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reduction of prico ; and finally, that iftho . conditions of cession be violated by a State in any particular, all titles or grants to land thereafter sold by the Statu to bo null and void?thus giving the measure the force and solemnity of a compact, and placing the whole under &o protection o' the courts, which wonhl pronounce the titles to be void, it made after ar* infraction of the conditions of the.cession. is not my intention to go into an investigation of these various, conditions at this time. On a question of reference, where the piinciple cnlv is at issue, it is not necessary. It is sufficient to sjy that the leading object is to make as little changes i'1 the land system, as it no\v exists as is consistent with the object in view, and to adopt such provisions as will enforce the faithful per forma nee of the terms of cession on the part of the States with the least compensation for their expense and troub!e, and loss to the Government in a peculiiary point of view, consistent with this arrangement, ifitcanbe made to appeal that there are reasonable grounds to believe that the States will faithfully comply with these conditions and that there will l-~ na/inm!iru l.tdu tn (he fini'fernmfint I'O tiv |n?vuu?ui j ivw ~ ? , compared with the system as it now stands, in consequence of tiie proposed disposition, it would seem difficult to conceive what substantial objection tharecan be to the measure, I am brought to the great, I might sav the only question admitting a doubt as tc the expediency of the measure. Will the States to adhere to their contract? or, tc express it differently, would there be danger that the Government would lose the land, in conse uenceofthc States rcfus iog to comply w ith the conditions of the cession ? And if not, w ill the pecuniar} loss to the Government be such as to make it inexpedient, even if there be full assurH7>ce that the terms of cession will not be violated ? Before I enter on the discussion of these important points, it will be proper to make a few remarks on the extent of the interest that would be embraced in the cession. Without it, there would be but an imperfeet conception of the subject. Trie quantity of public lands lying in the new States, and embraced in the amendment, was estimated to be, on the 1st of /anuary 1840, about 160.000,. 000 of acres. It has been reduced since by sales, the exact quantity not known ; but it will not materially vary the amount. Tne Indian title has Dbtm extinguished to - - 1 -t .. rVi.tftha neany inu wnuir, ami a:joui wivmnw lias been surveyed and platted, of which a larger part lias been long in the market (much, more than twenty years) and has been picked and culled, over and over again, with the view of taking all worth having, at the present price, even during the great expansion of currency, and consequent rise in price, and speculation in public lands, in 1835, '38, and '37. If compared in quantity to the remainder of the public domain, it will be found to be not equal to onc-sixth part of the whole. In this respeci, it is a far more limited measure than that proposed by the Senator from Kentucky, to which mine is an amendment. That embraces not only the proceeds of the whole public domain, exceeding 1,000,000,000 acres, but ineludes, in addition, the large sums drawn from the duties on imposts, which are annually expended on its sales and manage-1 ment, ali of which he proposes permanently to distribute. It is also more limited in its anolication tnan the original bill, W which embraces all the lands to which the Indian title is extinguished, as well Territories as Spates, which greatly exceeds the quantify lying in the latter. Having now shown the object and the character with the scope of this measure, 1 shall next proceed to the great, and I must say, in my opinion, the only question that admits of controvery?will the States adhere faithfully to the terms of the cession ? Or, on the contrary, will they violate a compact solemnly entered into, on just and liberal principle?, mutually beneficial to both, and which will place them, as to their domain, on the same independent footing on which the other Stales stand f I would ask, at the outset, ia there anything in their history to justify a suspicion of a want of good faith ? Have they been in the habit of violating contracts? If so, point out a single instance ? Instead of giving ground to'excite suspicion, I rejoice to say their history a fiords many ani siriku g examples of exact and faithful compliance with their engagements. They ail have standing compacts with the Government, entered into on their admission into the Union, which impose important limitations on what otherwise would 1)0 their unquestioned right as instnnnrwlunt mntllKoN flf tllfi UlllOniQndt livtiavvt m w. ... ? f among others, the important one, not only of not taxing the vast portion of their domain held by the United States within their limits, but also, for the period of five years after sale, the portion held by purchasers. To their honor he it said, that ill the long period which has elapsed from fiie admission ofthe oldest of these States, there has not been a single instance of a violation on their part of their plighted M'.tl. w. cfpilrinrT nn Atnmnlp nf HI llll. ?? 1*11 W fluinmg ?- j- ? fidelity to engagements, with that justice can it be objected that the States will violate their plighted faith to a contract every way advantageous to them; as well as the rest of the Union ? But I take higher ground, and put the question, with what propriety can we object to the want of faith on the part of the States to their engagements? What is onr Constitution but a compact between he States; and how do we hold seats iiere but in virtue of that compact ? And is it for us to turn round an.d question the faith on which our system stands, and through which we have our political exis| tcnce ; and this, too, when it is notorious ; that the State Governments have adhered j with far more fidelity than this to the t constitutional compact ? Many and great 1 violations are charged, and truly charged, ' to us, while few, very few, can be justly attributed to them. But, admitting there might be danger of losing the lands, should they be disposed of as proposed, from the want of good faith on the part of the States, I boldly j assert that the danger of their being lost i is far greater, if the present system should unfortunately be continued, and that, too, under circumstances vastly more disastrous *o the peace and safety of the Un. ion. What I have asserted comes from deep and solemn conviction, resulting ' from a long and careful examination of 1 this vast andcpmphcated subject. Those who have not given special at] tention to it, and the progress of our land I system, can form no just conception of the danger to which the public lands are ! exposed. The danger is two-fold: that I they will he lost by the mere progress of . settlement, without payment, in consei quence of the vast quantity beyond the wants of the country, to which the Indian ' title is extinguished ; and if that should not be the case, they will be from the ' growing conflict between the old and new * States, in consequence of the rapid increase of the latter, and the great difier: ence in their respective views of the policy proper to be adopted in reference to | them. Both causes are operating with , poweriul effect; and if they do not speedily attract the attention of the Govern, ment and the country, they will certainly terminate before long, either by their separate or joint action, in the loss of the public domain. Nothing but a full unj derstanding of the causes of danger, and the application of prompt and efficient remedy, can prevent it; and what I propose is to present a brief sketch of my views in reference to both. As important as it is, few have turned the attention it deserves to the almost i miraculous extension of our land system. ! In the comparatively short time in which j it has been in operation, the Indian title | has l>een extinguished, in round numbers, | to 3 JO,000,000 of acres, of which there I has been sold 81,000,000, and granted a. i way, for various purposes, 12,000,000, I leaving in the possession of the Govern, nient, on tk? 1-st of January, 1840,226,I 000,000 a largos portion of which is suri veyed plaited, and in market, showing ! that the progress ofexting'lTsJjng the tij ties of the Indians has far outrun t??.e dell niands of the country for Government j lands, as great as it has been. In fact, j the reality far exceeds the statement, as strong as that is; for, of llie eighty.one millions of acres sold, upwards of Ihirtveight millions were sold in the years 18 Jo, ! '6 and 7, during the great expansion of j the currency and rage for speculation in j lands, of which but a small portion, per. ' haps not a tiling was for settlement ; and j of the residue, a greater part, say twenty j millions, is still for sale in the hands of large purchasers* Making proper allowance tor the speculative operations of those years, the actual sale of the public j lands for settlement during the period ol i fifty years, which has elapsed from the I beginning of the Government, would not pro!>ably exceed sixty millions of acres, about one-fourth as much as that to which the Indian title is now extinguished. But numbers can give bat a very inir perfect conception of the vast extent of i the region to which the Indian title is extinguished, and of which the Government I l n I is the sole and exclusive proprietor. To form a correct idea of its great magnitude, t it will be necessary to compare it to porI tions of the Union, the extent of which is familiar to all. To enable mc to do that, < ! a friend has furnished mc with a statei ment, from which it appears that if all j the land now unsold, and to which the In! dian title is extinguished, was grouped, j together, it would be equal in extent to J all New England, New York, New Jersey, 1 ^ tv i \t i ! ! Pennsylvania, uemware, niarviaiui, > ir! ginia, and a third of North Carolina. But tiws falls far short of the vast extent of the region throughout which it lies dis| persed?a region equalling all the old j Atlantic Slates, taking in all Florida, the i States of Alabama and Mississippi, and i half of Tennessee. Into this vast and j unoccupied donia;n, our people, with a ; multitude of foreigners, are pouring yearly j in one incessant tide, by thousands on ! thousands, seeking new homes, some with ! the means of purchasing, who select the I best lands; others with insufficient means, j who select their place, and settle, with < the hope ofpurcliasing in a short time; t and a large class without means, who settle on spots, without any fixed intention hut to remain so long as they arc* undisturbed, generally on tracts of inferior quality having the advantage of a spring, ' f% /?.* * * with a small portion ot more tertue land, sufficient for their limited cultivation, hut not sufficient to induce a purchaser to take it at the Government price. This class of settlers has greatly increased, if I am correctly informed, within the las! ten or fifteen years, and are rapidly and still increasing, especially in the West and Southwestern States, where the proportion of good to inferior land is comptn^tfvely smaLUrfjid nrius^ continue to increase with accelerated rapidity,'so long as the present kind system remains as it is. ! Those who have had an opportunity of' witnessing theeilect of such occupancy j on the naiads of the settlors, will not heat a loss to anticipate the consequences ' which must follow unless arrested. Oc; cupation long and undisturbed accompanj ied by improvement, however limited. ' cannot fail to he associated with the idea of property, in the soil. It is that, in fact, which constitutes the primitive right inland. This will be felt in coitmon bv all the occupants similarly situated?will be sure to create an esprit de corps, accumpanicd by mutual respect for each others' rights, which would not /ail to make it dangerous for any one to disturb the rights of another. This feeling will not be long in showing itself towards the emigrant intruder, as lie would be considered coming in with the view of purchase, fIc would find it not a little hazardous to enter nd purchase a spot held by a mere occupant, or squatter, if you will, and oust him of his possession. In a short time, no one who regards his peace and safety, will attempt it; and then, the feeling, which began with the poorer class will Oxtend rapidly upwards to the more wealthy, until, finally, none will look to any other title but occupancy and improvement, and all, the rich and poor, will become squatters, with a common interest to main, tain and defend each other, when the public lands will be lost, and cease to be any longer a source of revenue, if nothing be done to stop it. For the truth of the picture 1 appeal to the Senator froms the new S:ates, especially from the Western and Southwestern. We have thus pre I sented tlic difficult question, what is to be done to remedy it ? It is perfectly natural that the first impression should he, to keep out intruders on the public lands. The lands belong to the people of the Union as common propertVi and it would seem contrary to reason and justice, that any one should be permitted to enter on and appropriate the use of that to himself, without paying for it, which belongs to all; and we accordingly find not a small portion of the Senate,) who insist on keeping out and expelling all intruders as the proper remedy. But in this case, like manv others, we must * y y look beyond mere abstract right. What se?ms so plausible would, when tried, prove impracticable. We need no other proof than the fact that no Administration has ever undertaken it, even when it would have been an easy task, comparatively to what it now-would be. How is J t to be done? -By the tnarshalls and their deputies? Can they expell front their homes the vast host of occupants on the public lands, all hardy and bold men. familiar with the use of the most deadly of weapons? Would you employ the army? It would he found almost as impotent as the civil authority. If the whole military was iern-* pJoycfi .in this to the neglect of all other service, there would be more than five bundied and fifty squar* miles for each officer arid soldier, supposing yO'ti' establishment ^ I"1 C..M V<v ?r f nlf'lOV i iv inn* nw? ?? ?. i \ % ? ? . , the rnVdaw in so o lions n service in tr-,: I free country, vou would have to rfonh|n your force,'a' a CO.* greater than the annual income from the -ho work won! i hi* ever beginning ami rff-ver end- , inn. If vxi drive them away and destroy the.r improvements, as soon as the force | was withdrawn, they would return to their ( possession. I had some experience, while ( Secretary at War, of the difficulty of cx- ( I polling and keeping off intruders; and I ( found that the message which brought in- | telligence of the withdrawal of the force , O # m ? was immediately followed by that which , brought information that the intruders had | returned. j But the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. ( Clay] deems all this merely imaginary, , and asserts that intruders may readily be , kept off the public lands. I will not at- ! tempt to reply to his reason for thisopin- , ion. II? and his political friends will soon . be in power, with a chief of their own sc- | lection, and iu whose firmness and energy . they express high confidence. In six : weeks tho time will come round which , brings him into power, and we shall see what will follow. Without pretending to ; the spirit of prophecy, I feel 1 hazard ! nothing in predicting, that what is deemed | so easy to be done when out of power, j will he pronounced impracticable when ! in. The Senator would have too much j prudence, to give the advice, but, if not, the President elect will, I conjecture, have too much discretion to act on it. If, however, I should be mistaken, ahd the attempt should be made to expell the occupants from the public lands, I hazard nothing in predicting that the Administration will go out of power with ten times the majority with which it came in, as great as that was. The bitterest enemy could not give more fatal advice. If, then, this powerful tide of emigration, which is flowing in on the public lands, cannot be arrested, what ought, or can be done, to prevent the loss of the public domain, by the action of the causes already explained? This is the difficult question. In answer I say, we must do as we are often compelled to do in our progress through life?accommodate ourselvcstocircumstances; to mitigate evilswe cannot overcome, and retard or lessen those we cannot prevent. Such afe the laws to which heingsof our limited powers nnH fnntrnl nvpr Pl'Pntu mnuf nrnn^.rllr Iuuu vv?? H VI Vf w. w> ??u>vv IIV/VVO^U Ml T yield.. . Without, then, undertaking the impossible task of arresting the tide of emigration, or expelling the settlers, I would advise the adoption of the most judicious ind eflif ioiit measures of converting them into freeholders, with the least sacrifice consistent with effect inn that object.? W ty-s^step towards this, should be to jnite tlie interest of tW(jfov6Wiiftdnlt Vith that of the States within which tile lands lie, so as to combine the power and infiti cnce of the two for their preservation. Without it, nothing can be done. Ifthev ( v * should not he united, the necessary consequence would be, that the interest of the States would be invariably found to be opposed to that of the Government, and its weight thrown on the side of the settlers on all questions between them, of which we have daily proof in our proceedings. In the end, their united power and influence would prevail. If this indispensable step be not taken, in a short time, instead of graduation and pre-emption, we shall have a demand not to be resisted, for donations and grants to the settlers. A leading inducement with him to dispose of the lands to the States, was to effect this important union oi'interest. It is the only way by which it can be accomplished, and to render it sufficiently strong to effect the object intended, I am in favor of a liberal compensation to the Slates, for the expense and trouble of their management. But something more is indispensable to prevent the loss of the lands; and that is, to hold adequate inducement to the settlers to become freehplders by purchasing the land. This can be effected with the least loss to the Government, and greatest advantage to the settlers, by a judicious system of graduation and pre-emption; and it is with that view that provisions are made for both in the amendment which I intend to offer. It provides, that the States may, at their discretion, reduce the price of all Jands which have been offered at sale ten years and upwards, to one dollar per acre, after the 30th of June, 1842; and all that may be in market for fifteen years and upwards, to seventy-five cents per acre, after thc30th of June, 1347; and all that may have been twenty years 1 1 C"- * . >..? nnvn nfmr ano upwarus, to miy coma j#ui a^v, the 30th of June, 185*2; and all that may have been twenty.five years and upwards, to twenty-five cents, after the 3()th of June, 1857; and all that may have been thirty years and upwards, to twelve cents, after the 30th of June, 1862; and all that should remain unsold five years thereafter, to bo surrendered to the States; with the right, also, at their discretion, to allow pre-cmption for ninety days to settlers, at each siep in the reduction of the price. It also provides, that all lands, after having been ottered for sale in those States, shall, at the expiration of ten years from the time of being offered, become subject, in like manner, to graduation and pre-emption. The object of these provisions is to hold out inducements to the settlers to purchase, by bringing the lands, within a rcsonable period, to a price which would not only justify, but hold out strong inducement to them to purchase. One greut difficulty in the way of purchasing, as the system now stands, is, that the great body of the lands ore not worth, in reality, the price of 81 25, at which they are sold by the (tovernment. There appears to be a great mistake on this point, which it n important to correct. Instead of almost every acre, as is supposed by some gentlemen in debate, to be worth that sum, the rov".r_,> nrw-fwirt i* that IlOiie W<1S worth it but that which war*, at the time, coming in demand by purchasers. I rest the Jic^rlion on the well established principle that uVmand and supply regulate price, and the tact 'hat an article which is-in the market at a fixed price, open to the demand of nil, and is not taken, is the be?t proof that the price is above tiic mark, ct value at the time. It is in vain to talk nf intrinsic value?a thing wholly differKnt from price. Thefe are many things of the highest intrinsic value that have no price, as air and water, while many of hut small value would, from their great scarci. ty, command a very high one. In the language of business, a thing is worth what it will sell for, and no one is willing to ?ive more, unless compelled by some particular reason. The occupants of the public lands partake of this feeling. They ire unwilling to give for the inferior lands, which for the most part they occupy Si 25, when a small part onlv of the best lands offered for sale would command that; ind feel that they have something hke justice on their side in not giving so high ii price for their possessions. This feeling must be met; and it is pro. posed to meet it by the provisions for graduation and pre-emption which I have just stated; a policy so liberal towards a large,- though poor class, n -t less honest and patriotic than the rest of the c immunity, could not fail to have a happy effect, not only in reference to them, but in a more enlarged point of view. One of the most important would be the great increase of the number of small freeholders, which, in the hour of danger, would prove of vast importance, especially in the weakest portion of the Union?in the Southwestern States?where the provision would have the greatest effect. It would be the class that would furnish the hardiest and best soldiers, with the advantage of being inured to the climate. Combined and modified as they would be, they cannot but have a powerful weight in inducing the occupants to purchase. It will work a revolution in his character.? lie will regard himself, on his little domain, more a freeholder than a squatter; and as tho price in the descending scale of graduation approaches the price that lands such as he occupies would sell for, his industry and economy will he exerted to be prepared with the requisite means to make the purchase. The liberal character of the policy would impress him with deep feelings of respect for the justice and care of the Government; and the security ? 1 A. ? it.^ it would afford would put an cnu 10 iuu esprit de corps, which otherwise would he so strong; and all, combined with the influence of the States on the side of the Government, would, I feel confident, guard effectually against the danger of losing the lands, as far as the occupants are concernedi in the only way that wopld be practicable. The amendment propose* to leave it to **. * the States to graduate and grant pre-emptions or not, at their discretion, within the limits prescribed. The conditions of the several States are very different'in reference to the expediency of exercising the right. In the uniformly fertile region in the upper portion of the great Valley of the Mississippi, it may not be necessary to resort to either, or, if so, to a very lim- j ited extent; while in the Southwestern States, including Arkansas, it would be* indispensable; and hence the propriety of giving the right, but leaving the exercise to the discretion of the States. Each State would be the most competent judge whether it should be exercised or not, and to what extent. Having considered the provisious intended to guard against the danger of losing the lands from mere occupancy, without payment, I next propose to make some remarks on that of their being lost, in consequence of the conflicting policy between the new and old States in reference to them, should the present system be continued. To understand this danger, we must have a just conception of the cause in which it originates, which I will endeavor first to explain. In the nature of things, it is impossible that the new and old States can take the same view of the policy proper to be adopted in reference to the public domain.? Their respective position, interest, and extent of knowledge in reference to it, are wholly different, which cannot but have a correspondent effect on their views. | The old States stand in reference to the new somewhat in the light of an absent owner of a large estate, and not without some of his feelings, while the new stand, in some degree, in the situation ot those who occupy and work his estate, with feelings not a little akin to those which n I belong to that relation. That such is the I ami that it leads to diverse views of j the policy that ought to he adopted, and ! j taut, again, to conflict between thein, the J ; questions now before us, the discussion now going on, the feelings it excites, and the yearly and violent agitation of those questions for the last eight or ten years, ; abundantly prove. Nor is it less clear that they have increased, and must increase with the growth and influence of the new States, over the action of the Government, till their rapid growth will give them i the ascendency, when they will decide it | in their own way? under the high pretenI sionsand excited feelings of real or sup| posed injustice which must necessarily J grow out of a long continued and violent conflict. It is, in iii<e manner, clear that the evil originates in the ownership and administration by the Gover.im nt of the lands lying in the new Siates, and constituting a larger portion of their Territory. If, to these considerations, it be added that the question growing out of this great subject mus' extend to and embrace, and influence in their bearings, every of her I qu stion of public, policy as is illustrated by the amendment for ciisudhu;.ing th-' proceeds of the sales of la ads among til-' i S.atos, which in its consequences, takes j in the whole circle of our legislation, and I i! m-wt (.fti.p lnfn nnri inflnpnen all ! ? i our politiaal struggles, especially that in which all others are concentrated?the Presidential election?some conception may he formed of the distracting influence, the agitation and danger which must grow out of this great question if not speedily settled. Ifsomcthing be not done, it is not difficult to see that the danger from these j causes and that from occupancy must run j together, and that their combined forces J will be altogether irresistible. The occu- j pants on (he public lands lying within the States are voters, with a weight at the polls i equal to the most wealthy, and, of course, ! an equal influence over the election of. President and Vice President, members of ( Congress, and State Governments. I j hazard little in asserting that, if they have not already, from their numbers, a decided influence over all the elections in many of the now States, they will, in a very short period, from their rapid increase, if [ nothing should be done to arrest the evil. I That influence would be felt here, and rnorcmcnls would be made to satisfy the demands of so numerous and powerful a class, till with their growing influence, the proposition will be boldly made, to give, as has been stated, the land without purchase, to which, from the necessity of the case, the Governnent will be compelled to yield, in order to avoid the danger of its being seized and kept in open defiance of its authority. Against this, the only ground that can be devised, as far as I can see, is the one I have proposed; to dispose of the land to the States?to part with ownership and administration, the root of the evil?on fair and equitable conditions, with the best possible provisions that can be devised to ensure the faithful performance of the compact. If that, with the provisions against the danger from occupancy, cannot prevent the loss of the public lands, I know not what can. I have as strong confidence as the nature of the subject will admit, that it will when perfected in itscJtailsby the wisdom of the Senate, prove ail sutficient, not only to preveut the loss of the public domain, but to arrest the many and growing evils, to winch I have alluded, as incident to the system as it now exists. Bid, if in that it is possible I should err, with all the caution [ have taken to come to a correct conclusion, I feci assured I cannot, in asserting that tiie danger would be far less, under the amendment^ intend to propose, than it would he should the system continue as it now stands; and that if the public domain is to be lost, it is far better it should be under the former than the latter. It would he with far less intermediate hazard, anJ, in the er?d, with - less violence and shock to our political , fabric. In the one case we could lose, nothing but the value of the land, which ^ I*shall presently show is far less than usually estimated, while in the other no one can estimate what the loss may not be. Having now, I trust, shown to the satisfaction of the Senate, that nothing short of the public lands, on just, cquitable, and liberal terms, can remedy the evils, and guard against the dangers in. cident to the system, under existing circumstances, it only remains to consider what would he thecflfjctsof the measure on the revenue, compared with the present system. Should I be able to prove as I hope to do, that even in that respect, it will bear a highly advantageous comparison, it would yield more, and that when most needed, now, when the Treasury will require replenishing, every solid objection to its adoption would, I trust, be removed. There was a great and prevalent mistake as to the true value of the public lands, as I have just intimated. They are estimated as if every acre worth $1 . 25 paid down, without taking into account that only a small quantity could be. sold annually at that price, and that by far the greater portion of the income from u the sales can only he received through a long series of years, extending to a very remote period. In estimating what is their true value, we must not forget that time has the same effect on value, which distance has on magnitude; and that-, as the largest objects in the universe dwindle to a point, when removed to the distance of the stars?so the greatest val- ue, when it can only he realized at remote periods, diminishes almost to nothing. It is in consequence of this difference ? (Concluded on fourth Page.) From the Boston Mercantile Journal. AFFAIH3 IS OllEGOX. The author of the letter below, is a citizan of Boston?at the present time a resident at Honolulu, the chief town and ra irt of the Sandwich Islands, .where he ow ns considerable shipping, and carries 0.1 a:i extensive trade. For several years he was engaged in a profitable commerce 0:1 the shores of Oregon. A'tout the year 1833, he with the other American mcrchants,withdrew from that coast, their trade being almost entirely broken up by the moaopolizing power of the H. B. Company. Mr. P. is a trite American. I have had much acquaintance with him. I saw and knew much of him while at the Is. lands in 1330. Others, with myself, can bear honorable testimony to his worth ii;s public examples of generous and noble action. It. is duo Mr. P.erce, and the country, to speak thus particularly of hie character?and a knowledge of the facta in his letter, as well as of others which may follow them in a subsequent paper, ti.ingof real importance to me interests of our cit;zens?They arc true, and should be published throughout the land., II. J. Kellp.y. Honolulu, Oaiic, Sandwich, > Islands, March 18, 1810. \ Hall J. Kelly, Esq., Boston: Dear Sir?I have recc ved the pamphlet of documents relating to the action of. Congress on the subject of the Oregon Territory. Please receive my thanks for ^ the same. It is not astonishing that our government should show so much apathy on a question involving our national rights, honor and pride? Tire British have taken possession of and are colonizing a territory clearly ours, by discovcry, by purchase from the Indians, ai d by former settlement of Jacob Astor's p* ople. Our countrymen are little aware of the monopolizing, grasping, ambitious spirit of the British Hudson Bay compa-n tli <> riart nt'tho wnrld. IIJ III *1*1*7 |'MI * V* .. w. Look at what they have done, are now doing, and intenJ to do. They have for two years last past been increasing the number of men at their establishment at Fort Vancouver, on the Columbia. A month since a vessel of theirs took from here eighty natives of these Islands, ostensibly for the purpose of farming, 6cc., but really to increase their military force at the Columbia, and to resist any attempts on the part of our people or government from dispossessing the Company of the occupancy of that place. A large number of Saxony sheep have been imported into the Columbia for the breed. Last year they imported 800 sheep from California for the like object, It is reported here and generally believed that the H. B. Company intend to establish a colony in Puget's Sound Straits of Juan de Fuca. Two more ships are to he added to the company's marine in the North Pacific, for the purpose of extending their operations to these islands and to China, and if possible, to monopolize the trade of the whole North Pacific! You well know they have already succeeded in respect to the Fur trade of the Northwest coast; and I have to tell vou ' 0 that they have now succeeded in monopolizing the trade to the Russian settlements at the Norfolk Sound, 6cc?The Company have contracted to furnish them with any of the productions of England and Europe ut about 30 per cent, on the prime cost, an advance hardly sufficient to cover the charge; but the object of the company will be obtained, viz., to des.roy Ameriean commerce on the whole coist of the Northwest. A company's vessel will leave this and each succeeding year from the Columbia to Norfolk Sound with a large cargo of flour, wheat, beef, pork, butter, &c.,?aciuaily realizing some of.your mad projects*. Last year a fine coal mine was discovered somewhere abouWugert Squad? apd 150