Farmers' gazette, and Cheraw advertiser. (Cheraw, S.C.) 1839-1843, July 08, 1840, Image 4
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a" ADDRESS
: TO THE CITIZENS OF CHESTERFIELD DISTRICT.
At a Meeting of the citizens of Cheraw, and the surrounding country*
friendly to the election of HARRISON and TYLER,
held on the 16th of May, 1S40, a Resolution was passed appointing
a Committee consisting of W. H. Robbing, Alexander
Gregg, W. P. Kendal, B. F. Pegues, Abner Hopton ami D. S.
Herllec, to prepare an Address to the citizens of Chesterfield
District. In obedience to this Resolution, _the Committee beg
leave, respectfully, to submit the following
ADDRESS. ? ..
. Fellow-Citizens: .
It is an extraordinary fact, that the people, who profess to,
govern themselves and to have their own good solely in view, should
quietly submit to the great hardships inflicted upon them by those in
power, and look with the utmost complacency upon a Government
tottering beneath the weight of its own corruption. To their great
detriment and deep disgrace Such is the state or things in this country
at the present time. The Government which should be the agent of
the people in accomplishing those objects for which Society is formed,
... in fa*.#' nr*nr**trtJ ?nrl tKp snvfirei/rn neovle are but its instruments,
?V EM mm.~~ r. , o .r X in
carrying out its own selfish, corrupt and tyrannical ends. It is to
perform our part, fellow-citizen9, however insignificant that part may
be, that we now address you on the leading abuses of the present aumioiatratWn,
and the means by which they may be remedied. "
Mr. Van Buren has professedly and practically carried out the principles
of Gcu. Jackson's administration, at the beginning of the latter
ternf of which no people were more prosperous and happv than our own.
Since that period the condition of the country has materially changed?
the energies of the people have been paralyzed?and the heavy blows
that have been inflicted upon our commercial enterprise and credit have
been too overwhelming and universal to have escaped the observation
f any one. Although othercauses have been at work, yet they would
not have lasted,and we might ugain have prospered but for the incessant
war that has been waging "upon the credit, commerce and currency of
the country*" but Tor the immense and corrupting influence of the Executive,
tlie flagrant abuse of the elecliv-e franchise,and the prescriptive
policy pursued by the administration. To this prescriptive policy, this '
turning good and competent men out of office, merely because they difin
opinion with the President, (or if they agree with him in opinion,
because they will not become debased party tools in his hands) "and to
the spoils principle, we would,, fellow-citizens, particularly draw
yeur attention. Compared with it, all other questions are of secondary
importance; for of what avail is the decision of any national question,
? if th? Government itself is a mass of corruption?if it perverts every
measure and makes it only the means by which to aggrandize
itself. The unconstitutional and corrupt course pursued by the administration
in turning out and appointing officers under Govern*4
1 - ' -f f.Annliio. Ktr tlifi inf prfornnrr
mrenr, cne dangerous Al)U36 Ul U1C flCViUC IfailtlllOi/ WT VHV ??%V. ?%" ?"r of
federal officers in eleoti.ons, and the rapid approach which is making
towards a consolidation of all the powers of Government in a single
head, are evifs which, first of all, demand examination and correction nt
the hands of the people.. So long as they exist, the national fabric is ?
in danger, the liberty of the people is in danger, and the Government
hself ia a nationatcucse. VVnat is the existing state of things? M en are
daily dismissed from office, not,because they, are not honest, not capable
or not faithful tathe constitution, the rule adopted by Washington,
the Adamses, Jefferson, Madison, and Munroe; but because they are
unwilling to become-mere instruments in carrying out the corrupt ends
of the President This policy is becoming more universal, and is passing
the bounds of what wc might once have regarded as the very verge
of corruption. The people have insensibly been drawn into the net woven
expressly for their own political annihilation. The pitiful tools of
the President, in their turn, devote a part of their time, talents and
salaries to the advancement of their master's cause. And thus, feltow-citzeaa,
it appears that a large portion of the well-earned
money of' the people is taken, froiu their pockects into the National
Treasury, thence into the hands of the minions of power to spread
corruption through the land, to trample on the dearest rights of the t
People, and todiminish, to an alarming extent, their influence at the polls.
None but mth devoid of principle will crawl into office; and therefore
it is that there have been more defaulters during the present, than
every past administration put together. The President's influence does
not stop here: The State Legislatures and Congress are obedient to his
will?and strange as it may appear, the National Senate, instead of
operating aa a check, has surrendered itself at discretion into
his hands. In fact, the spoils principle has been openly avowed
nad propagated in the Senate, 't he course pursued by the 'Lower
House in case of the New Jersey election, tells as plainly that the
Prefident is the President of a party, and that Congress has forgotten
the people^ Mr. Madison .said in relation to the power of the President
to disiuis* from office, '.'Can we suppose a President elected for four
years only, dependent upon the popular voice, impeachable by the
Legislature, little, if at all, distinguished for wealth, nor deriving much
personal weight or influence from the-department of whieh he is head?
i say, will he bid defiance to all those considerations and wantonly dis
miss a virtuous aim meritorious omcerr such an abuse ot power exceeds
my conception. If any thing takes place in the ordinary course
of things of this kind, my imagination cannot extend to it on any rationit
principle." Such was the dream of Mr. Madison. The Senate is no
longer a check upon the President. The House of Representatives,
with the power of impeachment, has losJt all its terrors; and .the different
branches of the Government, instead of operating'as checks upon each
other, all work harmoniously together in accomplishing his ends, for
they are under the control of the Executive. The Post Office Department
has become an instrument of tremendous influence in his hauds.-?
Its capacity to do harm is immense, and is now exerted to its fullest
"^extent. sensible was Mr. Jeffersou of the importance of preserving
?t pure and independent, that he adopted it as one of the first principles
of hisadmimstratum, that the Post Office Department should operate
unaffected by the violent Party spirt of the times. Mr. Van Buren was
the first man filling a high station who openly avowed the spoils principle,
which he did iu a correspondence in 1622, between himself and ~
others and the Post Master General, iu relation to a Post Master at
Albany. He has since that time been its strenuous advocate, and is now
the Commander in Chief of that large and well disciplined army of
fcdoral officers and federal office hunters, who know no will but his
own, including that large class of'political hacks" who,having received
their last reward at the hands of the people, yet look to their master for
promotion. Fellow-citizens, in the continued announcement and
operation of this spoils and prescriptive doctrine of Mr. Van Buren,
utterly at war as it is with some of the first and distinguishing principles
of a free representative Government, it may not be a very great stretch
of the fancy, or a visionary dream of the imagination, to suppose that
you hear the death knell of American Liberty. So long as the Government
is operated upon by external influences alone, we have not
much reason to fear; but when it operates upon itself, and harbours
to ks own bosom the elements of destruction, it is time for the friends
of liberty and reform to be 011 the alert.: it is high time for them to proclaim
from the watch-tower of freedom the cry of danger. We no longer
hear the welcome fcound "all's well." Perhaps it has been the cry of
the Party in Power, but the time must soon come when the People will
no longer be deceived. An imperious regard for their own welfare
must, sooner or later, compel them to remove the evil, and see that the
Government is administered in purity and with wisdom. To the people,
the friends of reform appeal. In behalf of our Government, in
theory the most beatifut political fabric in existence, in behalf of,the
national Character, and more ihan all, in behalf of the happiness and
prosperity of the people themselves, the appeal is made. It is a trife
maxim, that the best tlli tiers. when nprvpi'tnd arpnorallv <ln the most
, " 5 ' ' "v" |'VI ?V? VVM^
harm. It Irns been abundantly verified in the history of religion, and we
may add, of our Government. Almost perfeet in theory, exactly suited
to our wants, and capable, if.well administered, of making us great and
happy, it is in the hand* of wicked and corrupt men, the very worst
perhaps that the wit of man could devise * To purify the Government,
then, fellow-citizens, the large army of Federal Officers must be disbanded,
and, with its Commander in Chief, cast out forever. Mr. Van
Buren, we repeat it, must be removed, and for the following reasons:
Because he is the strenuous advocate of a Government Bank, the worst
to increase his atready alarming influence that could be devised; because
' be continues to wage a fatal war upon the credit and currency of the country;
because he advocates the o lious and anti-republican doctrine of
nominating a Presidential successors because he is the President of a
Party; because lie has most grossly interfered with other
branches of the Government; because ne has abused the elective
franchise; and more than allt because he stands the acknowledged head,
in theory and practice, of the spoils?the relentless, proscribing party,
setting on foot principles anti-republican in their nature, anti-democratic
in their tendency, destructive, fatal and withering in their influence
upon the happiness and liberty of the American People. The
blood of Washington, Adams, Jefferson, Madison and Munroe, cries to
us from the ground, to dethrone this political monarch, this dangerous
and intriguing demagogue, who palms himself oft upon the followers of
Mr. Calhoun, as a Republican and friend of the South; a man, who has,
from the beginning of.Jiis political career, extended the right hand of
friendship to all those who would promote his interests, while in his
left he has held a dagger ready to plunge into their vitals, when they
could no longer subserve his ends, or who, shocked at his principles,
.were ready to proclaim to the people his wickedness and corruption,
Citizens of South Carolina, beware lest, like the great enemy of mankind,
he draw you into his net and finally ruin you by professions of- regard
and friendship. Let the South beware,.let the whole country beware
of Mr. Van Buren.
The friends of Reform, throughout the country,^ have selected Gen.
* Harrison, of Ohio, as a fit person to succeed Mr. V an Buren; not that
he is perfect, fellow-citizens, but because he unites in himself more
fully perhapsiiian any other man,thosequalities which would constitute
an able, independent, pure and patriotic President. We have every
reason to believe that Gen. Harrison will succeed against the well dis.
ciplined and powerful influence of the Administration. Who is he?
What has he done to merit the first office in the gift of the People, and
to entitle him to their confidence and support.
Gen. Harrison is one whose head has grown grey in the service of
his country; many years of his life have been spent in the field of battle.
Gov. Shelby, Gen; Wayne, the Legislatures of" Indiana and Kentucky,
" * 1 -1 1 * ? ?irtonr nthpra. .inrl mnrpfHnn all.
rresKiem Piauisoii, ai?u uongicso, mm v...v.w, ? ? 7
his success, bear ample testimony to the services he has rendered his
country, and to his ability and efficiency as an officer. The descendants
of the frontier settlers will never forget their common benefactor,
protector and friend. As Governor of Indiana Territory. Gen. Hani
son gave universal satisfaction. In that capacity he was clothed with
very important civil powers, yet in no instance did he abuse them.?
' He had ample opportunities, while Governor, of accumulating a vast
fortune, vet-it is well known that he began life wealthy, and retired into
private life a poor man. Instead of growing rich at the expense of
"the people, he has grown poor in their service. In Congress, in
both Houses, General Harrison commanded the. respect of .all,
as a business, man, and as a sound, practical and .independent
Statesman. 41 His services have extended over a broader field
than any man now on ihe stage*" and it may safely be asserted, that
no man since Washington, who has served in so many different capacities,
has given such universal satisfaction. Gen. Harrison was, in
1828, appointed by Mr. Adams Envoy Extraordinary and Minister
Plenipotentiary to the Republic of Colombia, lu a very short time he
was recalled by Gen. Jackson, before lie could have done much, or
before what he might have done, could have reached the President here. And
thus in him we find an instance of the corrupt and merciless
proscription of Gen. Jackson, whose conduct in this respect, compared
with the unprecedented enormities of Mr. Van Burep's course, will be
forgotten. As Gen. Harrison's acts speak for themselves, so his
opinions, expressed on different occasions aud some of them under the
most trying circumstances, stand indelibly recorded. Where can wo
. - * find more firmness than he has ever displayed, and where
a sounder political .creed than he has proved practically to be .his own?
1st. as to his opiniDh of tho principles which should be adopted
hv every President by which -to conduct his Administration, we quote
the following extracts from a letter published 1838. He says:"Among
the principles proper to he adopted by any Executive sincerely
desirous to restore the Administration to its original simplicity,
I deem the following to be of prominent importance: 1. To confine
his services to a single term. 2. To disclaim all right of control over
the public Treasure, with the exception of such part of it as may be appropriated
by law to carry on the public servicas, and that to be applied
precisely as the law may direct, and drawn from the Treasury agreeably
to the long established forms of that Department. 3. That he should
never attempt to iufiuence the elections, either by the people or the
cu_^ t ?nAr tnftpr the federal officers under his control to
OtaIC Ld'^isiaiuicoj uvi ?
take any other part in tliem than by giving their own vptes when they
possess the right of voting. 4. That, in the exercise of the veto power,
he should limit his rejection of bills to such as?I. "Are in his opinion
unconstitutional. 2. Such as tend tocpcroach on the rights of tne
States or individuals. 3. Such as, involving deep interests, may, in
his opinion, require more mature deliberation, or reference to the will
of the people, to be ascertained at the succeeding elections. 4. That
he should never suffer the influence of his office to be used for purposes
of a purely party character. 5. That in removal from office of those
who hold appointments during the pleasure of the Executive, the cause
of such removal should be stated, if requested, to the Senate, at the
time the nomination of a successor is made. 6. That he should not ,
suffer the Executive Department of the Government to become the
source of legislation; but leave the whole business of making laws for
the Union to the Department to which the Constitution has exclusively
assigned it, until they have assumed that perfected shape, where and
when alone the opinions of the Executive iftay be heard. The question
may perhaps be asked of me, what security I have in my power to offer,
if the majority of the American people select me for their Chief Magis*
trate, that I would adopt the principles which I have herein laid down,
as those upon whiph my administration would be conducted. I could
only answer by referring to my conduct, and the disposition manifested
in the discharge of the duties of several important offices which have
heretofore been conferred upon me. If nower placed in my hands, has
ever, on a/single occasion, been used for any purpose other than that
for which it was given, or retained longer than was necessary to accomplish
the objects designated by those from whom the trust was received,
I will acknowledge that either willconstitute a sufficient reason
for discrediting any promise 1 may make, under the circumstances in
which I am now placed." * . ' . *
Such sound and republican principles require no comment. We need,
at the present time especially, a President with such principles. And
well would it have been for the country, if such, instead of their .
antipodes, Iwul been adopted by the present Administration. Pause
here, fellow-citizens, and deliberately compare on these points, Gen.
Harrison and Mr. Van Duren as Republicans. As to the Tariff, Gen.
Harrison is pledged to the compromise of 1832; and "if it should be
necessary to increase the revenue, he would rather fix new duties on
' e ' * ' rllliinu M f Vtn R l| J
articles now iree, man 10 increase me ctwimg uuu^. i'i?? ? uu a#uw
ren has supported every high tariff that has ever been introduced; and we
are told, has boasted publicly of his support of the tariff! To a
limited extent, Gen. Harrison is in favor of Internal Improvement. Mr.
Van Buren has not, during his administration, vetoed a single appropriation
made towards Internal Improvement! The expenditures of
l?is administration have nearly trebled those nf Mr. Adams; those of
Mr. Van Buren amounting to thirty millions a year, on an average, and
those of Mr. Adains to twelve millions;?so that whatever Mr. Van
i Buren may be in theory, he is, practically, and to all intents and purposes,
an Internal Improvement man. As to a National Bank, let Gen.
Harrison Speak for himself: "I believe that the charter given to the
Bank of the United States, was unconstitutional?it being not one of
those measures necessary t# carry any of the expressly granted powers
into effect; and whilst my votes in Congress will show that I will take
any constitutional means to revoke the charter, my votes in the State
Legislature will equally show that I am opposed to those which are unconstitutional
or violent, and which will bring us in collision with the
General Government.99 And, withal, it is, fellow-citi/ciis, no very
great crime to advocate the constitutionality of a National Bank; for
Washington,, Madison, McDuffie, and almost every statesman in the
country, has, at some period or other of4 his life, advocated the doc
trine; and as to its expediency, every statesman may, at different pc- riods,
and with consistency, entertain different opinions. But to go
farther: Gen. Harrison has said, if it should be necessary in the man
j agement of the fiscal concerns of the Government, to establish a Bank,
j . he would do it. For instance, if it should be necessary in order to col.
j lect the revenue. And who, under such circumstances, would not?
Why, even Mr. Calhoun, the great unchangeable Republican, in 1816 advocated,
011 the ground-of necessity, the re-chartering of the United
States Bank, though he believed at the time it was unconstitutional.
As to a large public debt, Gen. Harrison says: "I believe in tho tendency of a largo
public debt to nap the foundation oftho constitution by creating a moneyed aristocracy
' whose views and interests must bo in direct. hostility to thou; of the mass of the
People. I deem it the duly, therefore, of every Representative of the People, to endoavor
to extinguish it us soon as jiostiible, by making every retrenchment in tho.
II I IT I Ml
expenditures of the Government that a proper performance of tho peblio basinets
Will allow." , On the doctrine of instruction hear his words: "I believo in tbe right
of the people to instruct their representatives whea elected; and if he has sufficient
evidence that the instructions which may be given him come fro in a majority of hte
constituents, that he is bound to obey them, unless ho considers that by doing it he
would violate Che constitution; in which case I think it would be his duty to resign,
and give thern an opportunity of. electing another Representative, wlioee opinion
would accord with their own." .And, finally. Gen.-"Harrison advocates s strict eon.
struction of the constitution, the best teat of Republicanism: He says, "I deny, there,
fore, :otho General. Government, the exercise of any powor but what is expressly
given to it by the constitution, or what is essentially necessary to carry the powers
expressly given into effect." "I deem myself a Republican of what is commonly
called tho old Jefferson school, and believe in the correctness of that interpretation of
the constitution which has been given by the wri.ings of that enlightened statesman
who was at the head of the party, and others belonging to it, particularly by the'
Celebrated resolutions of the Virginia Legislature, during the Presidency of Mr. Ad-ams."
Thus, fellow-citizens, we have collected Gen. Harrison's opinions on tho most
important subjects with which his public course accorde?and as the two constitute
the best arid surest evidence of a statesman's political creed, are may with
confidence repel the charge which has been made against him of being a
Federalist, and pronounce him a sound republican ana true disciple of Thorn*
^ as Jefferson. If the principles adopted by Mr. Van Buren in his administration
be republican?principles some of them, prior to General Jackson's,?
unknown in the administration of the Government, and the essence of ultra
federalism,?if such principles be republican, it is high time to change our political %
nomenclature. It is fortunate for Mr. Van Buren, that be can conceal the
real nature of his creed (if indeed he has any) beneath such a decent exterior.?
Y\ e are told that Gen. Harrison is an abolitionist, and that therefore be should not
receive the support of the South. Fellow-citizens, we say fearlessly, we court
the light that can be thrown on this subject?we fear it not. We are willing to
rest the issue here. We defy invesiigation. On this, as on every other
subject, it will only add a still brighter lustre to the purity of General
Harrison's character, and the orthodoxy of his opioions. We will deal fairly?
introducing all those acts and opinir ns which may be construed to make against Jnni
as well as those in his favour. "In 4802 G?*nl. Harrison peraidedover a eodvem
tion in Indiana whose object was 10 obtain a modification of the ordinance of 1789,
v so as to admit slavery into that Territory." In 1819 the question was raised in
Congress as to the admission of Missouri into the Union. Harrison, representing
the most numerous abolition district in the sta<e of Ohio, and with oniy twoothr
era from all the non-slaveholding States, advocated its admission. Here, then, act*
ing contrary to the known and determined will of his constituents, with a sacrifice
of his political station as the inevitable result, what must have been the firmness
and sense of duty that prompted him to take sueb a bold and fearless stand? Can thd
annals of Congress produce one instance of greater sacrifice?of a more patriotic
and independent vote? It resulted as he must have foreseen. He stood up hj
defence of tne Constitution and Southern rights, and for it was^acrificed. You
will, fellow-citizens, duly appreciate this exalted act. M*. Van Burbr was most
active y engaged against its admission. He was then in the New York Legislature,
and voted for instructions to Rurus Kino, Senator in Congresr from
Now York, to oppose the admission of Missouri, unles Slavery was prohibited within
its limits. It is unnecessary to say another word in relation to tifia act of.the
"Northern man with Southern principles." Sevarat years afterwards, Gen. Harrison,
in a speech before his former constituents, was bokf enough to avow the sentiments
for which ho was sacrificed, and lo .condemn the fanatical course they were then*pUf w
suing. He says: "Jf there, is any principle in the Constitution ?f the United States
Jess disputable than any other, it is that the slave population is under tbe exclusive
control of the States which possess them. If there is any measure likely to rivet the
chains and blast the prospects of the negroes for emancipation. It is the interference'of
unauthorised persons. I wilt not stop lo inquire into the motives of those who are
ongaged in this fatal and unconstitutional project There may. be boom who have
embarked in it without properly considering its consequences, and who a re. actuated
by virtuous and benevolent principles. But, if such there are; I em very certain tbat,
should they continue their present course, their fellow-citinpns will, eraiopg, curse the
virtues that have undone their country. " If I am corrcctin the principles here sd.
' . * vanced, I repeat my assertion, that the discussion on the subject of ontencipation\ lo
; the non-slave-Jrolding States, is equally injurious to the slaves and tbeif masters; ahd
that it has nd sanction ip the principles of the Constitution. I roost not be cm dev.
stood to say that there is any thing in that instrument .which prohibits suoh .discussion..
I know thore ir not; but tne pian who believe;-that the claims which his fol?
low-citizens have upoti him are satisfied by -idherring to the letter of the political eoai^
pact that connects them, must have a very-imperfect knowledge of the principles
upon which our glorious Union wag. formed, and <by which alone itaan be maintainod
n In another speech, two years' afterwards, at VurceNibS, he uses in part the
fo'lowing languago: 4*I have now, fellow-citizens, a' few more words tosay on another
subject, and which ih; in rny opinion, of more importance than any other that is n&ir '
in the course of discussion in any part of the Union. I allude to the Societies
that Itave been formed, and the movements of certain individuals in some of the8tales
in relation to a portion of the population iu others. The conduct of these persona w >
tbe more dangerous, because their object is masked under the garb of disinterestedness
and benevolence, and their course vindicated by arguments which, in the abstract,
no one oan deny, I am certain there ie not, in this assembly, one of these deluded
men, and that there are few within the bounds of this State. If them am any, jf*
would earnestly ontreat thorn to forbear; to pause in their career, aaid deliberately cortsider
the consequonccs-of thoir conduct lo tlie whole Union, and to tbeee for whose
borefit they prof*ess to act. That the latter will be the victims of the weak, injudicious,
presumptuous and unconstitutional efforts to serve them, a thorough examination
of the subject must convince thorn. 'The liberty of speech and of the psesa
/ * was given as the most effectual means to pressrve to each and every citizen his own
rights, and to the States the rights which appertained to them at the time of their
adoption It could never have bden expected, that it would be used by the citizens
of the States for the purpose of depriving those of another portion of the rights tvhleh
they had reserved at tho adoption of the constitution, sod in the exercise of which none
but themselves haveany concern or interest If slavery isatrevil, the evil is with them.
If there is guilt in it, lite guilt is theirs,; not. our?f since neither the States trhoiB it
does not exist, nor'tfoe Government of the United States, can, without' usurpationof
power, and tbe violation of a solemn compact, do any thing to remOw it wiihwat the
consent of those who are immediately interested." ' > ? '
These opinions are clear and explicit, and no one can say more in defence of the
constitution, the fighuof slaveholders and.agaii.st the abolitionists than he lias here done;
and what gives more efficacy to these opiuionsof Gen. Harrison, is, that he expressed
them before the abolitionists themselves and of his own aocord. In the Cheviot speech,
Gen. Harrison says: "Congress may, with the consent aT the slaveholding states themselves,
appropriate the Surplus Revenue to tlie emancipation of slaves. This error is one
iron which Loth Messrs. Jefferson and Madison.hive.fallen, for both advocated thte same
!" doctrine. - yf
It has been charged against Gen. Harrison that he was a member of an Abolition m ?
Society in Richmond, and we confess that there is tliat, in this charge, which render* it ^
hardly worthy the dignity df a labored reputation. What! Abolition in Virginia? and
in Richmond too? Virginia recreant to herself and to the South? Verily, if we
could be made to swallyw this, for truth, we must have omnivorous appetites and most
capacious stomachs- for the marvellous! This is a little too much for our credulity; a little
too gtoss, even for our Ignorance and simplicity to believe.
We-know it to be true, that some fifty years ago, a Society was formed in Richmond
for the open and avowed purpose of ameliorating the condition of the Slaves and to aid
them, in certain cases, where it should be deemed expedient, in t)?e purchase of their
freedom. These objects were deemed desirable 4ht?, and for aught we know, may be
deemed desirable note in Virginia. The former i?orthodox doctrine in South Carolina
At this day; and whilst we reject, and very properly, the expediency of the fast object of
that Society, yet we-strongly suspect that about the yea* 1790, a Society embracing the
same objects here, would bave Ixfen regarded with approbation, andentertajned with courtesy.
Of this Society, Judge Gooch, a Slaveholder, was the President, and all itslofifcers and
members ware, no doubt* Slaveholders also. Gen. Harrison, at the age of 18 years, 4
enrolled his name among its members. The Society, we readt accomplished its purpose
in bettering the condition of the block population about Richmond, but that it ever went
' further, we do dot hear, nor dp we.believe.
With this evidence can it be believed that Gen. Harrison is, Of ever has been,in the
remotest degree, thefriend of abolition ? H so; it is directly in the face of all that he baa ''
said, and done, and suffered to the contrary.
As to Mr. Van Buren's opinions and acts on the subject of slavery, we will quote here
the words of the Honorable Mr. Coiquil, of Georgia, who now warmly advocates bis
cause, and suffers some uneasiness of mind in relation to Gen. Harrison's opinions
as a Federalist and Abolitionist, As he is. now Mr. Va^ Buren's friend, all that he
once said against him, may, with great propriety, be believed. The letter from which
we quote, was published in 1836. "Acting upon this conviction, I art opposed to the
election of Martin Van Buren to the Presidency, since circumstances warrant me in the
conclusion, that his feelings upon this question are opposed to mine, and that be differs
with us as regards the constitutional powers of Congress to abolish slavery in the District
of Columbia. Inasmuch as Mr. Van Buren was an advocate for the restriction of Missouri
upon the subject of slave population; the fact of bis having voted in the Convention
of New York, giving, to negroes the political right of white men; the fact that die almost
entire strength of the Abolitionists isexercised for his promotion; and for the further reason
that he himself acknowledges that he is not prepared to say that Congress has not
the constitutional power to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. These circumstances
are indications top strongly expressive of his real feelings, to permit ?be le'aSd
his election, at a tune when the whole country is so much agitated by the increasing, efforts
of the abolitionists." We may add that Mr. Van Buren voted in 1822 to restnpt the
introduction of slavery into Florida, and that he has stated positively in a letter
to Mr. Mallory, that Congress has the power to abolish slavery in jite District of Cohsm4
* * U)n/,;m?1nr non^A nmr ,)m nnnbttinn
bia. Let tnose wno reaa ana praise mi. vyunjuu a ?, ?..
we have made. We, very cheerfully, fellow-citizens, resign Gen. Harrison and Mr. Van
Buren on the subject of siavery into your hands: the one as orthodox as our best Presidents
were, and the Other, until he found it necessary to gain the support of tne south
to secure his election, the open, avowed and active enemy of slavery.-^
We call your attention, in conclusion, to a comparison of Gen. Harrison end
Mr. Van Buren as good men; as honest Statesmen and Patriots. If there
is any than living more like Gen. Washington than any other, that man is Geu. Harrison.
Party malice and corruption have not been bold and audacious enough to cast a single
aspersion on his character as a good man, an honest statesman, or a patriot His character
cannot suffer at the Rand of his enemies, and any- attempt to injure it would but make
shine the more brightly: As to Mr. Van Burcn's character, we refer you to speeches once
delivered by those who now dine frequently at the White House; for instance, Messrs.
Calhoun, Rhett and Pickens. In their speeches you will find bis character admirably ^
; described; adopt them aa text books on the subject It is an all important matter,
for the Government to be administered by good men; otherwise, corruption
must exist, and "one of the greatest errors into whicli our people have fallenfe that ia
the rage for political principles, no regard is paid to the moral principles ol those whs
are to make, administer and execute the law. Fellow-citizens, we leave the matter
with you, conceiving it to be the duty of every citizen to raise his voice and to
perform his part when the good of his country demands it, and we are assured, that your
voice, as far as it can. be, will ber beard in the cause of relorm, in defence of liberty, ol the
constitution and Of our national prosperity and glory.
" V .
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