"H
BY W. A. LEE AND HUGH WILSON ~a nnpm, 7 ? =- - =?
1 ' T : : ABBEVILLE, S. C., IRIDAY. MARCH 9, 1866. VOLUME XIII/NO.47.
Veto ot the frkkbitkitb bureau bill.
To the Senate of the United States:
I have examined with care tho bill which
origin ill t}id Senate, ^pd has; 'been
passed by the two Houses of Congress, to
amfod in; Afet eutitlad " An Act to ea'ab~l?h
a Btireau for the relief of Freedmen
and Refugees^" and for other purposes.?
llavihg, with much regret, come to the
opbolosioti that it would'not :bd consistent
with the public, welfare to give.my approval
\o tbe igiefcsufdi I returff the bill to
the Senate with my objections to its becoming
a law.
I might call to mind, in advance of theso
objections, that there is no immediate necessity
for the proposed measure. Tbe
Act to establish a Bureau for the relief of
fraadmen and rafiicrppn. nliinli wnn nnnrnv.
edrfe axonLh of March last, has not yet
expired: It was thought stringent and
extensive enough for the purpose in view in
time of war. Before it ceases to have effect,
fut^hej experience may aaeiit to guide
us tq ti-yiUB conclusion as to the poling to
be adopted, in tira,e of peace. ;
*i&fiir<?fcUtf ingress the strongest de-'
ire to. secure to the .freednien the full enjoyment
of their freedom and the: r property,
and their entire independence and
equality in making contracts for their labor;
but the bill before ma contains provisions
which, in my opinion, are not war-*
ranted. by (he Constitution, and are not
VFelbiMuted to accomplish tbe end m view.
The bill proposes to establish, by authority
of Congress, military jurisdiction over
all parts of the United States containing
refugees and freedtnen. It would, by its
very nature, apply with most force to theso
parts'-of the United States in which the
' freedmen most abound; and it expressly
extends the exiBtiner temoorarv jurisdiction
O ? ? * of
the Freedraen's Bureau, with greatly
enlarged powers, over those States, "in
which ordinary course of judicial proceedings
has been interrupted by the rebellion."
The source from which (Lis military juris*
diction is to emanute is none other than
(he Presided pf the United States, acting
through the War Department and the
Commissioner of the-Freed men's Bureau.
The agejjta to carry out this military jurisdiction
are to be seieelod either from the
army or from civil life ; the country is to
i be divided into districts and sub-districts,
and the number of salaried agents to bo
employed may be equal to the number of
Counties or Parishes in all the Uuited Slates
<where freedmen and refugees are to be
found.
The -eutyecU over which this military
jurisdiction to extend ;.io every 'part-of
the United States, include protection to
"all employees, agents and officers .of this
Bureau "In the exercise of the duties im posed"
upon tbera by tbe bill. In .eleven
States it is further to extend over all cases
affecting freedmen and refugees discriminated
against " by local law, custom or
prejudice." In those eleven States the bill
subjects any wliite person who may be
charged with ^d^priving a freed man of "any
civil rights 4>r immunities belonging to
whttepersons" to imprisonment or fine, or
bothi1?-without, however, defining tbe "oivil
rights and immunities" which are thus to
be secured to tl# freedroan by military
law. This military jurisdiction also extends
to all questions that may arise respecting
Tt- ?? - ? - i- - --- - -
wuiiauw. A uu n^cuii nuw 13 II) U3 10 exer- I
cise tbe office of a military judge may be
a stranger, entirely ignorant of tbe laws of
tbe place, and exposed to tbe errors of
judgment to which all men are liable. Tlie
exercise of, power, over which there is no
le^s) jqp?rvUion,'by so vast a number of
agents aa is contemplated by tbe bill, roust,
by the very nature.of man, be attempted
by acts of caprice, injustice and passion.
Tbe Crisis having their origin under this'bill
are to take place without tne intervention
of a jury,^d without any fixed rules
of law or evidence- The rules on which
offel^e^r<^^ J'liw|rd and determined"
by tbe num'erous agents, are such rules and
r/?gjilstjon? sij jhepresjdenj, through (be
War Department, shall pretcribe. No ore
vfo&'pi^^linimtHBj^uii^lnoTvaoy ia~
(dictmeift chargipg the commission of. a
crime agaiqsi the laws; but the itifrt rauit
proceed on charges and apecifioations.?
,^BMup?pj?bi?ept yj)l be?pot what the law
^HpfiaKe?btit such *s a court martial may
think proper; and from thpae arbitraryi
tribunals, there lie# poappeMt B? writ of
error to any of the' eourta in which the
ConsiUtutoit of the United St^te# rests exdorifelrtt^udj^^
th^flountiy.
* 1
ft1 i
actions and offences tb*t are m?de ?nbiept
. trf thfc *ftfctifekrt'<Sitet^|We; ibe ^ itt*lf,
iliotftj &&&&>? k ^?w, Will t)?r* ap
limij^tiog vin <p^td? tft*e,bnt will form a
part of tba 'ptVmani^t kgfylal|o^
oantry. I cannot rtconcvc a of
* '
. ? -r'-- -*A ?*
military jurisdiction of this kind with the
word9 of the Constitution, which declares
that "no person shall bo held to answer
for a capital or otherwiso infamous crime
unless on a presentment or indictment of
a grand jury, except in cases arising in the
land and naval forces, or in the militia,
when in actual'serrfce in time of war or
public danger and that " in all criminal
prosecution*, tfeo accused shall enjoy the
right to a speedy and public trial, by an
impartial jury of the Btyite . df "Dialriptt
wherein the crime shall havo'been committed."
The safeguards which tlio expe~
rience and wisdom of ages taught, .our,
fathers' to establish aa -securities for tlio
protection of tho innocent, tho puniMmient
of tho guilty, and the equal admiuiBtration
of justice, are to be set aside, and, for the
sake of a more vigorous interposition in
behalf of justice, we are to take the risk of
the many acts of injustice that would necessarily
follow from an almost countless
number of agents, established in every
Parish or County in nearly a third of the
States of the Union, over wbose decisions
there is to be no pupervis\6n or control, by
the Federal Courts. The power that would
be thu9 placed in the hands of the President
is such, as in time of peace^ certainly
ought neye'f to b^'efttrriated.. to ^ny one
man.
Xf it be asked whether'-ttte creation oft
such a tribunal within a State is wavrantied
as a measure of war, the question itnme*
diately presents itself, whether we are still j
engaged in war. Let us not unnecessarily ]
disturb the commerce and credit and industry
of the country, by declaring to the
American people and to the world ilmt the
United States are still in a oondition of
civil war. At present, theie is no part of
our country in which the authority of the
United Slates- is disputed. Offences thai
may bo committed by individuals should
not work a forfeiture of the rights of whole
communities. The country -has returned,
or is returning, to ft state of peace and industry,
and the rebellion is, in fact, at an
end. Tbe measure, thdVefora, seems to he
as inconsistent with the actual condition of
the country as it is at variance with the
Constitution of the United States.
If, passing from general considerations, j
we examine the bill iu detail, it is open to i
weighty objections.
Ill timo of war, it is eminently proper
that wo should provide for tlio.se who are
passing t>ud<Jeii?v from a condition of bondage
lo a state of freedom. But this bill
proposes to make the Freemen's Bureau,
established by the Act of I860, one of
many great and extraordinary nt?li<?T
measures to suppress a formidable rebellion,
a permanent branch of the public administration,
with its powers greatly enlarged.
I have do reason lo suppose, and I
do not understand it to be alleged,
that the Act of March, 1865, lias proved
deficient for the purpose for which it
passed, although at that, and for a consider-*
Able period thereafter, ihe Government of
the United Slates remained unacknowledged
in most of the States whose inhabitants
has been involved in the rebellion*
She institution of slavery, for the military
destruction of which the Freed men's Bureau
was called into existent as an auxiliary,
has been already effectually and
finally abrogated' thoughout the whole
country by an amendment of the Constitution
of the United State*, and practically its
eradication has received the assent and concurrence
of moftt of those States in Wliicb It
at any time had an existence. I am pot,
therefore, able to discern, in the conditio^
of toeoountry, anything to justify an nppre-.
hemsion that the powers and agence? of the
Freedraen's Burea'i, which were effective
for the protection of freedmen and refugees
during the actual continuance of hostilities
ami _?? t
MU Y? allium BOJVIIUUU, will : DOW, . in ft
time 'of peace And 'after the abolition of
slavery, prove inadequate to the same pro*
per ends., Jf I am correct in these views,
there can bo nonnecessity for :thei enlargement
of the powers of tho Bur&au, for
which provision is made in tbe'^ijU /
The third section of the bill authorizes a
geperal and unlimited grafttqftyipp^rt td
the destitute and suffering refogtts . aod
freed men, their jvives and child/en., Succeeding
sections mnlce provision fo* the
rent or purchase of landed estates for freedrpen,
and for tlie erection, for their benefit,
of suitable buildings for aaylumo* and
tchopls?the expense to be'defrayed from
the treasury of the whole people. The
Congress of tl}9 Unjted ?tpt<j? has never
heretofore thought itself empowered to
utsblidi inlnmi hfivmid ili? IJmii* ?>
-^'7- ?* ?^? . /
District of Colntpdia, except for (he benefit
ftf'our d?#AW?rf oi4?? and MUora. ft baa
peref founded Bcliqpla for any cIrw (of our
o*n people?noi even for the orphan# of
I tbo** who bare fallen iu the defence of the
Union, bat left the care of education to the
rrf^ftgiTr I * lVlfcinfr' HIA
??? ?w m
much moro compotent and efficient control
of the States, of communities, of private as,
sociations and of individuals. Ik has never
deemed itself authorized to expend the public
money for tho rent or purchase of homes
for tho thousands, not to say millions, of the
white race, who are honestly toiling from
day to day, for their subsistence. A system
for tlio support of indigent persons in
the United States was never contemplated
by tho authors of the Constitution ; nor can
nny good reason be advanoed why, as a
permanent ebtablishment, it Bhould be
founded for one class or color of our peoplo
more lh?tn another. Pending the war,
many refugees and freedmen received support
of the government, but it was never
intended that they should henceforth be
fed, clothed, educated and sheltered by tbe
United States. Tbe idea on which the
slaves were assisted to freodom was, that, on
becoming free, they would be a self-sustaining
population. Any legislation that shall
imply that they are not expected to attain
a self-sustaining condition, must have a tendency
injurious alike to their character and
their prospects.
The Appointment of an agent for every
Connty and Parish will crcate an immense
patronRge ; and the expense of the numerous
officers and their clerks, to ho appointed
by the President, will be groat in the
beginning, with a tendency steadily to increase.
The appropriations asked by the
Freed men's Beareau, as now established,
for the year 1806, amount to $11,745,000.
It may be safely estimated ihnt the cost to
be incurred uudor the pending bill will Require
double that amount?more than the
entire sum expended in any one rear under
tho administration of the second Adains.
If tho presenco of agents in every Parish
and County ia to be considered ns a war
measure, opposition, or even resistance,
might be provoked ; bo that, to e'tve effect
to ihat jurisdiction, troops would Tiave to
be stationed within reach of every onf> of
them, and thu9 a large standing force be
rondered necessary. Large appropriations
would, therefore, bo required to sustain and
enforce military jurisdiction in every County
or Parish from the Potomac to the Rio
Grande. The condition of our fiscal affairs
is encouraging; but, in order to sustain the
present measure of public confidence, it is
necessary that wo practice not merely customary
economy, but, as far as possible,
severo retrenchment.
In addition to the objections already
stated, the fifth Fection of the bill proposes
to take away land from its former owners
without any legal proceedings beinjr first
had, contrary to that provision of the Constitution
which declares that do perso.i
eliall " be deprived of life, liberty or property
without due process of law." It doea
not aupcar that a part of the land to whicj>
this section refers may not be owned by
minors or persons ot unsound mind, or by
those who have been faith/?*! to all their
obligations as citizens of the United States.
If any portion of the land is held by Bttfb
persons, it is no't competent for any authoiity
to deprive them of it. If, on the
other hand, it bo found that the property
is liable to confiscation, even then it cannot
be appropriated to public purposes until.
by due process of law, it shall have been
declared forfeited to the Government.
There is still further objection to tho
bill, on grounds seriously affecting the class
of persons to whom it is designed to bring
relief. It will tend to keep the mind of the
freedman in a state of uncertain expectation
and restlessness, while to those among
whom he lives it will be a source of constant
and vague apprehension.
Undoubtedly the freedman should be protected,
but he should be protected by the
civil authorities, especially by the exercise
of all the constitutional powers of theoourt*
of the United States and of tbe States.
His condition is not so exposed as may at
first be imagined. He is in a portion of
the country where hi* labor cannot well be
a n n '
d(iiubu. wumjitibuiuu (V>r uia ?jiriuui iroip
planters, from those who are constructing
or repairing railroads, nod from capitalists
in his vicinage or from other Sta?s, will
ennblft liim to comrarind almost bit own
terms. Ho also possesses a perfect right
to change his place of abode, rind if, therefore,
he does not find in one community
or State a mode of life ftited to bis desires,
or proper remuneration for his labor, he
ean move to another, where that labor is
more esteemed and better, rewarded. Ip,
truth, however, each Stale, induced by it*
0*n wants and interests, will <fB what is
nece*eary and proper to retain within ite
borders *11 the labor that is needed for (he
uov9>v>/u<cm? v? iw icouuruei, ID0 IAW1
t1ijt> ig.uifi^#pBpiy ?Bd^emap4 will ntyfe,
lain their force, and the wages of the |*r
borer will bferegolated/thereby. There is
no daage?thal the exceeding great demand
for lfcbor will nofc operate in faror of the
laborer.
*
Neither is sufficient consideration given
to tlio ability of tlie freedraen to protect
and take caro of themselves. It is do more
than justice, to them to believe that, as they
havo received their freedom with moderation
and forbearance, so they will distinguish
themselves by their industry and
thrift, and soon show tho world that in a
condition of freedom they are self-sustaining,
capable of selecting their own employment
and their own place of abode, of insisting
for themselves on a proper remunor'
tion, and of establishing and maintaining
lueir own asyiuras ana scuoois. It is earnestly
hoped that instead of wasting away,
tbey will by tbeir own efforts establish for
themselves a condition of respectability
and prosperity. It is certain that they can
attain to that condition only through their
own merits and exertions.
In this connection, the query presents
itself, whether the system proposed by this
bill will not, when put into complete operation,
practicnlly transfer the entire care,
support and control of 4,000,000 of emnn*
cipated slaves to agents, overseers or taskmasters,
who, appointed at Washington,
are to be located io every county and Pnrish
throughout the United States containing
freed men and refugees. Such a system
would inevitably lend to a concentration of
power io the Executive, which would enable
him, if so disposed, to control the action of.
this numerous class, and use them for tho
attainment of his own political ends.
I cannot but add another grave objection
to this hill. The Constitution imperatively
declares, in connection with taxation, that
each Slate shall have nt least one representative,
and fixes the rule for the number
to which, in future times, each State shall
be entitled. It also provides that the Son
nto of tho United States shall be composed
of two Senators from each State, and adds,
with peculiar force, that no State, without
its consent, shall be deprived of its equal
suffrage in tho Senate. Tho original Act
was necessarily passed in tho ahsenco of the
Slates chiefly to be affected, because llieir
people were contumaciously engaged in tho
rebellion. Now, the case is changed, and
aome, at least, of those State*, aro attending
Congrcsa by loyal representatives, soliciting
the allowance of the constitutional right of
representation. At the lime, however, of
the consideration and the passing of this
bill, there was no Senator or Representative
in Csngress from the eleven Slates which
are to be mainly affected by ils provisions.
The very fact that reports were and are
made against the good disposition of the
people of that portion of the country, is an
additional reason why they need and should
have Representatives of their own in Congress
to explain their condition, reply to
accusations, and assist, by their local knowledge,
in the perfecting of measures immediately
affecting themselves. While the
liberty of deliberation would then be free,
and Congress would bare full power to
decide according to ita judgment, there
could be no objection urged that the Slates
'moal interested had not been permitted to
be board.
The principle U firmly fixed in the minds
of t&e American people that there should
be no taxation wituout .representation.
Groat burdens have now to b? borne by all
tho country, and wo may best demand
that they shall be borne without murn.'Uf
when they are voted by a majority of tho
representatives of the people. I would
not interfere with the unquestionable right
of Congress to judge, each House for itself,
"of the elections, returns and qualifieations
of its own members/* But that authority
cannot be construed as excluding the right
_ ?? k |J - -# .-L - 0?_A_
to suut out, IQ nine 01 pwiw>, ??y ovnvo
from the representation to which it it entitled
by the Constitution. At present all
the people of eleven State* are excluded?
those who were roost faithful during tbe
w"ar not less tfian the others. The State of
Tennessee, for instance, whose authorities
engaged in rebellion, was restored to all
her constitutional relations to the Union
by tbe patriotism and energy of her injured
and betrayed people. Before Ihe war was
brought to a termination, they had placed
themselves in relations with the deneral
Government, bud established ? State Government
of tbeir own, and, as they were
not included in the emancipation proclamation,
they, by tbeir own act, had amended
theff Constitution so as to abolish sisvery
within the limits of tbeir Statfe.' I
know bo reaaim why the State of Ten tftssee.
fbr example should not fully eoioy
" 1! ber oonatitbtional relations to the
United 8utea.n
The President of the United States standa
toward* the country in a somewhat different
aUitnde fyom tbat of any member 9f
Congress* Baob member of Congress it
oboHo iWu>a llngto Distrtct or $t*te; tlijf
President ta ebosetr by the peopleof ?U the
State*.* As eleven States' /&re not it Ufa
time represented in either branch of Congress,
it would Beotn to be his duty on all
proper occasions to present their just claims
to Congress. , There always will be differences
of opinion in tho community, nnd
individuals may be guilty of transgressions
of the law; but the66 do r.ot constitute
vulid objections against the right of a State
to representation. I would in no wise interfere
with the discretion of Congress with
regard to the qualifications of members,
but I hold it my duty to recommend to
you, in the inte: osta of pence and in the interests
of Union, the admissiou of every
fif afa Ia Wo ?r? >??!%.!!/> ? *
U....V ? .w^ukis jyvjunv lugiamilOIl, vritOD,
however insubordinate, insurgent, or rebellions
its people may have been, it presents
itself not only in an attitude of loyalty and
harmony, but in the persons of representatives,
whose loyalty caunot be questioned
under any existing constitutional or legal
test.
It is plain that an indefinite or permanent
exclusion of any part of the country
from representation must be attended by a
spirit of disquiet and complaint. It is unwise
and dangerous to pursue a course of measures
which will unite a very large scction of
the country against another large section of
the country, however much tlio latter may
preponderate. The course of emigration,
the developments of industry and business,
and natural causes, will raise up at the
South men as devoted to the Union as those
of any other part of the land. Cut if they
are all excluded from Congress?if, in a
permanent statue, tbey are declared to bo
not in full constitutional relations to tbe |
country, tbey may think they hare cause to
beoome a unit in feeling and sentiment
against the Government. Under the political
education of the American poeple, tbe
idea is inherent and ineradicable that the
consent of tbe majority of the wbole people
is necessary to secure a willing acquiescence
in legislation.
The bill under consideration refers to certain
of the States as though tbey had not
"been fully restored in all the[r Constitutional
relations to the Unted States." If
they have not, let U9 at once act together
to Becure that desirable end at the earliest
possible moment. It is hardly necessary j
for roe to inform Congress that, in my own
judgment, most of those States, so far at
lenst as depends upon their own action,
have already been fully restored,'and are to
be deemed as entitled to enjoy their Constitutional
rights as members of the Union.
Reasoning from the Constitution itself, and
from the actual situation of the country, I
feel not only entitled, but bound, to assume
that, with the Ftdeanl Courts restored, and
those of the several Slates in the full exercise
of their functions, the rights and inter*
esls of all classes of the people will, with
the aid of the military in cases of resistance
to the law, be essentially protected against
unconstitutional infringement and violation.
Should this expectation unhappily fail?
which I do npt anticipate? then the Executive
ia already fully armed with ihe powers
conferred by the Act of March, 1892, establishing
the Freedmen's Bureau, and here?
after, as heretofore, he can employ tba land
and naval forces of the country to suppress
insurrection or to overcome obstructions to
the laws.
In accordance with the Constitution, I return
the bill to the Senate, in the earnest
hope thata measure involving questions and
interest? so important to tho country will
not become a law unless, upon deliberate
consideration by ilie people, it shall receive
the sanction of an enlightened public judgment.
ANDREW JOHNSON.
Washington, February 10,1800.
How to Cu&s a Husband.?A woman,
whom her husband used frequently
to scold, went to a cunning msn to inquire
how she might cure him of his barbarity.
The sagacious soothsayer beard her uotnnlflint.
on/1
| j-- ? j Miarvi VMVUUVIU^ DUIUO UNIU
words, and using various gesticulations,
while he filled a phial with colored liquid,
desired her, whenever her husband was in
a passion, to take a mouthful of the liquor
and keep it in her mouth for five minutes.
The woman, quite oveijoyed at so simple
a remedy, strictly folloWod the counsel
which was given ber, and by fcor silence
escaped the usual annoyance. The contents
of the bottle being at last expended,
she returned to the eunniug man and aaxr
! iously begged to have another possessed of
this'same ' virtue. "Daughter," said the
man,"there was nothing in the bottle but
brown sugar and water. When your hus
band u-in a portion, bold your tongue, and
my life 06 ir, ha wW not tcold you in fa*
ture."
V * - ?' ' u 1
i Wby is a Nabob like a b?ggar t Becatuo
ha'i an Iodytgent.
It, 11 *,* me . 1 v
R? ?D?a.?No aotertainmant U to oheap
aa reading, pSr any pteasuft to listing.
*
. . ... ..
THZ PHILOSOPHY OF 8MOKINO.
LECTURE BT Dn. DAII.Y.
At tlio Cooper Inslilulo Wednesday
evening, the Rev. S. W. Bailey dolivorod
a facetious lecture on the "Philosophy of
Smoking," designed to provo that the practice
was conducive to the growth of democratic
ideas and family happiness. There
was a good attendanco, and the lecture was
entertaining and well received. In the
course of the interesting address it was remarked
that the advont of the use of to1
f ? ....
uaccu gitve uirtn 10 acmoorntio tde^, and
that in olden times tobacco had been regarded
as a great gift of the great though
unknown spirit, and that in later years we
heard of smokiug the pipe of peace. Tba
regard entertained by the Indians for tobacco
was then dwelt upon, and their cus-.
toms were humorously referred to. Tho
lecturer then called to hia aid, in behalf of
tho uae of tho favorite weed, tho great poets
of by gono times, who, through their
works, etill live among us.
Tobacco was declarod at> divine and rare;
a sovereign to all desirous of quiotude and
peace. The well known ode, by Charlea
Lamb, to tobacco, was then quoted in be
half of tho almost universal use of tobacco.
Tobacco, 6aid the lecturer, is a powerful
political agent, it ie loyal to tlio State, and
is destructive of despotism; aa well as pro*
tective of democratic freedom. The ubo of
tobacco was then characterized a choice
blessing, and ripened early youth into full
grown manhood. Its elating and aspiring
qualities were then dilated upon. As a
perfect stimulant it was almost unequaled,
and it engendered a high tono in social life.
The learned lecturer iheii called to his aid
the poetical odea of Cowper and others, on.
tobacco. Various illustrations were quoted
and the whole tenor of th? speakers ideas
was in favor of tho free uf.o of the fragrant
weed.
Tho question aa to how much the world
it indebted lo smoking tvaa referred to.
It begot real kindliness between the various
clawes of society. It was a democratic
leveler, and was conducivoof the utmost
equality.
Mr. BniJey then concluded by a higbly
humorous sketch of the various uses to
which tobacco was beneGciai, and not, as
supposed by some, injurious. The lecturer
brought his address to conclusion amid
considerable applauso.
A Little Story.?A young man in this
city has been in the habit visiting the resit
dence of a widow lady, who,
? "Liko Jeplitlia, Judge of b>raol,
Had a daughter passing fair.''
I The young man was assiduous in his at-|
tontions, and was a constant visitor. This
notice awoke in the youtig lady's heart tho
tender passions, and in her dreams she imagined
sho should become l)no wife of her
Adonis. Matters kept on in tbo same old
way. The young man eontinued bis attentions,
and people" began to wiaper among
themselves, "A match sure!"' while knowing
ones, with a solemn toss of the head,
would remark, 11 what did I tell you?"?
The young man went to his supposed charmer's
house the other evening for the purpose
of taking tea. During the meal, the
mother asked, "When are y&u and?to
he marriod?" The young man leaned back
in his chair and coolly remarked that ho
had no idea of marrying anybody, and that
be arid her daughter were nothing but
friends. 11% said he supposed she understood
it so all the timo. Tho young lady 11
_ _ A 1 1 ?
saiu 1101 a woru, uui rose up, seized tha
toapot, which she filled with hot tea, took
<offthe lid,and threw4 its boiling contents
into bis face, BCnlding himself'severely and
leaving an ugly mark; She then furiously
ordered him to quit her sight.
A Family Wbddi.vo Coat.?The Stanton
Spectator, in ibe following, gives an
account of a coaf that has proved a verita*
ble heir-loom :
"Many years since, an old German citi*
zen of Pendleton County, when about to
lead his fair "frow to the hymeneal alter. t
purchased a broad cloth ooat in which ho
was married. His wife presented him with *
many children, among wbonr were"eight "
sons, every one of whom were married in
the Bam A mat in wlilnh (h?!r Tattiap J
their mother. Tbo youngest of tha sods jlf?j
bad seven tons, every one of w^otQ w#r# jg
married in the same coat, and after tha j H
youngest son 6f the original owner of tib ' U|
coat had led bis blushing bride to the aliar 5?|
in bis venerable grand-Jpather,a fashion able ^
wadding coat, be sold it for tbe sum of tf& ^ 8i<s|
ivu = . i,.. v- '-i'iu- -
vwtffwo* it uo? upo UCVUUIO Ul LU9 oom .
ince it ?u told we hnve dot been abvtod, '
but ?up{)o4c lljatsomeone h keeping it fox ^
the purposo of gelling ^nrnriod in i>."
'4^fhrtAirfcb |
"let me tell you facia are atubloru tbingp." S
tbew|y(. i Kg
i41frb*t ? fact too roust be.M , .:<* ;?
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