most deadly of weapons?
Would you employ the army? It would
he found almost as impotent as the civil
authority. If the whole military was iern-*
pJoycfi .in this to the neglect of all other
service, there would be more than five bundied
and fifty squar* miles for each officer
arid soldier, supposing yO'ti' establishment
^ I"1 C..M V<v ?r f nlf'lOV
i iv inn* nw? ?? ?. i \ % ? ? . ,
the rnVdaw in so o lions n service in tr-,: I
free country, vou would have to rfonh|n
your force,'a' a CO.* greater than the annual
income from the -ho work
won! i hi* ever beginning ami rff-ver end- ,
inn. If vxi drive them away and destroy
the.r improvements, as soon as the force |
was withdrawn, they would return to their (
possession. I had some experience, while (
Secretary at War, of the difficulty of cx- (
I polling and keeping off intruders; and I (
found that the message which brought in- |
telligence of the withdrawal of the force ,
O # m ?
was immediately followed by that which ,
brought information that the intruders had |
returned. j
But the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. (
Clay] deems all this merely imaginary, ,
and asserts that intruders may readily be ,
kept off the public lands. I will not at- !
tempt to reply to his reason for thisopin- ,
ion. II? and his political friends will soon .
be in power, with a chief of their own sc- |
lection, and iu whose firmness and energy .
they express high confidence. In six :
weeks tho time will come round which ,
brings him into power, and we shall see
what will follow. Without pretending to
; the spirit of prophecy, I feel 1 hazard
! nothing in predicting, that what is deemed
| so easy to be done when out of power,
j will he pronounced impracticable when
! in. The Senator would have too much
j prudence, to give the advice, but, if not,
the President elect will, I conjecture, have
too much discretion to act on it.
If, however, I should be mistaken, ahd
the attempt should be made to expell the
occupants from the public lands, I hazard
nothing in predicting that the Administration
will go out of power with ten times
the majority with which it came in, as
great as that was. The bitterest enemy
could not give more fatal advice.
If, then, this powerful tide of emigration,
which is flowing in on the public
lands, cannot be arrested, what ought, or
can be done, to prevent the loss of the
public domain, by the action of the causes
already explained? This is the difficult
question. In answer I say, we must do
as we are often compelled to do in our progress
through life?accommodate ourselvcstocircumstances;
to mitigate evilswe
cannot overcome, and retard or lessen
those we cannot prevent. Such afe the
laws to which heingsof our limited powers
nnH fnntrnl nvpr Pl'Pntu mnuf nrnn^.rllr
Iuuu vv?? H VI Vf w. w> ??u>vv IIV/VVO^U Ml T
yield.. .
Without, then, undertaking the impossible
task of arresting the tide of emigration,
or expelling the settlers, I would advise
the adoption of the most judicious
ind eflif ioiit measures of converting them
into freeholders, with the least sacrifice
consistent with effect inn that object.?
W ty-s^step towards this, should be to
jnite tlie interest of tW(jfov6Wiiftdnlt Vith
that of the States within which tile lands
lie, so as to combine the power and infiti
cnce of the two for their preservation.
Without it, nothing can be done. Ifthev
( v *
should not he united, the necessary consequence
would be, that the interest of the
States would be invariably found to be
opposed to that of the Government, and
its weight thrown on the side of the settlers
on all questions between them, of
which we have daily proof in our proceedings.
In the end, their united power and
influence would prevail. If this indispensable
step be not taken, in a short time,
instead of graduation and pre-emption,
we shall have a demand not to be resisted,
for donations and grants to the settlers.
A leading inducement with him to dispose
of the lands to the States, was to effect
this important union oi'interest. It is the
only way by which it can be accomplished,
and to render it sufficiently strong to
effect the object intended, I am in favor
of a liberal compensation to the Slates,
for the expense and trouble of their management.
But something more is indispensable to
prevent the loss of the lands; and that is,
to hold adequate inducement to the settlers
to become freehplders by purchasing the
land. This can be effected with the least
loss to the Government, and greatest advantage
to the settlers, by a judicious
system of graduation and pre-emption;
and it is with that view that provisions are
made for both in the amendment which I
intend to offer. It provides, that the
States may, at their discretion, reduce
the price of all Jands which have been
offered at sale ten years and upwards, to
one dollar per acre, after the 30th of June,
1842; and all that may be in market for
fifteen years and upwards, to seventy-five
cents per acre, after thc30th of June, 1347;
and all that may have been twenty years
1 1 C"- * . >..? nnvn nfmr
ano upwarus, to miy coma j#ui a^v,
the 30th of June, 185*2; and all that may
have been twenty.five years and upwards,
to twenty-five cents, after the 3()th of June,
1857; and all that may have been thirty
years and upwards, to twelve cents, after
the 30th of June, 1862; and all that should
remain unsold five years thereafter, to bo
surrendered to the States; with the right,
also, at their discretion, to allow pre-cmption
for ninety days to settlers, at each
siep in the reduction of the price. It also
provides, that all lands, after having been
ottered for sale in those States, shall, at
the expiration of ten years from the time
of being offered, become subject, in like
manner, to graduation and pre-emption.
The object of these provisions is to hold
out inducements to the settlers to purchase,
by bringing the lands, within a rcsonable
period, to a price which would not only
justify, but hold out strong inducement
to them to purchase. One greut difficulty
in the way of purchasing, as the system
now stands, is, that the great body of the
lands ore not worth, in reality, the price
of 81 25, at which they are sold by the
(tovernment. There appears to be a
great mistake on this point, which it n important
to correct. Instead of almost every
acre, as is supposed by some gentlemen
in debate, to be worth that sum, the
rov".r_,> nrw-fwirt i* that IlOiie W<1S
worth it but that which war*, at the time,
coming in demand by purchasers. I rest
the Jic^rlion on the well established principle
that uVmand and supply regulate
price, and the tact 'hat an article which
is-in the market at a fixed price, open to
the demand of nil, and is not taken, is the
be?t proof that the price is above tiic mark,
ct value at the time. It is in vain to talk
nf intrinsic value?a thing wholly differKnt
from price. Thefe are many things
of the highest intrinsic value that have no
price, as air and water, while many of hut
small value would, from their great scarci.
ty, command a very high one. In the
language of business, a thing is worth what
it will sell for, and no one is willing to
?ive more, unless compelled by some particular
reason. The occupants of the
public lands partake of this feeling. They
ire unwilling to give for the inferior lands,
which for the most part they occupy Si
25, when a small part onlv of the best
lands offered for sale would command that;
ind feel that they have something hke
justice on their side in not giving so high
ii price for their possessions.
This feeling must be met; and it is pro.
posed to meet it by the provisions for
graduation and pre-emption which I have
just stated; a policy so liberal towards a
large,- though poor class, n -t less honest
and patriotic than the rest of the c immunity,
could not fail to have a happy effect,
not only in reference to them, but in
a more enlarged point of view. One of
the most important would be the great increase
of the number of small freeholders,
which, in the hour of danger, would
prove of vast importance, especially in the
weakest portion of the Union?in the
Southwestern States?where the provision
would have the greatest effect. It
would be the class that would furnish the
hardiest and best soldiers, with the advantage
of being inured to the climate. Combined
and modified as they would be, they
cannot but have a powerful weight in inducing
the occupants to purchase. It
will work a revolution in his character.?
lie will regard himself, on his little domain,
more a freeholder than a squatter;
and as tho price in the descending scale
of graduation approaches the price that
lands such as he occupies would sell for,
his industry and economy will he exerted
to be prepared with the requisite means to
make the purchase. The liberal character
of the policy would impress him with
deep feelings of respect for the justice and
care of the Government; and the security
? 1 A. ? it.^
it would afford would put an cnu 10 iuu
esprit de corps, which otherwise would he
so strong; and all, combined with the influence
of the States on the side of the
Government, would, I feel confident, guard
effectually against the danger of losing the
lands, as far as the occupants are concernedi
in the only way that wopld be practicable.
The amendment propose* to leave it to
**. *
the States to graduate and grant pre-emptions
or not, at their discretion, within the
limits prescribed. The conditions of the
several States are very different'in reference
to the expediency of exercising the
right. In the uniformly fertile region in
the upper portion of the great Valley of
the Mississippi, it may not be necessary
to resort to either, or, if so, to a very lim- j
ited extent; while in the Southwestern
States, including Arkansas, it would be*
indispensable; and hence the propriety of
giving the right, but leaving the exercise
to the discretion of the States. Each
State would be the most competent judge
whether it should be exercised or not,
and to what extent.
Having considered the provisious intended
to guard against the danger of
losing the lands from mere occupancy,
without payment, I next propose to make
some remarks on that of their being lost,
in consequence of the conflicting policy
between the new and old States in reference
to them, should the present system
be continued. To understand this danger,
we must have a just conception of the
cause in which it originates, which I will
endeavor first to explain.
In the nature of things, it is impossible
that the new and old States can take the
same view of the policy proper to be adopted
in reference to the public domain.?
Their respective position, interest, and
extent of knowledge in reference to it,
are wholly different, which cannot but
have a correspondent effect on their views.
| The old States stand in reference to the
new somewhat in the light of an absent
owner of a large estate, and not without
some of his feelings, while the new stand,
in some degree, in the situation ot those
who occupy and work his estate, with
feelings not a little akin to those which
n I
belong to that relation. That such is the
I ami that it leads to diverse views of
j the policy that ought to he adopted, and !
j taut, again, to conflict between thein, the J
; questions now before us, the discussion
now going on, the feelings it excites, and
the yearly and violent agitation of those
questions for the last eight or ten years,
; abundantly prove. Nor is it less clear
that they have increased, and must increase
with the growth and influence of the new
States, over the action of the Government,
till their rapid growth will give them
i the ascendency, when they will decide it
| in their own way? under the high pretenI
sionsand excited feelings of real or sup|
posed injustice which must necessarily
J grow out of a long continued and violent
conflict. It is, in iii<e manner, clear that
the evil originates in the ownership and
administration by the Gover.im nt of the
lands lying in the new Siates, and constituting
a larger portion of their Territory.
If, to these considerations, it be added that
the question growing out of this great
subject mus' extend to and embrace, and
influence in their bearings, every of her
I qu stion of public, policy as is illustrated
by the amendment for ciisudhu;.ing th-'
proceeds of the sales of la ads among til-'
i S.atos, which in its consequences, takes
j in the whole circle of our legislation, and
I i! m-wt (.fti.p lnfn nnri inflnpnen all
! ? i
our politiaal struggles, especially that in
which all others are concentrated?the
Presidential election?some conception
may he formed of the distracting influence,
the agitation and danger which must
grow out of this great question if not speedily
settled.
Ifsomcthing be not done, it is not difficult
to see that the danger from these j
causes and that from occupancy must run j
together, and that their combined forces J
will be altogether irresistible. The occu- j
pants on (he public lands lying within the
States are voters, with a weight at the polls i
equal to the most wealthy, and, of course, !
an equal influence over the election of.
President and Vice President, members of (
Congress, and State Governments. I j
hazard little in asserting that, if they have
not already, from their numbers, a decided
influence over all the elections in many
of the now States, they will, in a very
short period, from their rapid increase, if [
nothing should be done to arrest the evil. I
That influence would be felt here, and
rnorcmcnls would be made to satisfy the
demands of so numerous and powerful a
class, till with their growing influence, the
proposition will be boldly made, to give,
as has been stated, the land without purchase,
to which, from the necessity of the
case, the Governnent will be compelled to
yield, in order to avoid the danger of its
being seized and kept in open defiance of
its authority.
Against this, the only ground that can
be devised, as far as I can see, is the one I
have proposed; to dispose of the land to
the States?to part with ownership and
administration, the root of the evil?on
fair and equitable conditions, with the
best possible provisions that can be devised
to ensure the faithful performance of
the compact. If that, with the provisions
against the danger from occupancy, cannot
prevent the loss of the public lands, I
know not what can. I have as strong
confidence as the nature of the subject
will admit, that it will when perfected in
itscJtailsby the wisdom of the Senate,
prove ail sutficient, not only to preveut
the loss of the public domain, but to arrest
the many and growing evils, to winch
I have alluded, as incident to the system
as it now exists. Bid, if in that it is
possible I should err, with all the caution
[ have taken to come to a correct conclusion,
I feci assured I cannot, in asserting
that tiie danger would be far less,
under the amendment^ intend to propose,
than it would he should the system continue
as it now stands; and that if the
public domain is to be lost, it is far better
it should be under the former than
the latter. It would he with far less intermediate
hazard, anJ, in the er?d, with
- less violence and shock to our political
, fabric. In the one case we could lose,
nothing but the value of the land, which ^
I*shall presently show is far less than
usually estimated, while in the other no
one can estimate what the loss may not
be.
Having now, I trust, shown to the satisfaction
of the Senate, that nothing
short of the public lands, on just, cquitable,
and liberal terms, can remedy the
evils, and guard against the dangers in.
cident to the system, under existing circumstances,
it only remains to consider
what would he thecflfjctsof the measure
on the revenue, compared with the present
system. Should I be able to prove
as I hope to do, that even in that respect,
it will bear a highly advantageous comparison,
it would yield more, and that
when most needed, now, when the Treasury
will require replenishing, every solid
objection to its adoption would, I trust,
be removed.
There was a great and prevalent mistake
as to the true value of the public
lands, as I have just intimated. They
are estimated as if every acre worth $1 .
25 paid down, without taking into account
that only a small quantity could be.
sold annually at that price, and that by
far the greater portion of the income from
u
the sales can only he received through a
long series of years, extending to a very
remote period. In estimating what is
their true value, we must not forget that
time has the same effect on value, which
distance has on magnitude; and that-,
as the largest objects in the universe
dwindle to a point, when removed to the
distance of the stars?so the greatest val- ue,
when it can only he realized at remote
periods, diminishes almost to nothing.
It is in consequence of this difference ?
(Concluded on fourth Page.)
From the Boston Mercantile Journal.
AFFAIH3 IS OllEGOX.
The author of the letter below, is a citizan
of Boston?at the present time a
resident at Honolulu, the chief town and
ra irt of the Sandwich Islands, .where he
ow ns considerable shipping, and carries
0.1 a:i extensive trade.
For several years he was engaged in a
profitable commerce 0:1 the shores of Oregon.
A'tout the year 1833, he with the
other American mcrchants,withdrew from
that coast, their trade being almost entirely
broken up by the moaopolizing power
of the H. B. Company.
Mr. P. is a trite American. I have had
much acquaintance with him. I saw
and knew much of him while at the Is.
lands in 1330. Others, with myself, can
bear honorable testimony to his worth
ii;s public examples of generous and noble
action. It. is duo Mr. P.erce, and the
country, to speak thus particularly of hie
character?and a knowledge of the facta
in his letter, as well as of others which
may follow them in a subsequent paper,
ti.ingof real importance to me interests
of our cit;zens?They arc true, and should
be published throughout the land.,
II. J. Kellp.y.
Honolulu, Oaiic, Sandwich, >
Islands, March 18, 1810. \
Hall J. Kelly, Esq., Boston:
Dear Sir?I have recc ved the pamphlet
of documents relating to the action of.
Congress on the subject of the Oregon
Territory. Please receive my thanks for ^
the same. It is not astonishing that our
government should show so much apathy
on a question involving our national
rights, honor and pride? Tire British
have taken possession of and are colonizing
a territory clearly ours, by discovcry,
by purchase from the Indians, ai d
by former settlement of Jacob Astor's
p* ople. Our countrymen are little aware
of the monopolizing, grasping, ambitious
spirit of the British Hudson Bay compa-n
tli <> riart nt'tho wnrld.
IIJ III *1*1*7 |'MI * V* .. w.
Look at what they have done, are now
doing, and intenJ to do. They have for
two years last past been increasing the
number of men at their establishment at
Fort Vancouver, on the Columbia. A
month since a vessel of theirs took from
here eighty natives of these Islands, ostensibly
for the purpose of farming, 6cc., but
really to increase their military force at
the Columbia, and to resist any attempts
on the part of our people or government
from dispossessing the Company of the
occupancy of that place.
A large number of Saxony sheep have
been imported into the Columbia for the
breed. Last year they imported 800
sheep from California for the like object,
It is reported here and generally believed
that the H. B. Company intend to
establish a colony in Puget's Sound Straits
of Juan de Fuca. Two more ships are
to he added to the company's marine in
the North Pacific, for the purpose of extending
their operations to these islands
and to China, and if possible, to monopolize
the trade of the whole North Pacific!
You well know they have already succeeded
in respect to the Fur trade of the
Northwest coast; and I have to tell vou
' 0
that they have now succeeded in monopolizing
the trade to the Russian settlements
at the Norfolk Sound, 6cc?The
Company have contracted to furnish
them with any of the productions of England
and Europe ut about 30 per cent,
on the prime cost, an advance hardly sufficient
to cover the charge; but the object
of the company will be obtained, viz., to
des.roy Ameriean commerce on the whole
coist of the Northwest.
A company's vessel will leave this and
each succeeding year from the Columbia
to Norfolk Sound with a large cargo of
flour, wheat, beef, pork, butter, &c.,?aciuaily
realizing some of.your mad projects*.
Last year a fine coal mine was discovered
somewhere abouWugert Squad? apd 150