The southern enterprise. [volume] (Greenville, S.C.) 1854-1870, January 29, 1868, Image 1
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VOLUME XIV.
?? ?
? G.F. TOWNES.
EDITOR. *
J. 0. BAILEY, Pro'r. and Associate Editor.
\fi Adv*mi'kmist( Inserted at the rule* of
one dollar per square of twel.ro Mlniop lines
" BWh- ..' (this sired, type) Or lest for the Arst insertion,
fifty cents each fbr the aceoud and third insertion*.
and iwenty8ro . cents for subsequent
insertions. Yesrfy^eientrbeta Will bo rondo.
AH-advertisements must bnvo tho number
. ??f insertions marked on them, or they will bo J
Inserted till ortlsrod odt, arid chnrged for.
4 Unless orderod otherwise. Advertisements
wilt ip variably " displayed."
Obituary nonces, ana nil mnum inuring w
. .to the benefit of any one, are regarded as
Adv^rttsenkonts. .
If Y* Should E erOet Married.
If you should V'er get married, John,
ill tell ypn what to do?
G?> get a little tenement,
r Just big enough tor two.
And one apere room for conipnny.
And one spare room within It?
And if you'd begin love's life aright,
YbtVd better thus begin U.
Io future lie moderate. John,
And let the stuffed ehalr* waitOne
looking glare will do for both?
# V s Yourself nn.1 lovicg mate.
>?' And Brussels, ton, and other things
" Whinh make a fine appewraace,
If v?ti can well afford It, they
. . Will better look a year hence
Some think they must hnve pictures, John,
Supe* b and costly, too:
Yonr wife will be a picture, John,
Let that suffice lor you.
Remember how the wise man said ;
A tent and love within it,
Is better tban a splendid house,
. ' " Willi bickering every minute.
And one word aS to cooking, John,
Your wife can tin thai best:
? 1 For love, to make the biscuit rise,
It better far than yeast.
No matter If each day you don't
Bring turkey ta your table,
Twlli better relLli l?y and bye, ; J
' * . WliirO you c re better able.
For all yon buy pay money, John,
t 7 Money that very day?
If yon would have your life run emouth. j
There 5* no better wey.
* . A note to pay is en ugly thing,
(If thing you pleaee t<? eel) It.)
When it hangs o'er a man who line
No money in his wall. t.
And one Milng more rom< mber, John,
To Veep aloof from strife,
* ? ,, And never, urrer, nv.vkii apeak
A cross word to yonr wife:
. . But if yon cannot keep it. hack,
And byrningt atil) reqnire it,
^ Go whiapef it into yonr gun.
And then?go out and fire it!
And now, when you are married. John,
Don't try to ape the rich :
It took them many a toilaome year
To gain their envied niche;
+ > And if yoo gain the eummit, John,
2 Look well to your beginning,
-And then wi)l all you win repay
, ? Tlie care and toil of winnfi g.
?r
Address of Gov. James L. Crr.
Delivered before the Ilcoonatruction Convention,
in. Charleston, on Friday evening,
.* January (7, 1808 :
Ma. Pareunia? aki> OssTtKasa or rna
Coavaariow : I esteem the invitation which
yon havo extended to mo to address this Convention,
m a compliment paid to the existing
executive* authority of tho Stat?, more than to
tho individual who represents that authority ;
therefore, In behalf of tho 8tutc for your kind
^ consideration, I tender you my thanks.
1 You are here In Convention to frame a Constitution
for the people of South Carolina, and
have been elected in conformity to the laws of J
the Uai'.ed 81 stag.
Unfortunately, In my judgment, for the host
interests of the people of the lata Confederate
States, serious differences h?vo nrlren between
the President of the United States and the '
Congress ; in 1M), immediately after the purfl.nasal
TMinut.xn lb* l>rnsl.lant ati.
pointed Provisional Governors, and provided
for tbo calling of Conventions in all of the
Southern Ptales, The programme which he
adopted was not in unison with the riewa of
Congress, and, after very eonatderahlo delay,
the Reconstruction Act* of March were passed.
The Congress claimed that the power to reconstruct
the 8outbern States whi-h were in rebellion
against the authority of the United
8tnl*e, belonged to tbem and not to the President.
. Hence, (Jtcy Ignored his sction. It
ta due to frankness that I should say, that, In
*?? Judgment,' the plon projected by tbo PreaWent,
and whi^h baa bojn rarried Into stemlion
in nil its details, except as . to the repre
aentatives In Congress, was not only liberal,
hut viae. With reference to the tatter point,
however, Congress having teken a different
view of the subject, determined that tbe
Southern States shall not he adni'.Jted to r*precantation
and to equal privileges In the
Union upotf any other basis than thpt^Whkb
has been prescribed. The acts passed go even
further. Thev MSUtne that the H..nth, in relation
id the Government,-* stands in the position
of conquered provinces, and that us :
eonquerer, it has A right to prescribe (ho I
term* and conditions upon which the South is I
to be admitted into the Union, , t ,
ItisunnevoMary.ua the present occasion,
that I should discuss the constitutionality or"
t wledom of tie Acta of Congress. Let it snf
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hcen adopted in strict accordance with nil the I
iVvHMtn it? ^ - J ?U..?! ? -# *1 1
jnvwuwro vj mo vunimumuu Ql toe
United States, ami at a law-abiding cltiicn,
not only now, but from the time of the passage
of these Acta in March I ant, I am on* of
thnao who believed that it waa not only the
duty but the internet of the people of th?
Southern Htotos, to go to work in carneat and
carry them ioto operation.
Ilenco, immediately after tbe passage of tho
bill in March lent, I publicly advised the people
of tho State, of all complexions, who wore
entitled to register, to do no. and then go to
tho ballot-box and vote for the very beat men
possible, to frame n Constitution iivconformity
with tho provisions of the AeU of Congress.
My advice upon the subject ought, I think,
to have been received as disinterested, sineo
the execution of these laws excluded mo from
all the privileges of a eitir.cn, beeauso I belonged
to the disfranchised class.
At tho extra session in Jnly, tbe Legislature
made the restrictions even more stringent
than thoy wore heforb, and this harshness on
the part of Congress hns had much to do with
the action of the whito people of South Carolina
in refusing to go to the polls and participate
in any respect whatever in the election,
?;f delegates to the Convention. In this, 1
think a great mistake has been committed by
the great majority of whites of South Carolina.
My judgment was, and is that every
whito mnn who registered should have gone to
the polls and voted. I oven go further. I
think that tho whites, who have the intelligence
to a very large extent, should, in convention
or othorwise, hare submitted to the
colored people oT the Stnte propositions ns to
tbe privileges and (franchises which they are
entirely willing to extend to them, now that
tho whole of the race have been declared free
not only hy Constitutional Amendment, but
k? ullnn nt ll.. It., a
Tbo hot cnnnot ha disguised, however, that
the white population ha* almost unanimously
abstained from exercising the privilege, and
your Convention is, therofore, strictly speaking,
the representatlva only of the colored
population of Booth Carolina. This hcing
the ease, it cannot be denied, that, the intelligence,
refinement and wealth of tho Btato is
not represented hy your body. Huncc, the
very high duty is devolved upon you of discharging
the important trust* confided to your
care, in such a manner as to cointncnd your
action to the confidence and support, not only
of those by whom you were elected, hut of
those who refused to go to tbo poll* and vote
in the election.
I say to you, very frankly, that I regard
this body as Invested with the sovereign power
of tho Btato, and that the Constitution
which yon may adopt for tho people of South
Carolina, Is one wtiieh will not only he ratified
and accepted hy Congress, but ona under
which all clnsscs in South Carolina will live
for years to coma.
Tho party which has passed tho Hceonstroe- I
tion laws, has undisputed control of tho Gov.
eminent in both Houses of Congress, and wilj
retain it until tho 4th of March, 18119. Prior
to that time a Presidential election will occur.
The probability is that an individual roprelenting
the Conservative and Democratic clainont
in the North and West, will l>e cleMed
President. It may be that a Conservative
clement will largely preponderate In th^.
next elecrion for members of the House o
Representatives, on tho 4tb day of March'
1869, arc Conservative or Democratic, and
opposed to the legislation that may hare been
adopted ; it will be impossible to cfTuct a repeal
of these Acts, obnoxious ss they are to
the new party, prior to tbo 4th of March, 1871Confirmed
as I am, thcrefora, in the cpiuinn
that the legislation of the present and preceding
Congress will remain ln/brca until the 4th
of March, *'71. anil that any Constitution
adopted by this Convention will continito
continue to be of force until that time at leant,
I have felt it to ha my duty n* the Executive
of the State, and an an individual, to he present
In riiarleeton during the session of your
Convention, In the h?po that, throngh officio]
if not peraonul influence, I may accomplish
something in securing from the Convention,
liberal, just and wise Constitution.
tf sneh a Constitution is adopted, harmony,
good feeling and prosperity will prevail. If,
however, extreme views and measures ere engrafted
upon that instrument, it will increase
the Interest wliieb now exists between the two
races, and force the whites of the State, who
have the means to do so, to leave Its borders
and seek ?omea in other communities. It
will produre discontent and disquiet everywhere,
und confidence, trade and enterprise
will all bo paralixrd. As responsible duties
are, tberofore, devolved upon you as were ever
devolved npon a similar body of men in any
State, the interest and prosperity of South
Carolina depeuil not ooly upon law and a good
Constitution, but upon thakind relations which
are to be established between the two raoes.
It is Idle to disguise the fact that the white
and colored raoes, where they liaro been
thrown together, with equal privileges, have
rarely, if erer, bcou able to harmonise.
The axperimeot of giring to the colored
people of tbe South all of the privileges of the
franchise is ? novel one, and time only can
determine whether it is to be a success or a
failure. On the one hand, it it said that the
negro Is ntterly incapable of exercising tire
rights and privileges of a citiscn. On tha
other bind, It Is said thnt the "robe!"?the
man who participated tn the war?should no*
I he allowed to participate in tbe 'Ourermnent,
Those of you who are to the manor born, know
the fact that very few white men in South Carolina
abstained from some participation in the
Tata war. Yon know, further, that tbe intelligence,
- wealth end virtue of Sbuth Carolina
entered eagerly into that war, and that when
it ke attempted Is ijiaflranehige or denounce
these persona m unworthy of pahtte trust, it
iitoexeiudo fbe real intelligence and eype
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OFvP(
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GKEENViLLE. SOUTH
I.,I m gita .iL.U. P..J.
oho of the r?Moni why to littlo experience Is
to be found Ir. jrour body.
To piipply this deficiency, U la the duly of
the Convention to give to every question that
may be enbioltted the gravcat nnd moat po
tent consideration. When you appreciate the
foot that the intelligence ol the whito population
ia antagonized to yon; that all of your
acta will bo looked npon with distrust; when
yon remombcr that whatever yon do will bo
snhjeeted to the severest scrutiny at home and
nbrnad ; when you know that whatever errova
are coinmitted here will ho reviewed with no
friendly eye?the duty b? doubly incumbent
upon you of framing a Constitution which
will challenge the criticism and commendation
of the most intelligent portion of the State.
Believing, as I have said to yon, that you
have nssombled here with proper motivca;
that the Conalitntion framed by you, will bo
the law under whkh tbo peopio of South Carolina
will live for yeara to come, and occupying
tbo position of Chief Executive of the
State, I am hero to give to the members of
your hony tbo bcncflt of whatever suggestions
may occur to my mind, provided that I can
do so without seaming to intrude. My earnest
desire is that this Convention shall adopt a
Constitution which shall meet with tho cordial
support and approval of tho white as well
as tho black raeo. If it bo just, wise and liberal,
when the question comes upon its adoption,
I shall cortainly recommend my friends
to vote for it; if unwise or uqjust, I shall be
equally free to urge its rejection.
It is proper to say here, that in my judgment
it was unfortannto that tho election of
delegates to this Convention should have been
influenced by tho polities'of tho day. Members
should havo been chosen without reference
to their opinions upon national politics.
It was immaterial whether they wcro conscr*
vatives, radicals or Democrats. The best men
of each District, without reference to antcce.
dents or to present political opinions, ought to
have been selected for tbo purpose of framing a
Constitution. This was my advice to the people
of the State months ago. It was a matter
of little consequence who was elected as
representatives of the State in the Senate or
House of Representatives of the United
States, whether radical, moderate Republican
or Democrat, as compared with tho important
duty of framing a Constitution for a people
i. I..i - ??
u? ii it?a 111 ingi lur jrnn. j no wiillvl in
tbc Statu have abstained frrnn going to the
polls, ami tlio blacks mainly bare boon controlled
by tbo radical parly. Although thu*
elected, let tlio luombcrs of the Convention
remember that the Constitution which they
adopt for the people of 8onth Carolina may.
In nil probability, be tho Constitution of the
State for the next twenty yenrt?when rudieal,
Itcpubliran and Dcmoerutio parties may
have |ms*ed utvny ond others have taken their
place. Anything, therefore, which savors of
| a partisan purpose, incorporated in the Constitution,
may, in a very few years, find Hint
it has out-lived its purpose, it supporters, and
its portfjf.
In framing a Constitution, tnnny Improvements
may t>c made upon the existing laws ol
the laud. I beg vury briefly to call you attention
to some of them. If they are adopted|
in iny Judgment, when the i|Uestiun is presented
to tho people of the Statu to ratify or
reject the Constitution, you will bo sblc to
command In Its faror a much litrgvr vote than
was polled in the election of delegates to the
Convention.
First. Upon tho question of the electivo
franchise, 1 desire most earnestly to recommend
that you incorporate no disability whatever
in it; that you allow every man in thu
Stato, even those who have been disfranchised
undor the Constitutional Amendment, to oxer-,
cisu tho right of suffrage, and of holding oftieo,
with the restrictions that no ono shall exercise
that franchise unless ho may he able to rend
nud write, or bus a properly qualification such
us you tuay determine.
In voting upon the ratification of the Constitution
you may adopt, all registered votcri
trill of oourso be included, which will ot cours<
secure its adoption. With the view of carrying
out fully thu views of the Convention, tho firs
Legislature to bo elected under the Constitil
tion may bo elected by nil tnalo rotors ovei
twenty-one years of age, but after that time
if UOt before. I urventlv recommend ?li??
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iflod suffrage, to all classes and races, be pro
videdfor in the Constitution. A man vrhi
goes to tho polls after January I, 1870, wheth
er be be while or black* who la cot able t<
read or write, should be ezclndcd from lb<
privileges of ? rotor.
Representing as you do, almost exclusivh
the colored element of South Carolina, yoi
are not invisible to the fact, and to its loglti
mate results, that very many of the voters win
have sent yott here bare not that Intelligent
with reference t > men and measures which
shonld entitle them to east a rote. You knoa
that thousands of them are utterly incoinpo*
tent to exercise this high prerogative.
Tou may think that to perpetuate yom
power, and to preserve yottr organisation, it it
necessary to continue the franobieo to thi(
class of persons, but orentually you will find
that you bare been sadly mistaken. Many
of the colorod men of (lie State hare an intelligence
whiob entitle# them, in their new relationa,
to the privilcgee of citizens; hot very
many are luoompcteitt to exercise them with
discretion or judgment. Those will become
the prey of evil, vicious and indisposed men.
When an election is (o occur with such voters,
the bad will gat their votes and not the good.
In view of the fact that the colored population
have ?large majority in this State, end
that the bwlk of ibsm are to he controlled by
these ev|l Influences, what kin if of judges, leg.
isla'ors and axoeutire officers can yon hope
forT 1s rioo and ignorance to eleet your
jndgos ? Are the represcn tat ires of rice and
tgnomnee to elect yottr legislators t If any
what security hark you for the rights of )i(e>
y ..*> 4MM* Hi'r-d^v-- v1" s?
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CAROLINA. JANUARY 29
tho responsibility before ur, and in all probability
in antagonism to the sentiments a
very largo majority of this body, recommend
earnestly, that in flaming that feature of the
constitution conferring tbe elective franchise,
you establish an educational qualification for
tho voter, but?not being able to read or
write?that you establish a property qualification.
Second. If you doslro tbat this Convention
should comintfud itself to the favorable consideration
of tho people of the State, whito and
colored, I recommend that you adopt in the
Constitution a provision for a liberal homestead
law?that you wake it applicable to all
tboso who now own a homestead, and protect
them against antecedent debts. The disasters
resulting from tbe war, tho abolition of slave,
ry, and, thereby, tho wiping out of tho for.
tunes of tho very many of thoso who were
wealthy prior to tho war, as a matter of humanity,
demands that you shunld protect
them as to tho past by a liberal homestead
law, and sceuring that homo to i's owner in
the futuro. Tbe homestead law which guarantees
to a family fifty dollars, or 100 acres in
the country, and a town lot or house' in tho
city, is not only humane, but patriotic. In
tbe country, where the head of a family knows
that his homestead Is protected, ho goes to
work to beautify and adorn the same. He
plants his orchard and his vineyard. He
arccts bis buildings, decorates his dwelling, and
makes all of his surroundings comfortably
and invites happiness and coutcnt to his
hearth.
Perhaps ono of tho greatest troubles in
Amcrioon legislation has been In not protecting
the homestead. It has made tho American
people almost as great wanderers as tho
Arabs. When a father planted an orchard or
a viueyard, he had no assurance that, five
years thereafter, the result of his care and
labor would not pass into tho hands of strangers.
Grant, therefore, a liberal homestead
law, providing against past and future debts,
so tbat the white man who has his homo nowj
and tbe black trinn who may secure a homo by
industry and economy, hereafter, can feci that
it is secured to hiui, and you will find, not
only an increase in tho prosperity nt>d happiness
of tho State, but you will stimulate a
patriotism which has not heretofore cxistod.?
Wherever you identify a man and his household
with the soil upon which be lives, you
make that man, if Irom no higher considerations
of love of country, a defender of tho
country when it is assailed, bcenuso the assnult
is upon his individual household.
Third. I urge you to provide tor tho abol
ishinvnt of imprisonment for debt. I havc
always considered the incnrcehiHon of a bunion
being for debt as senseless and cruel, except
in cases of positive fraud. It is advocated
that imprisonment for debt is right, for
tho purpose o< assuring creditors in their doinnnds,
and that it curtails the capacity of an
individual to secure credit, where this right
is denied. In these views I do not Concur.?
Tn l.<. n?,a*lU r...,V -III. T
"v """n * i iiiv mm
the universal credit extended to or rlniincd by
a community in n great misfortune to tliat
community, and if tbo homestead ami exemp
tiou law, utul tlie abolition of imprisonment
for debt will reduce the temptation to men to
ask crodlt, and curtail the disposition of those
who hold fluids of goods to extend credit, it
will bo a blessing to our people. To the fanning
interest especially, the credit system is a
curse, nud the sooner that And nil other interests,
except perhaps the mercantile Interest
dispense with it, the better wilt It ba for the
general prosperity of tlic State.
Fourth. It is very important that this
body should adopt some ordinance to proVldo
relict to debtors prior to the war. The temporary
orders of tbo Military Commandant
t extend to debts contracted during the war.?
All debts now existing, where the eonsidora.
tion is for the purchase of slaves, should be
absolutely wiped out by the Convention. If
thcec debts arc rceognlied, it is a recognition
of tbat institution, of its propriety, its justice
and morality. Most of the debts contracted
prior to the war were Upon the faith and pos*
session of proporty in slaves. That property
has been destroyed, and a lihoral provision
should be utado by this body in reference to
dobtofj?the amount and time when they may
' make payment of the same. Do this and you
will eommend your Constitution, under tho
most favorable auspices, to the consideration
of that chwa in South Carolina who have not
participated in tho election of delegates to
this Convention.
' Fifth. Education Is tintv the great desideratum
of all the colored people of South Car"
Una. For ebvlous reasons. It was the policy
1 of tlio Stnte, previous to emancipation, to ex*
elude the slave population from tho beneAts
' and advantages of education. I will not die'
cuss the?e reasons. Dili the relations of that
' population to the State aro no* materially
r changed. IIcure, it ia of tbo utmost importaneo
that the largest intelligence possible
shall ho communicated to that class. Man of
r intelligence have many more opportunities,
through their reading and observation, of
, learning and appreciating tbo moral la* and
I its requirements. Profound ignorance almost
' universally eouplos with it crime and vice.?
Hence, the education of tho I.lack population
. ?and, I am sorry to say, of many of tho
white popolntion of tho State?should comi
mnnd the oarnosf attention of this body.
1 In providing for it, I beg to guard yon
against attempting to levy taxes exclusively
upon property. There is no tax >tion which
is so universal, jn*t and equitable, as Ihn*
upon the person or poll, fur educational
purposes, since *11 are interested in having
an intelligent and virtuous population.
Sixth. With reference to the conduct of
the State, I have only IA any to you, that
the treasury ia emjrty. The tax bill adopted
by the laet legislature has failed, by
#800,000, to produce the amount of tnxe,
c I L We have, therefore, beau
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EVENTS
^.-LL ' . " ',", ,
..1868.
wmptllfid to rely upon urhat are known ? '
the " hills receivable." issued by authority
of the Legislature, to pay all nffiuets and
claims against the State. The great depreciation
of property, and the general Impoverishment
of the State, has reduced the
amount of taxes anticipated by the Legislature
very materially, and consequently the
financial condition ot lli? a.intl> I. ?.?U?
embarrassed. But it is very important that
you should, in your deliberations, by ordi.
nance or otherwise, declare ?and nothing
can more commend yonr body to tbc confi
den je of the people of tjie State, who represented
its wealth?that nil of the obligations
of the State, all the bonds ol the Slate
created prior to the war, and all the obli.
gations of the State ?itiee the war, shall he
fully and faithfully redeemed. An ordinance
announcing the validity of the obligations
of the State, passed by you, will at
once rnpidly and largely appreciate the
value of the bond*, now held n't such low
figures. The great discount upon the State
bonds in the markets, here anil elsewhere,
grows out r vant of confidence in tho
will and del ition of the new Government
to rcdee m. This you should set
at rest. And t, you may with propriety
repudiate all o?,..gntiona contracted by the
State for war purpos-e. the croiit of the
State for other obligations should not be
tarnished, either by repudiation or a setn.
blnnoe of repudiation.
In framing your Constitution, I eannol
too earnestly commend to yr 'orahle
consideration the Importance nnving
the disability from all the white population
of this State When you look to the judiciary.
I am very sure you can have ro rea?
sonnble giound of complaint against their
fairness or impartiality. _ Under the Constitutional
Amendment, m?st, or nearly all,
are excluded from continuing In their pnsi
tion. Have you in the State members of
the bar who are competent to discharge
these higli and important trusts with the
ability or even the satisfaction to yourselves
of those who would be required to retire
from the public service, unless you make a
modification retaining them In I heir present
position ? Is there any reasonable ground
of complaint against your Appeal Court)
tbc Judges of your Criminal Court, or your
Chancellors? AVhile, under the Constitution,
you may vacate these offices and
subject all the parties to the ordeal of an
election before the Legislature, will it not
he eminently wise omi prudent for you to
place the judiciary in a position where, if
mi' i.tgisinrnre eieo?.;u un-ter your Comii
tution think it expolient, they mny.re eloet
sticli i>f the Judges and Chancellors as,' in
their judgment, ore Worthy to be contiuued
in these positions?
Tills brings me to say that in South Curo.
linn, at least, '.here is no renson why ant*
man, wliitc or colored, eh mid lie exclude 1
from the privilege of voting or holding
office. You are aware that the disfranchisement
in the Reconstruction Acts of
Congress, excludes the intelligence and
wealth of the State. In one of the Districts
of the State, I know that the colored people
waitci upon certain gentlemen and requested
them to become candidates for the Convention,
Jint they were constrained to dcoline,
because they were disfranchised.?
This is an lllnstration oMhe condition of
affairs which exists in all the Districts of
South Carolina?the most intelligent men
being excluded. In starting a new Oovem
inent, alt <?f this intelligence and experience
should uoi he Ignored. The State cnntiot
afford to give it up She is entitled to the
counsels of such tnen and to tlielr services.
The doctrine of State rights, its taught in
South Carolina, lias been exploded by the
war. The allegiance of the citizen, according
to the results of that controvcny, is
due to the Government of the United States,
snd not to the State. I recognize this doctrine
to the fullest extent, and in my inaugural
message as Oovemor of ths State, I
announced my judgment, that hereafter the
supremacy nt the United States Govern'
ment over the State, was undisputed and
indisputable. I am aware that many of my
contemporaries <teny the proposition, hut il
T can property comprehend I lie legitimate
scqucncca of war, no other reenlt presents
Itself to my mind.
Gentlemen of the Convention, I have
merely ont-llned some of the subjects which,
in my judgment, should command your
earnest attention. As I have indicated,
yotlr body here, is not the representatives
of the intelligence of the Slate. Your ?c
lion, therefore, must he your passport to
publie favor, and while the great majority
of the white population have faih-d to cast
their votes in electing delegates, il will be
your duty to adopt such a Constitution as
will commend itself not only to the lilnek
people, bnt to the White people of South
Carolina.
Aa the Executive of the State during the
trying times through which wa have passed.
I have earnestly endeavored to do equal
and cxaet justice to all of our citiaene. fa
the performance of my duties, I have knowu
no diatinotien between race or color. When
I have been raffed upon to exercise the
high prerogative of Executive clemency in
favor of those who have violated the laws,
the reoords of my office will ahow that 1
have made reaaorable allowance f..r the
frailty and ignorance ??f the colored population,
and that the commutations and par
dona extended to Hum exceed those extend
* ' m
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_j <. .~assf~mmtame
NO. 36.
<><1 to the #hite race, whom opportunities
for obtaining Intelligence did not commend
them with the same force to rnjr judgment
and sympathies.
An a elt'xen of South Carolina, bora and
raited on her soil, and desiring to lay my
bone* in this home of my father*, I do aot
vuh to see a Constitution adopted obnox*
ion? to our people. If the Instrument whieh
you may adopt. He wise end just, as I trust
it will be, I shall feel it to be a duty to
ecommend its adoption to my people. But
if, on the other hand, it bears upon its face
evidences of hostility to the true interests
of the State, U will be calculated to ereate
antagonisms, the results of which will be
most deplorable, and I for one, will pull up
my stakes, and wi*h my household, remove
a/tma aI Una * ? ? -* - *
i^iviun ui ine country.
I presume that opposition will be made
to those who favor this Convention There
will he opposition to yon and opposition to
me, but I have been too long in political
life to be afraid of the email thuader which
may he directed against me by newspaper#I
have reached a period of indifference upon
that question. If I know my own conscience,
and if what I say la not true. (
trust that that over ruling Providence whiek
guides and controls u?, will smite ma for
the falsehood?I have this day no other or
higher motive, I care not whether it be
public or private, no other political aspiration,
than to promote the interests of the
people of South Carolina. 1 believe I said
to some of my colored friends some montha
ago, that I was tired of pdities, and desired
to embark in some business that
would enable me to support those who ara
dependent on me. I now go further and
say to you, I am disgusted with polities. I
know of no position. State or Federal, that
I would seek, if it coat me the passage of a
single step. Let me tell you, that a man
who embarks in political life, if he la honest,
will he poor as. long as be remain#
in it, and the sooner lie gets out of it, the
lietter it will he for his wife, children and
self. I intend to do it, I wish to go Into
retirement, and there is no office that your
recommendation or votes could confer upon
me, that I would accept. I nsk yon, then
to have confidence in the atatementa that I
have made.
In conclusion, I desire you to adopt A
i liberal and wise Constitution, under which
I lie white and the black man can live together;
a Constitution which will nwu
the great interests of the Slate, and restore
it to a degree of pro?p'?r'.ty not Iieretofore
enjoyed ; a Constitution that will dispel
that dis'rust which unfortunately now prevails.
You have a grenl prohlem to solve,
such an one na haa rarely been given In
man ; you aro to undertake ah experiment
which has not thus far in tha experience of
mankind been successful. That experience
shows that, when placed upon terms of
equality, the races have not harmonised.?*
It is for you to demonstrate to the contrary.
Heing hopeful myself, I believe that, with
proper discretion and wisdom, yon may
form such a Const it Ul ion as Will rr?tnoto
harmony, peace anil pood will, and enlarge
the prosperity of our State. And In the
utmost sincerity, gcnllgmen of I he Convention,
I invoke the blessings of tteaVen upon
your deliberations, and trust that an overruling
Providence may give you stioh wisdom
as will eccUre peace and concord Jfl.
this people.
???
It is a curious fact, that if a msi^is jtffk
in the woods and continues wslkinriffl^hr
will invariably go round in a cirole/qta;..
stantly veering to the left. band. It ts'dgh
cause tIre right side of every human body
(except in the ease of left-handed people) 1?
more developed than the l?ft. Consequently
the muscles on that side are strongest,
and tend to gradually throw the whola
body rouhd. Unless the sim Is directed to
some particular roiht.
A Roman CA-niotib manuel in Connecticut,
wna beloved by li Wotostsnt youth, and
loved in returrt, tthereaa her parents arranged
for her Inking the veil. Having
the bridal rather ihan the conventual veil
in view, she ran t-fF in Hartford the day before
thai srfar.pbd for her farewell to the
world, nml is now ?i;)>{u>?ed to be happy.
A Few Ha?i> Timnus?Ftroerencs and
observation have taught men that it is?
Hard to quit rhev log tobacco.
Hard to keep fri tri enting to? much.
Hard to drink Jiq* i?r and not be intern*
per ate.
Herd to pay out debt*
I In i d to believe a man when you know
him to1)? a liar.
Hard to turn the other cheek when we
are struck.
Hard to boirow money from triei.ds when
we ne*d it.
Hard to lovo our enemies.
ClIJSr&K S*KVANT8.? BixflOp 5*ttTlf>
son, in a recent lecture, prnlie cd. that
in a verv few yearn, here in Boston, wo
| would have Chinese servants in our
li?>u?es. l'Hlerfcmilias referred to this
at the breakfwt IsMe this morning,
when little Minnie, after aw bile came t?>
bis chair snd whispered. " Oh. |>? won't
it be nice! W? shall have a Chines*
servant, and *he will cat all the rats, so
I we keep cay