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an examination . Of the claims of Mr. Van Buren and General Harrison to the support of the South, in an a<hlress of the Hon. Waddy Thompson to his constituents. TO MY CONSTITUENTS. It has been my habit, on my nnnual roturn from Washington, to mix so freely with you, that I have not found it necessary to address you in the form of a circular ; circumstances have changed, and I now find myself holding opinions opposou w | those of the undivided newspaper press of j the Slate. It is due to myself and to you, that I should not conceal these opinions from you, nor withhold the reasons which have led to them. I have not made up my mind hastily, as to the course which it was proper for those occupying the peculiar position which I do, to take in the coming Presidential election. I have done so with the utmost deliberation, and after the fullest enquiry. Not that I have ever once thouglit of supporting Mr. Van Burcn: you sent me here opposed to him ; ull that 1 have since seen of the principles and character of his administration has only tended to confirm and ndd%energy to that opposition. But I had doubts whether there were not grounds of opposition to the other candidate, though not equally strong yets rong enough to forbid my supporting him.? There are differences of opinion on important subjects between General Harrison and myself, but there is no prospect for the preseni, and I see but little for the future, of the elovation to the Presidency of any one holding my peculiar principles. I have therefore to choose between the two, and Iwving a decided preference, I cannot con 1 1J : r,i...? sent to witnnoia me expression ui ^inference. I do not intend to go to into ill" canvass; but between that and voting at the election there is a wide difference. I do not intend to be forced into any position which will in any way interfere wi h my placing myself in opposition, if Gen. Harrison shall be elected to any measure which he may propose, or generally to his administration, if duty shall demand it of mo.? Not to vote is mere child's play, and unbecoming the State. If it had pleased iIkj leaders of the old nullification party to have abstainod from any participation whatever inlhe contest, I should have been gratified; but it has not. The* most strenuous advocates of Mr. Van Byren that I know, are politicians and leaders of the nullification party. That party has been indeed dissolved, and the largest portion in our own State are novo distinctly mustered under the banner of Mr. Van Buren. I cannot enlist in that service, and for the following among many other reasons : I have.ul ways looked with the greatest fears to the introduction into the politics oi the Union of the system of the Albany Regency, a system commenced immediately after the close of the Revolution, by Aaron Burr, and of which Mr. Van Buren is the acknowledged head. The great characteristic of that system is to govern men by addressing the lowest of their selfish passions, - i - r ?a ~r The ine iovo oi muircy uu'j ui uiu\.?) 4 ,.vSHme system upon which Sir Robert YVal. pole practised with such corrupting influence upon English morals, and with such fatal effects upon English liberty. If for ne other reason, I would not sanction, by a re-election, the influences which brought Mr. Van Buren into power ; no fair man will deny that he was brought into office by the overpowering influence of Gen. Jack, son. The first step io the d cliue of all tree republics has been the nomination by the executive head of the government of his supcessor.-?It is a curious (act, anil will be so regarded hereafter, thai a man should have attained the Presidency .without hav. ing associated his name with one single important period or meusure in the history of liis country. If the most prolix and ininute historian were to write the his'ory of this country previous to Mr. Van Buren's election, there is no single point in that his-, lory with which he would find occasion or excuse for connecting his name. I regard as the very greatest danger of the times in which we live, greater even than the en croachments, the ularming tendency to the accumulation in the Federal Executive, all of the powers ol the co-ordinate depart ments of the Federal Government. We have seen Mr. Van Buren persisting in pressing upon the country his fiaanc al schemes, after repeated decisions of the people against them, in defi u,ce of their rcmonsfunces-und in disregard of their' great and universal sufferings. We have seen him urging these schemes by all the vast patronage and power with which he is invested, and receiving the aid of those who have denounced these measures as destruc live of the best interests of the country.? What difference is there between an ac. I knowledged despotism, where the executive makes the laws and such a state of things as this, where he makes the laws through the agency of others, many of whom at? themselves opposed to those laws ? , There is one ground of objcctioh to Mr. Van Buren which would forbid me to vote for him if 1 approved of his measures, which I do not, and if I had confidence in his professions, which I have not. 1 allude to the ferocious war which lie has been waging, and which if re-elected, he will carry on with increuscd energy, upon the currency, commerce, and credit of the country. Never has the world known a people as prosperous and as happy as ours when he came into power; never has an) people suffered more severe trials since.? It has been one unbroken series of suffering, disaster, and misery. 1 do most sincerely believe mat notning can restore prosperity to the country but taking power from his hands; nothing else will restore public confidence, and confidence is all that is now wanting.' It is true that many of the causes of embarrassment existed before the last election; we should have suffered somewhat, but that the troubles nnd embarrassments of the country have been infinitely aggravated by his measures 1 do not doubt. We have had other peri ods of deranged currency, but they have passed speedily away. Why has this been so protracted and severe ? For no other reason than that the whole power of the Government has been exerted to the destruction instead of to the sustainingofcredit. and confidence. It is said that Air. Vr.n Buron has come to our principles. He says not. But that he is carryingvout his own principles, those of his illustrious piedecessor, in whose footsteps, with much more of policy than of dignity, he was pledged to follow. He has come to our principles, our State Rights principles ? It is not to i? h#? malms nn annual nrr>. Ui; UCIJICVJ umw MV ?... >, fession of some of these principles: so did his Proclamation and Force Bill predecessor. I do not look to his professions; what has been his practice 1 I propose to ex amine that, and to contrast the opinions of his competitor with his, on every one of these points. First, as to the tariff; Gen. Harrison regards the compromise of 1832 as of the highest obligation, and is disposed j to adhere to it: and if more revenue is required, not to increase the duties on protected articles, hut to impose duties on those articles which are now duty free; such ar. tides as the people of the north use and do. not manufacture, and as to which, the exemption from duties is more beneficial to lhem than to us. What are the opinions of .Mr. Van Buren on this subject ? No one knows. I say no one knows the present opinions of Mr. Van Buren. We do know what his past opinions ore; that he voted for the b.II of abominations, the tariff of 1828 ; and that he boasted at Albany, on his return from Washington, in a public speech, of his unvarying support of the tariff. It was then suid at the south that he gave that vote against his own opinions, and under the coercion of legislative instructions. This I never believed, and it has been lately charged, and Mr. Talmadge of the Senate referred to his authority, to prove from under the hand of Mr. Van Buren, that he wrote to his friends in the New York Legislature, that those instructions, were only in conformity to his own fixed opinions ; and it has not boon denied, is to internal improvements, Gen. Harrison holds precisely the opinions of Gen. Jackson, that Congress possesses the power to appropriate money to woiks of a national character. I dissent from that opinion. But he is at the saffife time opposed to tho exercise of the power. Mr. Van Buren professes to believe that Congress does not possess the power, but habitually sanctions its exercise. More money was appropriated for internal improvements in ?he first year of his adm nistration than was done in the whole four years of the administration of Mr. Adams. Now, 1 would rather have a President who admitted the power, but was opposed to its exercise than one who denied the power, but hnbiL ually exerted it. As to internal improvement, it is no more a practical question than would be tho embargo, except as to the Cumberland road and harbours ; Mr. Van Buren sanctions both of thes*\ 1 re. rrnrrl fhic as fhn vp.ru worst form in which ... the power can be exerted. It is not only necessarily partial, as it is confined in its benefits to the seaboard, but that is the very region where, from vicinity to markets these improvements are not needed, and if they are, the people being wealthy, can make them for themselves. It is in the remote interior whore thny are needed, and where the people aro generally too poor to make them. A National Bank.?General Harrison denies the power under any express grant in the Constitution?but says, that if it shall be demonstrated that the public revenues cannot be collected without such an institution, he thinks that Congress may, m that event, establish a bank. I have never seen any man, even of the strictest sect, who denies the poiftftf thus qualified. No Government can exrst without revenue?it would not, in such a case, bo a question of convenience, but of necessity, absolute, imperious; and involving the very extstenceof -1 * irn A me uovernmeni. 11 congress may doi, in such a case charer a bank, that clause of the Constitution whicli gives all "powers, necesssary and proper, to the execution" of granted powers, is a mere nullity, and its frumets wore not that body of sages that we have supposed them. It was on this ground that the charter of a bank in 1816 received the support of Dallas, Crawford, Lowndes, and Calhoun, and the Republican party of that day; and at a later day, it was on this ground that the constitutionality of a bank has been advocated By IVfr. McDuffie, and every leading politician of South Carolina.? [ expressed these views in a letter, pub. lished during rr.y late canvass. 1 do not, however, think the establishment of a National tfank within the powers of Congress, as no such necessity has been demonstrated: and I do not anticipate any such.?But I am not disposed to denounce those as either knaves or fools who think dif. ferently, when I remember, that the firs4? charter was signed in 1791, four years a{ er the adoption of theConstitu'ion, by General Washington, President of the Convention which formed that instrument, with all the debates fresh in his memory?and the second by the great and virtuous Madison, who was its great architect. Nor, have I any such apprehensions as some express of of the dangers of such an institution, when I remember that of the fifty-three years of our national existence, we have had a national bank for forty years; and that our liberties have not only survived it, but that no injurious influence was either exerted or attempted?and that those forty years were precisely the period of our greatest prosperity and happiness, and of advances in civilization and power, unprecedented in the history of the world; and that the thirteen years when we have had no such instinr tion, were years of universal stagnation of all the employments of life; and of that suffering and distress which results from a deficient or a vitiated currency. I do not doubt that a bank, not sufficiently guarded may become a dangerous engine ed that he would not. -But on his way to I Cheviot, he found the dangerous spirit of abolition more rife than ever. He deter- ' mined to rebuke it, and he did so. I wish you to remember, that this speech was not | made to slave-holders; but that there was not a man in the assembly who was not opposed to slavery; and a large number of them abolitionists. To such an assembly he held the following language; < There is however, a subject now beginning to agitate them (the Southern States, in relation to. which, if their alarm has any foundation, the relutive situation in which, they may stand to some of the States, will hn the verv reverse to what it now is. 1 the necessities of his political position made it expedient?but it is too bad at the same j time to ask us to denounce an old long tried ) friend, who has sacrificed himself to our in-1 terests. What friendship can we hereafter expect?what friendship do we deserve, if we thus act? Allow me to submit the proofs in support of the broad proposition which I have ^ssertod. Mr. Van Buren voted in the New York Convention to confer the highest privilege of a freeman upon negroes. It was carried mainly by ins influence; and it is to him that we are indebted for tlx; fact, that the powerful representation of forty members from the Slate of New York, are sent here j in part by negroes. In 1819, Mr. Van Ruren voted to instruct Rufus King, then a senator in Congress from New York, to vote against the admission of Missouri into jibe L'nion unless slavery was abolished. It is to me a rnel- i ancholy illustration of'the decadence of public f eling, and of a want of proper tone ' and spirit in the south, that one of the prune ! movers?perhaps the very prime 'mover of of that dangerous measure, should not only be urged upon the confidence of the south, but is so pressed, as the only anointed sav. iour of southern institutions.. Mr. Jefferson said that the news of that movement _ i!i .t... _r /z .i came upon mm nae ne cry 01 ore m inc night. No ono crisis in our public affairs has so excited the fears of every patriot? and most strange and unaccountable, he who lighted the torch, is held up as our best friend; and her who extinguised it, as our worst enemy. Is this grateful, fair, or just? No later than 1822, Mr. Van Buren voted to restrict the introduction of slaves into Florida. If Congrcs has the power to restrict has it not power to forbid the introdnction of slaves into a Territory??Who denies this ? If you hare power to restrict it to settlers, why may you not restrict it still further to settlers over eighty years of age, or nltogethei? Look oil that picture, and now look on this! In 1802, General Harrison presided ov- r a Convention in Indiana, whose object was to obtain a modifu, cation of the ordinance of 1GS8, so as to admit-slavery in that Territory. In 1819, General Harrison was a member of Cons j gress from a district in Ohio, containing more abolitionists than any other in the State. The Missouri question, raised hy Van Buren and his associates, was brought before Congress. It was one of those trying occasions *hich few men have the moral crfurago to meet. Gen. 11. had?and acted worthily of his own fame, and the patriot namo which he had inherited from a noble ancestor. He was told, if you vote r.l- .1 . . -i. .. *11 .1 , i r> wim me souiu, you win uesiroy yoursen. "That is probable," lie replied, "but it is belter that I should destroy myself than to 1 destroy the Oonstitution of my country"? an expression and an act sufficient, of themselves, to stamp him a patriot. He voted with two others, and only two, from the non slave S ates, to sustain the chartered rights of the south. Never did u wilder, fiercer, or more furious storm burst upon the head of any muo. At the next election he was notwithstanding his overwhelming popularity, beaten for Congress?and never was more vituperation and opprobrium heaped upon any man than he suffered.? The town Cheviot was in his district, an I in that neighborhood there were more abolitionists than any wh<-re else in the State; and there the denunciation of General Harrison was most violent. In 1833, the people of Cheviot, remembering his public services, and willing to forgive,not to forget, his great political crime, for abolition hud increased, not diminished?invited him to a public dinner. His friends urged him to rnako no allusion to abolition?that a decent respect to those who had invited him, a very large portion of whom were abolitionists, demanded that he should make no allusihn to the j>ust. He at enco delerniiu in the hands of a corrupt Government, and 1 thai it may l>e used injuriously to the South. 1 But, properly guarded, 1 have just as little doubt that the chief benefits of such an institution will be to the South, for the simple reason that the South is the paying, not the recoiyjflg section; and is therefore mainly Interested in having a uniform currency. But whatever may be the dangers, real or supposed, of a national bank, they sink into utter insignificance in comparison with those of a Government bank; and that such is the alternative contemplated by Mr. Van Buren, I do think* any longer doubtful; and L think I have heretofore proven ti. But it is said that General Harrison is an abolitionist, and that it was for that mason that he has been nominated over .Mr. Clay, who was so obnoxious to the abolitionists that none of them would vole for him. You cannot have forgotten that the very men, and the very presses, who now tell you this, up to the very moment of the Ilarrisburg nomination, said that Mr. Clay was an abolitionist. Now you are told that he not only is not, but is especially objectionable to the abolitionists. Both cannot be true. What is it that has so suddenly transformed Mr. Ciny from an abolitionist into an enemy of abolition? I will tell you.?Ho is no longer a candidate for the Presidency. Ho is in no body's way?and has therefore a respite from calumny. Me is now a marvellous proper man. But let that illustrious citizen?illustrious for every great quality that elevates our nature, be once more brought before the country, and the same war of cnlumnv and fiiMchood will again be waged against liim. Harrison nn abolitionist?a Virginian, and that Virginian a Harrison.?an abolitionist ? Does any one really believe it ? No one man living, north or south, has done and suffered as much in the cause of defending this institution of the South as General Harrison; and no statesman of this coun'ry has given as many votes against that institution as Martin Van Buren; and he never changed or wavered in this course^ until, without such change ho could not have hoped to be elected President. Now, it is bad enough to challenge- our special confidence foran old undevialingenc- I my, who never ceased lo oppose us until ' allude to a supposed disposition in some individuals in the non.sluveholding States t& interfere with the slave population of the other States, for the purpose of forcing their emancipation. I do not call j our atteution to this subject, fellow-citizens, from the apprehension that there is a man amongst you who will lend his aid to a project so pregnant with mischief; and still less that there is a state in the Union which could be brought to give it countenance. But such are the feelings of our Southern brethren upon this subject?such their views, and their just \iews, of the evils which an interference of this kind would bring upon them, that long before it would reach the point of receiving the sanction ofa State, the cvilof theuttempt would be consummated, as far as we are concerned, by a dissolution of the Union. If there is any principle of the Constitution of the United States less dispuputable thnn any other, it is, that the slave population is under the exclusive control ofthe States which possess them. If there is any meusurc likely to rivet tho chains, and blast the prospects of the negroes for emancipation, it is tho interference of unauthorized persons. Can any one, who is acquainted with the opera'ions of the human mind, doubt this ? We have seen how restive our Southern brethren have been from a supposed violation of their political rights. What must be the cons* quence of an acknowledged violation of these rights, (for every man of sense must admitit to be so, conjoined wit|i an insulting interference with their domestic concerns ? I will not now slop to enquire into the motives of those who are engaged in this fatal and unconstitutional project. There may he some who have embarked in it without properly considering its consequences, and who are actuated by benevolent and virtuous principles. But, if such there are, I am very certain that% should they continue their present course, their fellow citizens will, ere long,4 curse the virtues which have undone their country 9 44 Should I be asked if there is no way by which the General Government can aid the cause of emancipation, I answer, that it has long been an object near my heart to see the whole of its surplus revenue nppropria. ted to that object. With the sanction of the States holding the slaves, there appears to me to be no constitutional objection to its being thus applied ; embracing, not only the colonization of those that may bo otherwise freed, but the purchase of the freedom of others. By a zealous prosecution of a plan formed upon that basis, wo might look I forward to a day, not very distant, when a { North American sun would not look down ! upon a slave. To those who have rejected j the plan of colonization, I would ask, if they I have well weighed the consequences ofem| ancipation without it ? How long would i the emancipated negroes remain satisfied I with that? Would any of the Southern j States then (the negroes armed and organI ized) be able to resist their claims to a participation in all their political rights / Would j it even slop there 1 Would they not claim admittance to all the social rights and privi; leges of a community in which, in some in! stances, they would compose the majority 1 l-Let those who take pleasure in the contemplation ofsuoh scenes as must inevitably follow, finish out the picture. " If I am correct in the principles here advanced, I repeat my assertion, that the discussion on the subject of emancipation in the non-slaveholding Stales, is equally Injurious to the slaves and their masters, and that it has no sanction in the principles of the Constdution. 1 must not be understood to say, that there is any thing in that ins'rumcnt which prohtbits such discussion. I know there is not. But the man who believes that the claims which his fi'liov^-citizens have upon him are satisfied by adhering to the nnliM/^nI fr\mn.'irI lhjit rnnnortg IQrllCf ui \ig\J j'Vi?i?iv%?i vvm?|^mv? wviiuvwiw them, must have a very imperfect knowledge of the principles upon which our glori. ous Union was formed, and by which alone it can be maintained." The following extract of a letter from an intimate friend of Gen. Harrison, places his conduct on that occasion in a striking point of view ; " Uui his speech at Cheviot affords still stronger proof on this point. It was deliv erod, you will recollect, on the 4th ol July ; it was delivered, too, before tiie very men who had opposed him because of his slavery views. Surely, then, he would not now touch this dangerous topic. The occusion did not require it: the occasion, indeed, would hardly justify it. Hesides, this was the first opportunity which the Goperul had enjoyed since 1832 of addressing the people ; and bow easy, how natural it would have been, to improve it for his own .ends ; to seek, by talking of oil times, of his fears of arms, and of the glorious West, to kindle afresh those friendly feelings which once bur. ned so strongly in his favor ? Why not so embrace it 1 Why, at any rate, discuss a subject which was full of excitement, which might rouse against him passions that were then only slumbering, which had before, and on that very spot, marred his political prospects ? He did it, it is evident, hecause a foul spirit was about him, which, if allowed to spread, would peril all that was noble in the land; and he forgot himself, and thought only of his country, in the effort to destroy that spirit." Afterwards, in a speech at Vincenncs in 1835, he used the following language upon this subject: " 1 have now, fellow-citizens, a few words df more toaay on another subject, and which a is, in my opinion, of more importance than s any other that is now in the course of dis- tl cussion in any part of the Union. I allude to the societies which have been formed, s and the movements of certain individuals, tl in some of the States, in relation to a portion h of the population in others. The conduct t< of these persons is the more dangerous, be- o cause their object is masked under the garb t< of disinterestedness and benevolence ; and j e iheir course vindicated by arguments and s propositions which in the abstract no one tl can deny. But, however fascinating may ti be the dress with which their schemes are c presented to their fellow.citizens, with what- v ever purity of intention they may have been li foimed and sustained, they will be found to t carry in their train mischief to the whole p Union, and horrors to a large portion of it, i which it is probable, some of the projectors, '/ und many of their supporters, have never r thought of; the latter, the first in the series- t of evils which are to .spriug from their t source, are such as you have rend of, to have c been perpetrated on the fair plains of Italy | and Gaul by the Scythian hordes of Attila t and Alaric; and such as most of you nppre- ' hended,npon that memorable night when the t tomahawks and war-clubs of the followers I ofTecumseh were rattling in jour suburbs. i I regard nor the disavowals of any such in- i tontion upon the part of the authors of these s schemes, since, upon the examination of the < publications which havo been made, they i will be found to contain the very fuct3 and t very argument which would have been used, t if such would huvc been their object. I am t certain that there is not, in this assembly one 1 of these deluded men, and that there are : few within the bounds of the State. If there I are any, I would earnestly entreat them to j forbear, to pause in their career, and deiiber- j ately consider the consequence of their con- J duct to the whole Union, and to those for < whose benefit they profess to act. Thai I the latter will be the victims of the weal;, in- i judicious'presumptuous, and unconstitu'ion. i al efforts to serve them, a thorough exami 1 nation of the subject must convince them. The struggle (and struggle there must b<*) i may commence with horrors such as I have described, but it will end with more firmly riveting the chains, or in the utter extirpation, of those whose cause they advocate. " Am I wrong, fellow-citizens, in applying the terms weak presumptuous and unconslilutionai-ih the measures of emancipators. A slight examination will, I think, show that I am not. In a vindication of the _ ? Pnmruntirtn which WHS ljltf-1 V uujcuia ui u ? .. ? held in one of the towns of Ohio, which 1 saw in a newspaper, it was said that nothing more was intended than to produce a state of public feeling which would lead to an amendmcnt of the Constitution, authorizing the abolition of slavery in the United States. Now, can an amendment of the Constitution be effected without the consent of-tho Southern Stutes ? Whar, then, is the proposition to be submiticd to them ? Jt is this : 1 The present provisions of the Constitution secure to you the right (a right which you held before it was made, which you have i never given up,) to manage your domestic i concerns in your own way ; but as we arc convinced that you do not manage them i properly, wo want you to put in the hands of the General Government, in the councils i of which we have the majority, the control! over these matters, the effect of which will be virtually to transfer the power from yours into our hands.'" " A naiii: in some of the Stales, and in section-; of others, the black population far succeeds that of the white. Some of the e. mancipators propose an immediate abolition. What is the proposition# then as it regards these States and parts of States, but the alternatives of amalgamation with the blacks, or an exchange of situations with them ? Is there any man of common sense who does not believe that the emancipated blacks. Liping a majority, will insist upon a full parti" cipation of political rights with the whites: and when possessed ol these, they will not for continued social rights also/ What but the extremity of weakness and folly could induce any one to think that such propositions as these could be listened to by a peo. plo so intelligent as the Southern States ? Further : the emancipators generally declare that it is their intention to effect their object (although their acts contradict th? assertion) .by no other means than by convincing the slaveholders that the immediate e_ mancipution of the slaves is called for, both by moral obligation and sound policy. An unfledged youth at the moment of leaving (indeed, in many instances, before he has left it) his theological seminary, undertakes to give lectures upon morals to the countrymen of Wythe, Tucker, Pendleton and Lowndes; and lessons of political wisdom to States, whose affairs have so recently been directed by Jefferson, and Madison, Maron, and Crawford. Is it possible that, instances of greater vanity and presumption could be exhibited 2 But the course pursued by the emancipators is unconstitutional. I do not say that there are nnv words in the constitution which forbid the discussions they are engaged in ; I know that there are not. And there is even an article which secures to the citizens the right to ufcpgfps and publish their opinions without restriction. But in the construction of the Constitution it is always necessary to refer to tlr: circumstances under which it was framed, and to ascertain its meaning by a comparison of its provisions with each other, and with the previovs situation of the several States who were parties to it. In a por|ion of th se slavery was recognized, and they took care to have the right secured to them, to follow , and reclaim such of them as were fugitives to other Slates. The laws of Congress, passed under this power, have provided punishment to any who shall oppose or interrupt , the exercise of this right. Now. can any i one believe that the instrument, which contains a provision of this kind, which authorizes a master to pursue his slave into another State, lake him back, and provides a punishment for any citizen or citizens of tha, i State who should oppposc him, should, at . the samo time, authorize, the latter to as- i semble together, to puss resolutions and dopt addresses, not only to encourage the laves to leave their masters, but to ctfnheir Croats before they do so ? 4 ' I insist that, if the citizens of the non* laveholding States can avail themselves of fie article of the Constitution which proibits the restriction of speech or the press, 3 publish any thing injarious to the rights f the Slaveholding States, that tbey can go 3 the extreme that I have mentioned, and fleet any thing further which writing or peaking could effect. But, foilow-chizCDS bese are nor the principles of the Coosti.* ution.?Such a construction would defeat me of the great objects of its formation, fhich was, that of securing the peace and larmony of the Slates which were parties o it. The liberty of speech and of the tress, were given as the most effectual neans to preserve fo each and every citi;en their own rights, and to the States the ights which appertained to them at die ime of their adoption. It could never have )ecn expected that it would be used by the :itzons of one portion of the States for the jurpose of depriving those of another porion of the.rights which they had reserved it the adoption of the Constitution, and in he exercise of which, none but themselves lave any concern or interest. If slavery a an evil, the evil is with them. If there s guilt in it, the guilt is theirs, not ours, iince neither the States where it does not jxist, nor the Government of the United States can, without usurpation of power, and he violation of a solemn compact, do any liing to remove it without the consent of. hose who are immediately, interested.? But they will neither ask for aid, no^on. ?ent to he aided, whilst the illegal, persecu. nig, una iiaiigt-ruiis iiiuvuiiicuis arc ?n progress, of which I complain ; the interests ot ill concerned requires "that these should be stopped immediately. This can only be Jone by the force of public opinion, and that cannot too soon be brought into operation.?Every movement which is made by ^ the abolitionists in the non slavehotdiug Stal -s, is viewed by our Southern brethren as an attack upon their rights, and which if persisted in, must in the cud eradicate those feelings of aituchmcnt and affection, between the citizens of all the States, which was produced by a community of interests ru.d dangers in the war of the revolution, which was the foundation of our happy Union, and by a continuance of which it can alone be prcscivid. 1 entreat you then to frown upon measures which nre to produce results so much to be deprecated. The opinions which I have now given, 1 have omitted no opportunity for the last two years to lay before the people yf my own State. I have taken the liberty to express them here, knowing that even if they should unfortunately not accord with yours, they would be kindly received." What motive can Gen. Harrison have to falsify nil that he has heretofore said this subject?to disgrace and dishonor himself ? He can have none, as ho is pledged not to bo again a candidate. But it is said that if he is not un abolitionist, the abolition, ists support him. It is not truo. As fajr as I know, {here is but one abolition paper in the Union that is not opposed to him; and that is not more than neutral. But to put discharge forever at rest, the abolitionists, at a late Convention, have detcrmL ncd to support neither of the candidates; and have started candidates of their own. In the Cheviot speech, Gen. Harrison advances the opinion, that on the application of the slave States, Congress may appropriate the public lands to the purpose of emancipation. In this I know lie is in an error into which Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison have fallen: and a most harmless error. No such application will be made by the slave States; and if it should, there is ^ no great danger in those States being aided with money on their own application- I od not know Gen. Harrison personally; I only know him through the history of the coun. try. If that history he true, it is ubsurd to deny him high qualities and talents, ft is too lute in the day to deny military talents to a man, who to say nothing of any thing else, has received un unanimous vote of thanks from Congress, the appro bntion'of Madison, and of the time, honored Shelby, who served in the sante campaigns with him. I have been very much struck with one thing :n the life of Gen. Harrison. He entered the service of the country when but a boy, with a largo hcreditaty fortune. He had opportunities of enriching himself to millions whilst Governor of the Territory?but he came out of that seiv vice, and all of his high trusts, a poor man; and he is neither vicious nor a spendthrift. It was regarded amongst the Romans,?the highest complir&ent to one who had been invested with important trusts, to be able to say that he died so poor as to be buried lit the public expense. Never did any man better deserve such a tribute. Forjtheae reasons,. I Jo not hesitate to express to you my opinion, that the interests of the country will be promoted by the election of Gen. Harrison. If, however, he should bo elected, and his administration should be such as my own judgment may not approve, I shall placeMiiyself in no position where I cannot oppose that administration. 01 one thing I feel very sure, that no change can be for the worse. Most gratefully and truly, Your humble servant, WADDY THOMPSON, Jr. Dunlap dj* Marshall HEREBY givo notice that they will continue to sell their Dry Goods only, on tho usual credit to punctual customers. ^ They will sell their Groceries at tho lowest prices for cash only. Tho very short credit at which groceries can now be bought, amounting with the exchange almost to Cash, with their lhnitcd capital compels Lhcm to tho adoption of this course. January 1,1840. 8 tf Dunlap .Marshall OFFER for sale at very low prices a fino stork of negro cloth and blankets?they also offer by fllid. Tierce or Bbl. very fine N [). and W. J. Molasses. January 3, 1840. 8 tf