Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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^ ' # ' t , r * * I * ??? ???w^pwimiMmjjJt'm'-gl'ifl i-?r'U':i>LTiin.i'uaw?iXuwm.tnjjiBji>ijmiiiii n mm n? ?umi m i i???w m.? i_l___l_ui_uii-lj_-ijiijuulli-Mmwwmb?mh????????i TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM] "the itlioe op libeiity is eti I PAYABLE IN ADVANCE. BY DAVIS &, CREWS. ABBEVILLE, S. O , THURSDAY MORNI VOL. XIV NO ~4T fippvnu mr wnw t tt tt * mmaw^ i . - 1 VJ. "UH. i> . A. XIXX1U.illUPI U, OF SOUTH CAROLINA, In the Senate of the United Mutes, Thurinl<ii/t March ?, 1858. The Hill for the admission of Kansas into the Union being under consideration, MrHammond addressed the Senate as follows: Mr. President?In the debate which occurred hero in the early part of the last * mmilli I il><> f. II linois, Mr. Douglas, to say tliiit the <pieslion of the reception of the Lecompton constitution was narrowed down to a single point. That point was, whether that eonstilution em': odied the will of the people of Kansas. Am I correct? Mr. Douglas. The Senator is correct, with this (pialiKcation : I could waive the irregularity and agree to the reception of Kansas into the Union under the I.ecompton constitution, provided I was satisfied that it was the act ami ilecd of that people, and embodied their will. There are other objections ; but the others I could overcome, if this point were disposed of. Mr. Hammond. 1 so understood the Senator. 1 understood that if lie could be ,.i <!... i :. ? ? > - oalbiniicu mill IIIIM COIISl K U U' HI CIII IH>< I IC'< I I 110 will of I lie |iu<>|?le of Kansas, all otli<-r defects and irregularities wunld l>o enrol 1>y llie act <>t Uongress, and tliat lie himself would lie willing to permit suoli an act to In- pass*:*!. Now, sir, llie only <pie*tioii with him is, how is thai will to l>e ascertained < and upon that point, and tliat alone, it i* prob- . ahlc we shall differ. 1 think the .Senator fell into a fundamental error in his report j dissenting from the report of the majority j of tlie territorial committee, in saving tliat | tnc convention which framed this <;on*tiiu-i tioii was a creature of the Territorial I .eg- | islaliirc ; and from tliat error has prohaMv arisen all !iis siih-.eipi<*nl error> on I hi* >ul?ject. How can il lu? possible that tlie con* veiition -lioiild he a ereatlire of a territorial i I."g" l;itlire I 'J lie eonv<-iil ion was an as j S"-ml ' tlit* people in llit.il- highest sov- j orei f j>a?-il\\ about Ik perform their I highest possible aei ol sovereignty. I he Territorial Legislature i> :i mere provisional government? a putty corporation, appointed and ijjii'l l?y the tliu Congress of the United Status, without a particle of soverign power; and vet, shall that interfere with a sovereignty?inchoate, but still a sovereignty? Why, sir, Congress cannot, interfere ; Congress cannot confer on the Territorial Legislature. the power to interfere. Congress is not sovereign. Congress has sovereign powers, but no sovereignly Congress has no power to act outside of the limitations of the Constitution ; no right to carry into effect the supreme will of any people if it has not been expressed in their constitution; and, therefore, Congress is not sovereign. Nor does Congress hold the sovereignty of Kansas. The sovereignty of Kansas result's, if it resides anywhere, with the soverign States of this Union. They have conferred upon Congress, among other powers, the authority of administering their sovereignty to their satisfaction. They have given Congress the power to make needful rules and regulations regarding the Territory; and they have given Congress power to admit a State. Under these two sovereign powers, Congress may first establish a provisional territorial government merely for municipal purposes ; and when a State has grown into sovereignty, when that sovereignty which lias been kept in abeyance demands recognition, when a ./community is formed there, a social compact created, a sovereignty born as it were upon the soil, the!) Congress is gifted with the power to acknowledge that sovereignty; and the Legislature, only by mere usage, oftentimes neglected, assists at the birth of it by passing a precedent resolution assembling a convention. But, sir, when that Convention assembles to form a Constitution, it assembles in the highest known capacity of a people, and lias no superior in this ( ovcrnnient but a State sovereignty ; or rather the State sovereignties of all the States alone can do anything with the act of that Convention. Then, if that Convention was lawful, if there is no objection to 'lie Convention it, *clf, there can be no objection to the action of the Convention ; and thcro-i* no power on earth that has a right to inquire whether the Convention renreseiitnd ib?? will ?.?' ii.~. jHJople of Kansas or not. 1 do not doubt that there might be some cases of Mich gross and palpable frauds committed in the formation of a Convention, as might authorize Congress to investigate them, but but 1 can Scarcely conceive of any; and I do not think that Congress has any otlicr >owor, when a Stato knocks at the door for "admission, but to inquire if her Constitution is Republican: * If what"f hat'e said is correct, then the will of the people of Kansas is lo be found ii) .the action of her constitutional convention, and it is not safe to look for it any where else. Jt is immaterial whether it is t lm will of a majority of the people of Karma* now, or .not. The convention was, or ought to have been, elected by a majority of the rieople of Kansas. A con volition, elected jn April, may well frame a constitution that woulcl nol bo agreeable to a majority of the people of a new, St^to, rapidly filling up, in tfie succeeding January; and if LegisfoWr<?' '$$ U) W ftUdwed to put to a vote UL _ tlio acts ot :i cunvoiition, and have then beaten down by a subsequent influx of em igrants, there is no finality. If you wen to send back the Lecompton Constitution and another was to be framed, in the slov way in which we do public business here before it would reach Congress, in anothei year, perhaps tlie majority would be turnci the other way. Sir, whenever you go outside of the rcg ular forms of law and constitutions to seek for the will of the people, you are wander , ing in a wilderness?a wilderness of thorns i If this was a mnoritv constitution. 1 do not know that that would be an objection to it. Constitutions arc made for minorities L'erhaps minorities ought to have the righl to malce constitutions, for they arc admin istered by majorities. The Constitution ol this I'nion was made by a minority, and af late as 1810, a minority had it in thcii hands, and could have altered or abolished it; for, in IS 10, six out of the twenty-six States of the Uuion held the numerical majority. The Senator from Illinois has, upon his i view of the Lecompton Constitution and ! the present situation of alVairs in Kansas* ; raised the cry of popular sovereignty. The ' Senator from New York, Mr. Seward, yes terday made himself facetious about. it, ami called it. "squatter sovereignty." There is a popular sovereignty which is the basis of <>ur < Jovernmetit, and I all) unwilling that 1 tin: Senator should have the benefit of uuii s?piatter sovereignty with popular sov1 ereignty. Sir, in all countries an ' iti all time, it is well understood that the numerical majority of the people, if they chose, exercise the sovereignty of the country ; but for want of intelligence, and for want of leaders, thov have never yet been able successfully to combine and form a popular government. They have olien attempted, but it. has always turned out, instead of a popular sovereignty, a populous sovereign I v, and demagogues, placing themselves upon the movement, have invariably led llu lu into military despotism. I think that the popular sovereignty which the Senator from Illinois would derive from the acts of his Territorial Legislature, and from the information received from partisans and partisan presses, would lean] us directly into populous sovereignty, and not. popular sovereign!v. The first or" ionization of popular sovereignty on a proper ba?is, toolc place in this country. The first gun of the Revolution wa? a salute t?? a new organization of popular sovereignty that was embodied in the Declaration of Independence, developed, elaborated, and inaugurated forever in the Constitution of the United States; and the true pillars of it were representation and the ballot-box?the legal and constitutional ballot-box ordained ^.bv the people. In the division of power, in distributing the sovereign powers among the various departments of the Govcrnj ment, the people retained for themselves the single power of the ballot-box, and a great power it was. Through that power they were able to control all the departments of the Govornment. It was not foi the people to be exercising political powei in detail ; it was not for them to be annove<! with the cares of government; but, from tunc to time, through the ballot-box, to exert their power to control the whole org'in ization, and sovereignty remained witli them. This is popular sovereignty, the pop ular sovereignty of a legal, constitutional hiillot-hox; and wheu spoken through thai box, the voice of the people, for all political purposes, is the voice of God ; bul when it is outside of that, it is the voice ol a demon, the doctrine of the reign of terror. Permit me to say, that in passing I omit ted to answer a <|iiestion that the Senalo from Illinois lias,I believe, repeatedly asked and tliat is, what were the legal powers o the Territorial Legislature after tlie forma tion arid adoption of the Lecoinpton Con stitution ? That had nothing to do will the Territorial Legislature. They move< in totally different spheres. The Territo rial Legislature was a provision.il govern inent, almost without power, appointed am paid by this Government. The Lecoinp L->11 Constitution was the act of a people and the sovereign nets of a people. Tliej moved in different spheres and on diflferen planes, and could not come in contact a all without usurpation on the one part 01 the other. It was not competent for th< Lucompton Constitution to overturn tin Territorial government 'and set up a gov viiiiiiuiii. in [>mcu oi u, because mat Uon stitution, until acknowledged by Congress was notliing; it -was not in being. I could well order, the people of Kansas l< pass upon it; it could do whatever wa necessary to perfect that constitution, bu nothing beyond that, until Cungre&s ha< agreed to accept it. In the mean time th Territorial Government, a government a< interim, was entitled to exercise all th sway ovt'i the Territory that it evfer tiai ueen eniuieu io. xno error ot assuming us the Senator did, that the convention wn tho creature of the territorial gove/nmen has led him into the difficulty and confu iion of uniting and disuniting these tw governments according as it may suit h argument. Tliero is no government in tli , convention until nfter the adoption by Cot greas of its constitution; and, there is y interforonpe at any. time with the Territ< i rial Legislature, as there is no actual power . in the Territorial Legislature even to call a u convention, but what is derived from usage , and permission, and by an enabling aet t sometimes from Congress. , If tlie Senator from Illinois, whom 1 rcr gard as (lie Ajax Tehimon of this debate. 1 does not press the' <piestii>n of hands, I shall have little or nothing to say about - that. The whole history of Kansas is a disgusting one, from the beginning to the end. j 1 have avoided reading it as much as 1 . could. Had T been a Senator In-fore, I . should have felt it my duty, perhaps, to i have done so ; but not expecting to be one, I am ignorant, fortunately, in a great ineasL ure, of detail; and I was glad to hew the acknowledgment of the Senator from lllif nois, since it excuses me from the duly of j i examining it. I hear, on the otlior side of the Cliam- < her, a great deal said about gigantic, ami stupendous frauds; and the Senator from New York, yesterday, in portraying tins character of his party and tin? opposite one* ; laid the whole of tho-?e frauds upon the proslavery party. To listen lo him, yon would have supposed thai the regiments of emigrants recruited in the purlieus of the great cities of the North, and sent on!, armed and equipped with Shai pe's riiles, and bowie knives and revolvers, lo compicr for fivedoin in Kansas, stood l?v, meek saints, in' | uocent as doves, and liumhle as lamh> j brought to the saerilioe. Think of them : j 1 i ' . i i . ' 'i'i - -. I,!.ii I..UIVO liiiimn . i in'y rcniiiiu one j nf Col. Kirk's lambs, to whom they have a j family resemblance. I presume that there j were frauds ; and that if there w<-rc frauds, j they were equally great on all sides ; ami that any investigation into them on this floor, or hy a commission, woitM end in nothing but inflicting almost unendurable disgrace on the I'nited States. l>ut, sir, the tine object of the discus-don on the other side of the Chamber, is to agitate the question of slavery. I have very great doubts whether the leaders oil the other side of the Mouse really wish to defeat this bill. 1 think they would consider it a vastly greater victory to crush out the Democratic party in the North, and destroy the leaders of the Kansas-Nebraska bill; and I am not sure that they have not brought aliout this imbroglio lor the wrv purpose. How strange is it that tlioy toll \ us that, year alter year, th<! majority in j Kansas is beaten at 111?> pulls ? They have | always ha<l a majority, but tluy always get j beaten! How could that be? It does seem, from the most reliable sources of in- i i formation, 111 - L tlicy have a majority, ami i have had a inaj.nity for some time. Why j has not this majority come forward and j taken possession of government, and made | a free Slate constitution, and brought it here? 1 \Y e should all have voted for its admission j cheerfully. There can be but one reason : if they had brought, as was generally supposed at the time the Kaiisas-Xclra.-dca act was passed would be the case, a free State Constitution here, there would have been no didiculty among the Northern 1 >01110crals; they would have been sustained by their peoj le. The statement made by some ' ot Litem, as I understood, tliat that act was | 1 a good free Stale act, would have been veri- | lied, and the Northern Democratic: party ' would have been sustained; hut its coining 1 here a slave State, it is said, will kill tliat " party, and that is the reason they have re' fraiued from going lo the polls ; that is the t reason they have refrained from making it " a free State when they had the power.? ^ They intend to make it a free State as sooti as they have effected that purpose of destroying the Democratic party at the North, and their true reason here is to agitate * slavery. For one, I am not disposed to r discuss that question here in any abstract ' form. I think the time has gone by for ^ that. Our minds are till made up. I ant willing to discuss it?and that is the way it should be and must be discussed?as a 1 practical thing, as thing that is, and is to ^ be; and to discuss its effect upon our political institutions, and lo ascertain how long those political institutions will hold together I under its clFects. The Senator from New York entered very . fairlv into lllis fii'ld rMlnwlfiir T ...... j ; r-"" ?v A nur f prised, the oilier day, when he so openly t said the battle had been fought r.nd won.? t Although I knew, and had long known it r to be true, I was surprised to hear him say 3 so. I thought that he had been entrapped 3 into a hasty expression by the sharp rebukes * of the Senator from New Hampshire; and I am-glad to see that yesterday lie has ? come out and shown that it is a matured t project of hfct; that these words mean all that 5 I thought they meant; that they mean that 8 the South is a conquered province, and that t the Norlh intends to rule it. He said that 1 it was their intention to take this Govern-' b ment from unjust and unfaithful hands, ahef ' * placo it in just and faithful hands $\liat it6 was, their intention to consecrate <!ll the J Territories of the Union to free labor; and J, that, to effect their purposes, tljoy intended s to reconstruct the Suprem^Courf. Yesterday, the Senator^ saidj^'Spppose '* we admit Kansas with the Lecompton co2? stitution: whaCguarantees are .(hat Con' gresfc will not., again hUeVfe're, with the ftfie fairs of KansAs ?',r wioaniogj I,suppose* that *" if she Abolished 6thve^*^fJ^gU|irantob [? there wa? that Congress would, not force it > ujjon J?er again. Sir, so (jar;>as^o oftljo . ytf i% ' '"<v" : ' Sunt Is arc concerucil, von have, at lea*guarantee of good faith thai ncvei I toe 11 violated. 15ut what guarantee we, when you have this (Jovernmc your possession, in all its departments, if we submit ipiiolly to what the Si exhorts us to submit to?the cone*. [ liou of slavery in its present territory veil to the reconstruction of the Sup Court?that you will not plunder us larills ; that you will not bankrupt us internal improvements ami bounties on that vmi will not i-.-ii""" . j .. .. iv.niaiii U.1 ? llll llil lion laws, and oilier laws impeding tl eililies of transportation lo Southern dnce ? "What guarantee have we thai will not create a now bank, and eone'en all tli? finances of ibis country at the N wlieie already, for the want of direct ! and a proper system of banking in South, they are ruinously concentrab Nav, sir, what guarantee have we tha will not emaucipale our slaves, or, at make the attempt? AVts cannot reh your faith when you have the power has been always broken whenever ple< Now, sir, as 1 am dispose I to see jtiestioii settled as soon as possible, am perfectly willing to have a final conclusive sentiment now, instantly, alter what the Senator from Now York said, I think it not unimportant th should attempt to bring the North South face to face, and see what resoi each ot us might have in the contingi of separate organizations. If we novel ij?iir? another foot of territory for So-, tii, look at licr. Kight hundred lifty thousand sipiaro miles; as large Ureal Uritain, France, Austria, Prussia, Spain. Is not that territory enough make an empire that shall rule the wo With the linest soil, the most delightful mate, whose productions none of ll great countries can produce, we have ll thous.au 1 miles of continental shore ! and so indented with hays and crow with islands, that, when their shore* I are added, we have twelve thousand n of shore line. Through the heart of country runs the great Mississippi, father of waters, into whose bosom' ]>ou re J thirty-six thousand miles of Iribu streams ; and beyond, we "have tho d< prairie wastes, to protect us in our rea Can you lieiu in such a territory as tl Yi>u talk of pulling up a wall of lire aro eight hundred and lifiy thousand scp miles so situated ! How absurd. J Silt, .sir, in this territory lies the gie.u. valley of the Mississippi, now the real, and soon to be the acknowledged. seat of the empire of the world. The sway of that \ alley will be as threat as ever the Nile knew iit the eaili?-r ajjes of mankind. We own the most of that. The most valuable part of it belongs to us; and although those who have settled above us are now OMtOsl-d 1,11 lis. aimllicr <ri.|ii.i:iti.m will t.-ll ! a ?liilc-iviiL talc. They an; ours by sill tin; laws of nature; slave labor will go over every foot of this groat valley where it, will he full ml profitable to use it, and those who do not use it are soon to be united with us l?y such ties as will make us one and inI separable. The iron horse will soon be j clattering over the sunny plains of the South to bear the products of its upper tributaries to our Atlantic ports, :ts it now 'clatters over the ice-bound North. There is the great Mississippi, a bond of ufiioti made bv nature's law. She will forever vin Alcaic iiit nglit to llio I uion. *_>ii tins fine territory we havo a population four | times as largo as that with which these colonies separated from the mother country, and a hundred, I might say a thousand, fold as strong. Our population is now sixlv per cent, greater than that of the whole United Stales when we entered into the second war of independence. It is twice as large as the whole population of the United States* was ten years after the conclusion of thaf., war, and our exports are three times as groat as those of the whole United States then. Upon our muster-rolls we have a milion of meif. In a defensive war, upon an emergency, every one of theiri would be available. At auy<timd, the South can raise, equip, and maintain in the field, a larger army than any Power of the earth tan send against her, and arf^army of soldiers?men brought tip'on -horseback, with guns in their hands. i - ' If we take the North, even when the . _ 3 two large States of Kansas and Minnesota shall bo admitted, her territory will bo one hundred thousand squaro miles short of ours. I do not speak of California and Oregon ; there is no antagonism between Iho South and* those countries, "and never will be. The population of tho N6rth is fifty per cent, greater than ours. I' have nothing- to say in disparagement ^ithor of 'Hhts soil of 4,ho North or the people, of tho North, who nro a bravo, intelligent, encrfri'.tifi race.. full of intellect, hut thev nm. D <? * ' J V " duco no great staple that tho -South docs not pr&duco; but wo prpducoNi|ivo or three, nnd those are th<f ^cry. greatest,%i?it*sh6 can lienor produce.4 Aa to >)tqf pica, h'ovvever high^thoy nmy be, thoy haue never prSvojl themselves, tbl^e superior to Uiobo of the South, eldier in -the field or in \ho senate.; *.'* S / BuJj sir, tbo strength ?jjjfcKation depends} in a' greatth/ari^^e ^caUl^iof a II tllllul UllS llllllll I'll loll (!...? ...... I ?1... bilUb V/dll CUIlljlt'lU "" with us in produce per capita. - Jt amounts soc to ?10.00 per head, supposing that we have ' l'i twelve mill ion people. Knghuid, with all Tin her accumulated wealth, with her coiiceu- s*t (rated and intellectualized energy, makes pre under >10 of, surplus production per head. ] I have not made a calculation as to the to North, with her ?93,000,000 surplus; hut dn admitting that she exports as much as we : hut do, with her eighteen millions of popula- ski lion it would l>e hut little over twelve dol- del lars a head at the outside. She cannot ex- wo port to us and abroad exceeding ten dollars pro :i 1 ii.:ft. 1 Ai.i- ci*'in'.?. .1..II T 1. Viuihiin. 1 UI1UW col well enough that the North sends to the ofSouth a vast amount of the productions of ivc her industry. 1 lake it for granted that as I she, at least, pays us in that way for the on thirty or forty million dollars worth of cot- slit ton and other articles we send her. I am hci willing to admit that she pays us consul em erahly more; hut to bring her up to our do< amount of surplus production, to bring her am no to ?220,000,000 of surplus production, the the South must take from her ?125,000,- old 000 ; and this, iu addition to our share of t|'ls the consumption of the ?330,000,000 worth nol introduced into the country from abroad, th: and paid for in part by our own exports.? js < The thing is absurd; it is impossible; it ^ can never appear any whero but on a census ja, ststistic book. s|;i With an export of ?220,000,000 under aU) llif> nmennl turifF llm Ca?iIi ?-> 4 v..u .-.VUV.. UI^AUIWU m.-jl | jsJt arately would have about $40,000,000 of re-j tjlC venue. With one-fourth the present tariff ( she would have a revenue adequate to all gca her wants, for the South would never go to j js war; shu would never need an army or a j10 navy, beyond n few garrisons on the fron- Qf tiers, and a few revenue cutlers. It is com- j merce that breeds war. It is manufactures tWl that require to ba hawked about over the jjjv world, and give rise to navies and com- ajj( merce. l>Jt we have nothing to do but to a)fl take* off restrictions on foreign merchandise ^ and open our ports, and the whole world tja, w:ll come to us to trade. Tdey will be too j^il glad to bring and carry for us, and we never j,ic shall dream of a war. Why, sir, the South j? has never yot had a just causo of war.? mc Every time sho has seized her sword it has 9jr, been on the poipt of honor, and 'that point wo of honor has been mainly Royalty' to her On 3ister Colonies anjl sister States, who have Th ever since plundered and calumniated her. j3 j , But if there were no other reason why th< wo Should ijovor havo a war, would any th< sano nation make war on cotton? With- tin out flring'a gun, Without drawing a (Fonjj cai when they make war on us we can:,'bring So the whole orld to our feeC. The South is coi perfectly, competent to go on, one, two, or fro thr^e yoarst< without planting a seed of cot- uston. I believe^hat if she was to plant but half hccJ'cottou, it- would?, be "ati iinm^hso yo -ftrtpufe* to^lier. i^m'tust bo sure' but yo Iwfiftfter ttyfee yoars' cessation she would. 1 U'eeSrt r.c better prepared to enter afresh upon j tli realcareer of enterprise. "What would at ton if no cotton was furnished for I it: 2 years ? I will not stop to depict wliat j ki v one can imagine, hut this is certain ; j 1? Knijlaml would topple headlong, ami ; :it the whole civilized world with her. Xo, j V > 011 dare not make war on cotton. No ! cr< r 011 earth dares make war on it. Cot- ' di is Kinjj. Until lately the Hank of j pi and was kini;, hut she tried to put her j in n-mi.ii, lih: iau oeiore lasi, upon tl otton crop, ami was utterly vampiishcd. In last power lias Leon conquered. Who lit ilouht it thai has looked at recent. to s ? Wh?n the abuse of credit had ' tli >yed credit and annihilated confidence, j hi thousands of the strongest comincrio:ises in the world w ere coining down, ' mnd'eds of millions of dollars of sup- | X I property evaporating in thin air, ! ai you came to a dead lock, and rcvo- j oi r- were thereatened, what brought von ! at Fortunately for you it was the coin- j S< eineiit of the cotton season, and wc ! ti poured in upon you one million six j ai red thousand hales of cotton just at j at rif.is to save you from sinking. That 1 v< 1, hut for the bursting of your spccll- st bubbles in the North, which produced : il hole of this convulsion xvr.nl.I I i lit us *100,000,000. AYo have soldier *05,000,000, and s:ive<l you. Thirty- ! fc nillion dollars we, the slaveholders j ;i| r South, have. pat into the charity l>ox ! \-i tr uia^iiili:ciit financiers, your cuiton (? your merchant princes. y, , sir, tlio greatest strength of the vv arises from the harmony of her po- u :m>j social institutions. This harmo- j >r Iter :i frame of society the best, in it. rid, ami an extent of political free- i T oiuhiuod with entire security, such as n er people over enjoy upon the face of ni till. Society prec- des government; n s it, ami ought to control it; hut as tl we ran look hack in historic times- it i the case different ; for government a ooner created than it becomes too cl for society, ami shapes ami moulds, !> i as controls it. In later centuries si .vrrcss of civilization and of iutcHihas made the divergents so great as to tl .re civil wars and revolutions ; and it is si .<r now hilt tlin w.int r\f - ..in ii.wuy I'U" II governments ami .societies wliicli oc- tl s all the uneasiness and trouble and k that we see abroad. It was this that h lit on the American Revolution. We p l'\v oil' a Government not adapted to our t] ial system, and made one for ourselves, it i? question is, how far have we succeeded ? it e South, so far as that is concerned, is h i>lied, content, happy, harmonious, and ir is; e rous. o [ti all social systems there must he a class tl do the mean duties, to perform the o idgt-ry of life. That is, class requiring h . a low order of intellect ami hut little i? II. Its requisites are vigor, docility, li. o it V- Such a class von must lmv? it.h ?i ii!< 1 not have that other class which leads v igress, refinement, and civilization. It v istitutcs the very inu>l sills of society and t political government; nud 3*011 might as r II attempt to build a house in the air, .0 build either the one or the other, except the mud-sills. Fortunately for the South, ! found a race adapted to that purpose to 'hand. A race inferior to herself, but ' iucnlly qualified in temper, in vigor, in ' :ility, in capacity to stand the clinjatc, to >wcy all her purposes. AVe use them for ! purpose, and call them slaves. We are | fashioned at the South vel ; it is a word ^ carded now by ears polite; but. I will j L characterize lliat class at the Aorlh with | ( it term ; but you have it; it is there; it . vcrvwhere ; it is eteri.al. 7... t 'lie Senator from new X. ork saiil j'estcr- n y that the whole world had aboli-died ( very. Ay, the name, but not the thing; j 1 all ihe powers of the earth cannot abolit. Cod only can ?1 o it when he repeals . s fiat, "the poor ye rlways have with you;1' the man who lives by daily labor, and | rcely lives at that, and who has to put ( labor in the market and take the best j can get for it; in short, your whole class t manual laborers and operatives, as you j 1 them, aro slaves. Tlio diflerence be- j een us is, that our slaves are hired for ^ s and well compensated ; there is no slarv- y on, no begging, no want of employment e long our people, anil not too much em>yment either. Yours aro hired by the t y, not cared for, and scantily compensa- ^ I, which may be proved in* the most du- ( >rable manner, at any hour, in any street j nnv f\f rAn? lornrA niuno "VV'l*?? ....J v.. j w. no. .Ijf, oil, JUII J iot more beggars in one clay, in any single j eet of the citv of New. York, than you i uld meet in a lifetime in the whole South. t r slaves are black, of another, inferior race/ ^ o status in which wo huvo placed thorn nn elevation. They aro elevated from 5 condition in which God first created sm, by being mado our slaves. None , of r it race on tho w^iole ^?co of tho globe n n lin nninimiml ivilli thK- oUkao ?l-- i ? W"??WO Ul Villi I * m uth, and they-know it. Thoy nro happy, 1 ntent, unaspiring, and utterly incapable, i mi intellectual degradation* over to givo j any trouble byUheir aspiratioip.. Your slaves aro'whito, of your own rac$: u are brothers of ori^* blood. They are j ur equal8 in natural endowment of intel- t it, and they fuel galled by their degrada-' 1 iuV Our Blafpa noi Vote. "Wo*giye j , ? ioiii no political |><>\ver. Yours do vote, nl being the majority, tliey are the deposings of all your political power. If they lew the tremendous secret, that thcballot>x is stumper than an army with buyonetaf id could combine, where would you bet our society would be reconstructed, your (Vfinmeiit reconstructed, your property vidod, not as they have mistakenly attemLed to initiate such proceedings by meeting parks, with arms in their hands, but by io <|uict process of the ballet-box. You ive been making war npon us to our very arth-stoiii's. How would you like for us i send lecturers or agitators North, to teach icse people this, to aid and assist in comning, and to lead them ? Mr. Wilson and others. Sent them along. Mr. Hammond. You say, fend them ortli. There is no need of that. They e coming here. They are thundering at ir doors for homesteads of one hundred id sixty acres of land for nothing, and mthcru Senators are supporting it. Nay, n*y are assembling, as I have said, with ins in their hands, and demanding wort o , X 1.0(10 a year ami .six hour* a day. Hnvo m heaul that the ghost of Mendoza is alkiug in I lie streets of your big cities ; i.'it the iinjuisiliiMi is at l.and ? There is lout a faicful rumor that there have been mediations for vigilance committees. You now what that means already. Transient ml temporary causes have thus far l>ocn uti!" preservation. The great West lias uen open to your surplus population, and t)?ir hordes of semi barbarian emigarnts, ho arc crowding in year by year. They lake a yn-at movement, and you call it process. Whither? It is progress but is progress towards vigiiauco conunitees, he .South have sustained you in a great luasure. You are our factors. Von bring il l carry for us. < >ne hundred aifd fifty lillioii dollars of our money passes annually trough your hands. Much of it sticks; all of assists to keep your machinery together ud in motion. Supposo we were to disliarge you ; suppose we were to take our uisne.is out of your hands ; we should con? jjn you lo anarchy and poverty. You complain of tlio rule of Llie South ? mt lias been another cause that has pro:rved you. We have kept the Govern* lent conservative to the great purposes of ie Government. We have placed her and opt her upon the Constitution, and that as been the cause of your peace and proserity. The Senator from New York says liat that is ahout to be at an end ; that you iteiid to lake the <ioverninent from us ; that , will pass from our hands.. Perhaps what c says is true; it may be; but do not for<:t?it can never be forgotten ; it is writteu 11 the brightest page of human history? liat wo, the slaveholders of the South, took tir countrv in lu?r infjinov nml er for sixty out of the seventy ycafrf^Pe*itenee, ^o^VJil^suri^deB^ftojpu witliut a stanr up^'^i^^B^^^undless in ii-nspority, incafewmil^jiTtier strength, tho rondel*and admiration oftheWorld. Time iill slnnv what you will make her; but no i 1110 can ever diminish our glory or your espousibilily. Curious Historical Juict.?The wife ofthe elebrated Lord Clarendon, the author of he History ofthe Rebellion, was a Welch >Ot Q-irl. who. 1 eilinr ?>xtr<>lliplv nnnr in li?? 0 , , - o J J-?" >wn country, journeyed to London to better ior fortune, and become a servant to a newer. While she was in this humble :ij aoity.lhe wife of her master died, and lappening to fix his affections on her, she iccaine his wife. Himself dying soon after, eft her heir to his properly, which is s<?id :o have amounted to between ?20,000 and L'30,000. Amongst those who freqnentod ho lap at the brewery was a Mr. Hyde, then i poor barrister, who conceived the project >f forming a matrimonial alliance with her* Io succeeded, and soon led the brewer's v'u'.ow to the altar. Mr. Hyde being enlowed with great talent, and now at the :ommand of a large fortune, quickly rose ill lis profession, becoming head of the Chan* jry lieiich, and was afterwards the Hyde, Carl of Clarendon. The eldest daughter. lie offspring of this union, won the heart of lames, lJuko of York, ai?d was married to lim. Charles II sent immediately for lii* >rothcr, and having first plied him with some cry sharp raillery on the subject, finslid by saying : "James, ns you have brewnftso ou must drink," and forthwith commanded hat the. marriage'should be legally ratiied and promulgated. Upon the :death .of Jharles, James II mounted the thrown, >ut a premature death frustrated his envifc* ?le consummation in the person of his aniia>lc duchess. Iler daughters; however, wera dary, tho wife of William If, and Queen * Vnne, both grand-children of the cidevant iot-girl from Wales, and wearing m succet* ion tho crowo of England. ? * VTallcin'-of law," says Pomnev. "make* no think of what de mortal Cato, wbb* lil> ' nost a thousand year ago, once said : da ^ aw is liko a groun' glass window, thatf$ves ight onuff to light us poor errin' raorthls n de dark passage of dfe life; but it Would') tuzzle de debble himself%0 seetjroo it.** .. , * .1 The ex-presidebtof the Conundrum?Club * >orpetrat&' another^ atrocity VifJ "T^hjUh hat which no# inan wttlite,' wttielj . v,.:. * .v"