Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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* ?< ^ * ^ _ ^ t , .:-v -t '-.'?* % 1 .. " - "" * ?^~-^::^r ~ ?... - m TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM, " The Union of the Sonth, for (he sake of the Union." PAYABLE IN ADVANCE* ;:jgfe&RX^SLj^RR, ABBEVILLE, SOUTH-CAROLINA, WEDNESDAY MORNING, JULY 16, 1851. VOL. VHI NO. 16 There'* no anoh Word as FaiL BY W. IT. KENT. The sailor 'mid the crashing wreck, While fiercely llowa the gale, Sines, at he treads the lonely deck, "There's no such word as foil!" The soldier as he storms the height Where doath draws back the veil, Shouts, as he presses to the fight, I "There's no such word as fail!" Should waves or tempests toss thy bark, As o'er life's sea you sail, Think, when aruond thee all looks dark, "There's no such word as fail!" If e'er misfortunes cloud tliy life, Thy losses ne'er bewail, What if the way with danger's rife ? "There's 110 such word us fail!" Press onward in thy coarse to fame, Though cares thy path assail, Remember, would you win a name, "There's no such word as fail!" ' 1 POLITICAL. . SubeUmoe of the Remarks of HOHr WILLlhMI JV COLCOCK, ZteHwfm. before the Conventiiri of Southern Rights Associations, assembled in the Military Halt, Charleston, S. ?, May 7. 1851. [concluded.] Mr. President, I sometimes fear tliat botli the right of secession and the importance of the measure when adopted, are underrated. To my mind this right is of peculiar anditaculculable value to every member of a sec-tional minority of confederated States. To us, who are, as our senior 8enntor says, "proscribed political communities," it is tbe last anchor of hope?the lust shield of our defence. Sectional majorities need no such protection. They can always take care of 1 1 11 u t_ - t KumuocKCo, IUIU uouua mejf otMUUIU bet'K or permit am ndments to Constitutions, for they can always take more by usurpation than they can obtain by amendment. In my judgment, secession will never be resorted to except in defence of .the institution of slavery. All other subjects of diffyrence may be adjusted without appealing to this remedy. If this Government, the creature of the States, formed chiefly to fake care of our external relations, can deny this right, and by the mere power of its arm hold a sovereign State to this Union, like a victim to the stake, then the sooner we know it the better. It is surely high time, at the end of seventy years, to know the form of Government undpr whifh wa nr? liuinor Tj-.f nn I pose t!:&t the ccccssion of South C.vol'.i.i. can be looked upon with indifference anj'where. Politicians and veual presses may denounce, and deride it, but it will stand forth before the world ns a most impressive r event. The great popular heart of the South will be moved toils inmost recesses, stripped of all the disguises with which fa'se issues may surround it; the naked fact will be presented to the people, that South Carolina has made her choice between slavery 'and the Union ! That, nurtured in the doctrines of Virginia, stimulated by the doctrines of Georgia, encouraged by the example of Mis fsissippi, ana sustained oy tne love or Alabama, a lie bas planted herself in the pathway of the Abolitionists, ana resolved to dejj| fend her institutions "at evyy hazard and to B tb& last extremity." A spectacle like this, I by every law and instinct of our nature, H must command the sympathy and respect of every free people. Our sister States may say B that we are rash, that we are precipitate; k but, if they themselves have fixed a limit to K their forbearance, can they say that we are K without justification, or that our cause is un worthy of success f' A new issue will be presented. It must brraet and decided. A right as dear to them al to us fe at stake. It will be the first struggle in that conflict which, all admit, roust sooner orlater tpke place between abolition and slayery. The manner in which the contest is begun, whether by too hasty a movement on the right, the centre, or the left, will soon be forgotten, nnd all hearts will be turned to the great issues involved* Yes, sir, be assured that the se' oeasiory)f a single State of this Union will J judgment the mightiest queal. jffljfogira modern nge. Statesmen, air, not SL pi^qOed libellers, but Statesmen, will find fflfe H^fonals for the exercise of their highest iu?lit, if I am still told by our friends that - ^pffpiy canopt coapnr ioth eae view*~that they ^llpuDot believe.in the sympathy of, the South?j|gS#rn States, then I Bubmit that my arguments gffilfcjilHgii,ittif Son befor? aeoewion ar? aa SHjtootsat-W theirs against co-operation aflor@8WNffl>d? V, that if neither ia to be obtained. Imm^ ber ntion of groat Federal questions, and have been engaged in eager strife for party ascendancy. But with us there has alwa}s been a "unity of sentiment," which has emphatically "constituted us one people." Hence wo have been ablo to look at these great questions through a clearer and morecotject medium, and in this way the popular mind has been sooner informed and sooner set in motion. But South Carolina has manifested no disposition to aspire to the leadership of : tne South. Let tho records of her legislation for tho past fifteen vears be searched. and it will be found that she has invariably preferred to give the lead to others. Good tsiste, as well as sound policy, required this of her. Her nullification contest placed her ( sufficiently far in the van to forbid her voluntarily assuming that position again, and accordingly she has ever exercised all proper deference and respect towards her sister States, and is even now doing &o by inviting thcin to meet her in a Southern Congress. The truth is, that Sonth Carolina is less responsible for the present agitation than almost any other Southern State. ^Virginia, Georgia, Mississippi, and Alabama were certainly in advance of her. If then she now appears to be in advance of others, it is the ri'Rlilt nf anneoa (Vtr which shn ia not. huvui. Bible. 'But, I freely admit, that if she retires from tier present position she should always in futiire preserve the dignity of silence. She inuBt now act, or "forever after bold her peace." Again: It is said (hat the cause of disunion is making progress, and we ought to be tatisfied with its present advance, and wait fpr farther developments?that a few years ago there was no disunion party in South Ot^olina, whilst now there is scaroely any other?'-, Tq this, I reply, that if it is meant to baibaid that bur friends in the other .L_:_ 1? ?? uuiko iiaia -,biiiuivu men umnvuur mats, shall we novj&abandon our position and expect them to advance? Some of them are now telling ua,-Mwe want a measure to unite us?we are beating: the empty air?we speak to the idh winds." Let us then give them oil for their lamps. We have no other issue to tender but Mission; it is the last arrow in our quiver?-itis the only alternative to submission. J.Mr. President, a state of high excitement is not a natural condition either in men or nations. We must not expect to keep up this agitation always. The people become wearied with long continued and fruitless exertions; They become fatigued into corayU! a struggle that holds out no. hope of immediate victory. This, sir, is our danger. Let us beware bow we lose our opportunity. Another objection urged against us, is, that our friends in Congress from the other 8outh^ra States, h*v? not counselled secession, And I nin appealed to by tfJy friend and colleajfue (Mr. Orr) to say if ibis ? not the case. I answer frankly it is, so far as my in tercourse extends. But, at the same time, I must be permitted to say, that I am inclined to think these very gentlemen, who are worthv of all our admiration* mid mtwm would be very apt to make the most uncompromising secessionists if they were, as 1 wish with all iny heart they were, citizens of South Carolina. In all questions of this kind, involving fundamental changes of government, we generally find that the people are ahead of their Representatives, and it is wise and proper that they should be so. In the ordinary administration of public affairs, the Representative may rightfully assume all responsibility?but the responsibility of altering their form of government belongs to the people, and cannut be delegated. Hence We frequently bear the remark, even in our own State, that the Representatives are behind the people on the question of disunion. Whilst our friends in Congress, therefore, very properly declined to counsel a measure ltl MflrnM ii% tullinli Ivors' VkA/l 4 ? I ... . w ?i??ivkt vuwjr iiau iiy auiuuribj IV | commit their constituents, I know that they j will never be found in the tanks of those who will denounce South Carolina if she se- I cedes, but that in them we will always find men whom we will delight to honor. | Lastly : It is urged tnat secession will be met by coercion and. its consequent difficulties. Now, before proceeding to considerthis objection, I must be .permitted to sayv that if I were contending for the mere W umph of a'forensic discission, I should hold our friends precluded from bringing'fattf'the argument any ol the dangers or aacrificea of secession, because the highest authority amongst them, one for whom we all feel a common veneration. CJudrra Cfee*??\ opposing this measure on other grounds, expressly says that "no dangers and no sacrifices can be too great in such a cause." But I am seeking no such triumph. The subiect,fbrbids it?I am actuated, I trust, by a higher purpose. I will proceed then to consider this objection. It opens, I admit, a most important inquiry. .The aspeotjn which this brapeh of the subject presents itself to my mind has ways been this: Will the Administration, with the powers titey now f^asess, undertake, on their own responsibility, to oppose tlie aaaabm/19* a? ?Lr\??# 1% *** * ? KWVWIVM WUVII V<MVIIIi0 IH ntijf wnj ) W| supposing Congress to be to session, will they M* for its authority to coerce as, and for ?n irlcren&o of power for thftt pnrpose? Now the iu???n to tWWque*io?? must of course be whUly CM^tara). ivti doubt much <&5U2r<l?ra OW?kol the jad^nenusnd the actions of Hll tMK But slilF It is witt Jftd proper, with the lighti before us, to endeavor to ascertain tfce srobiibiHti?s that ba t? our ton mob, and asked for more, but did not obtain it. Now, I do not intend to speak in terms of disrespect of tho Administration, or to excite unfounded prejudices. Our cause is not to be strengthened by throwing dirt at any one. It spurns the aid of such missiles Let them be used by those who have a taste for them. Hut in speaking of those who now wield the power of this Government, and their friends, we must speak of them according to their known opinions, principles and conduct. Tho school of politicians, to which tho Administration belongs, is the school of consolidationists. Its most prominent members are thoroughly anti?r* "i J OICII < UIVII IVVIIU^Of IUUI1 piiuuipiw itUU their policy. The President believes that Congress has the power not only to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, but also the slave trade between the States, and that this power ought to be exercised, at what he calls a proper time. His opinions are on record, and will be found to be extreme on this subject. Mr. Webster believes slavery to be an evil, and "regrets exceedingly that it exists in the Southern Statesand whiUt he admits that Congress has no power to act upon it there, still he suggests, to use his own words, "that in the dispensation of Providence, some remedy for this evil may occur, or may be hoped for hereafter." The truth i*, that both the President and Mr. Webster, like many other advocates of the Compromise, are responsible for much of thai very agitation they are seeking to quell.? Thev li?vo snwn hrniKtoMt. anli.sluvura rlnn. trinesin the Northern mind, and now behold the fruit. "The engineers have been hoisted by their own petard." The Pope taught republicanism at Rome?republicanism drove him from the Vatican. Mr. Webster taught aijti slavery in Boston, and anti-slavery drove uiui from Fuueuii Hail. French bayuiieis opened the way for the return of his Holiness. Federal bayonets opened the way for the coming of the Compromise. Trained, then, in the school of the consolidationiBts, having as little respect in principle for the secession of a State as the sedition of a mob, with all their feelings and opinions opposed vo tnhi institution on wuicn rests our happiness and prosperity, and which no minister of State has any right to denounce as an ''evil" of bucIi magnitude as to caii for a "remedy" at the hands of "Divine Providence," with sncli feelings and opinions as these, I say, it is altogether probable that ih'e Administration, urged ou too by "the power behind the thione, greater than the ! throne itself," will b? disposed to South Carolina.. The extirpation of th6 "pestilent heresy" of secession, the subjugation of a slave State, out of which, through the "dispensation of Providence," the extinction of slavery may be "hoped" for, are triumphs to tempt the ambition of better meuthan tive in these degenerate days. In such a crusade it is not difficult to foresee :.l i i | buavnii uiuij vritu ninny unuuera illlgutWOD be enlisted; but what f uits would victory bring to them. The Administration would be compelled to say to tbeir allies, like Pyrrhus of old?"Such another victory, and w? must go Home alone!" But it may be asked, Is the power to coerce a sovceign State, so clear that the Cabiuet will feel authorized to exert it on tbeir own responsibility ? Are there not such grave doubts on the subject, as to make them pause before proceeding to such an extreme? I have already said that the Cabinet belong to the school of the Consolidationista. They deny the sovereignty of the States; tbey contend that the States never were sovereign; that at no period had they the powers of sovereignty, or if they had, they have transferred them all to the General Government. They say that "the doctrine of Republicanism is, that the majority can do no wrong, in the same: sense in whioh it is said in Eufflnnd, that the King can do no wrong, and for the same reason ; because there is no' legal remedy With such doctrines -as these, it is easy to perceive that the Administration would not call it "coercing" a sovereign State, but merely enforcing the laws on the disobedient citizens of an empire, who have no more right to justify their proceedings, under the authority of 8outh Carolina, than under the authority of their particular protege, Hungary, whose recent attempt at a redress of grievances, has found such wonderful "favor at court." It is true, that we have all been taught to believe that "this government, created by compact, was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself." 80 said Thomas Jefferson, in the Kentucky resolutions; but this good old nine has been poured into ne^r bottles, and tbey have burst. Tie mod eriw, I fear, have forgotten the faith of their fathers. But we are not left to speculation as to th?,opinion, at least, of the head of the cabinet on the character of secession. In a letter addressed, during the last winter by Mr. Webster, to a dinner party in New York, he declared that "secession is war." By this' is meant, I presume, that secession on the part of * 8tate is ip*o facto a declaration of war by her. The oniis. and the the odium arA tA Ka <K?Atnn MtvAf* ? Mtv w w u U|^IU II\JI iU?Ul? OU|;|AA)lHJ^ that the Administration determine to use coercion, in wlwt form will it be attempted! I have been tone of those who have conjectured, for at I hare already observed every* thing on this subject is conjectural, that a blockade of oar ports would be attempted. In this opinion I And our senior Senator, (Judge Butler,) if 1 understand him correctly, does not concur,f whilst our junior Senator, (Ur. Rhatt,) pronounces it m tiery emqjgMimjg, "upnaitlgaUd huiftbug."? With such high authority against me, it is not improbable that I may be mistaken in my conjecture, but it is always wiser to be prepared than to bo surprised. I do not mean to say that the Government will call their measure a ''blockade." They will merely term it enforcing the revenue laws?collecting the customs; but by whatever name it may be chilled, the attempt must very soon result in nothing more nor less than actual blockade. It will soon become an interception of all communication, commercial or otherwise, between us and all other States and nations, maintained by a besieging force sufficiently powerful to render any intercourse with us dangerous tu third parties, andrexpose. them to seizure. To render their coercion effectual, their measure must come to this: It may commence-in overhauling vessels at a distance from shore, and in peeting their manifests, or in attempting to erect floating custom houses, but itrlinust end, I repeat, in what, through respec^tp the rights of foreign nations, must bo justified as blockade. But blockade is a belligerent measure, and must be made public, so that neutrals may have notice of it and^act accordingly. War, then, public war, must be declared against South Carolina, and Congress must be called on, for Congress only has power to levy war. 1 think, therefore, that tlm question of coercion must be referred to that body. The Administration will be compelled to do so. But when the question comes, then no human sagacity can predict what course things will take. The Presidential question will then be in full discussion. Much will de peiui upon tne oeanng wnicn me issue ot coercion will have upon that question, for it is the mighty whirlpool which draws withiu its greedy vortex all other subjects. Whilst the Admimstr&.ion will be in the hands of the Whigs, the Democratic part}' will be largelj' in the ascendancy in the next Congress. If it is found that the South Car olinsi question can be made political capital of, it will be used for that purpose. Although the Compromise has patched up a hollow truce between the old party leaders, yet there is no love between them. There can be none whatever. They are as far apart as ever, and when the Presidential race bo ginB, the cry will be "occupat postremum scabies,'* ?"the ,de'il lake the hindmost." This was clearly shown to be the state of feeling at the last Congress, wheu an attempt was uiituo iu gei iy? tt gretii union party under a written compromise pledge. This pledge received ibe cignr.iiire: of jjMtTiy distinguished Whigs; but, if my memory Serves me, of only two prominent Southern Democrats, (Messrs. Cobb and Foote.) The cohesive power of the Compromise is fast giving way between party leaders, and they will soon be found in hostile array. But should the appeal to Congress by the Administration result in the passage of some Force Bill, or other measure of coercion, then we will be called upon to defend ourselves with all the resources we possess, and I feel the utmost confidence that in such a contest the South will never stand neutral. Lot the sword be put into the hands of the Executive, after a long and angry debate iu Congress, for the purpose of hewing down a sovereign State, whose only sin has been her impatience to defend our common institutions, but who can appeal to the Judge of the World for the purity of her purposes, and the justice of her cause, and that eword roust be dyed deep in Southern blood before it is returned to its scabbard. In such a struggle, whoever shall triumph, the Uniou will fall. But it is said by some of our friends that we will have no direct issue of force, but that a war of custom bouses and t>f- commercial restrictions will be waged against us, in other words, that we will be destroyed by famine, and not by the sword. Now, I think this objection is only the blockade?idea in another form, and may as well be classed unacr mat head. I cannot see how our commerce can be effectually restricted, except by such measures as mast ultimately result in a practical blockade of our ports, and I refer to what I have already said on that bead. But if something less than this is meant?if a sort of .peaceable coercion is in-" tended?then I ask if its hazards or extremities are too great to be encountered in defence of a cause which is worthy of resistance "at every hazard and to- the last extremity." But I think that with ten or fifteen millions of tbo richest products of the earth for sale, it would be difficult to destroy our commerce by any measure of practical coercion. If we will be content to realize . moderate profits nnd to offer a cheap market to the world, 1 venture to assert that it cannot bo closed by a war of custom bouses. But those are but speculations tit best, and if we wait to ascertain the exact-cost of ev ery hazard in dollars and cents, wo will never resist either separately or cotijoially. Supposing, however, that coercion in no form whatever is attempted,"and that South Carolina is permitted peaceably tosecede, stilt our friends contend that she cannot roaiuy tain a separate existence. . Now this objection seems to me to amount to nothing more or leas than this: Thai if South Carolina should resume those powers whioh she has delegated to the General Government, and become, what we bav^ always contepded she ttJML llihofi itm MttM inb tin* TTniAn. m moment she perishes. I. must be permitted to say, with due respect to ftoM %|i6 tfrg? this argument, that ft pn>ves too fnvetij JUKI : who, therefor*, own H rio aUeffttlMft, 11?? njr tfcat thk Ilk not* <f lliil eiga States, but ? Gov?ro?$vt df bnafeo pie?a unit, of which the Stales are the fractions, and that, therefore, the majority must govern, for there is 110 legal remedy against its acls. From all this, it follows that our only remedy is that which belongs to us in common with our slaves?revolution, and no 111010. t 4. 1... * -1 ... .? . <* ? 1 UilllllUti lllll. IIIIIIK, llllTUIOrO, 11)111 It SOUtll Carolina declines to secede for a reason like this, she will give n di-alh-blow to the great cause of State Kighls, for which she has hitherto perilled so much, and with which | her name is so proudly associated. Let ns glance however at Home of the dif- j Acuities which it is urged lie in our way as ! a free sovereign and indcpcndanl State. It is said we will have to resort to smuggling for a livelihood. That our negro population will become redundant, and that if they escape we cannot reclaim theui. The objection in regard to smuggling is sufficiently answered by showing that if goods are carried fi om our territory into the other States, it must be dono by the citizens of those States themselves, and the}' must settle the matter with their own government. As to a redundant population, I have no fears whatever on that subject. If we ever have more slaves than we can profitably employ, wo will be able to sell them at a reduced price, and 1 have no doubt that the surrounding slavcholding Stales will soon be able to ob tain the sanction of tlieir government for their purchase. It will be a very different thing from the African slave trade, and as our slaveliolding neighbors are to bo the pets of their government for fear of the contagion of secession, I have do doubt they will be able to make satisfactory arrangements on this subject, even if it should involve an amendment of the constitution.? Long before the day could come, when we ,7cuid voluntarily give up our territory to ?.,.i e > -- ? JUI maim, uuu I ill! mrnj null! II1UI1I, ur Hiey could conquer it from us, our neighbors would find means to relieve us as well as themselves from such dire calamities, by giving them much better employment in tbeir rice and cotton fields. South Carolina will not be permitted to become a St. Domingo in the bosom of. the South. History presents no instance of a nation perishing from a redundant population?a peace- ; fu! exodus has always bees found. As to the difficulty in relation to the recapture of our fugitive slaves, it is obvious that as the slaveholdiiiff States would be ex posed to tlie same evil by tbeir slaves escaping into our territory, a remedy would soon be found by onr mutual necessities. Interest will regulate these subjects as it has always dune. Should our slaves escape into the free States, we wilt have to do just what we are doing now?submit to their Iocs. Mr. President, I admit that it is very easy to say uiany hard things against secession, so I apprehend it is just as easy to say many hard things against disunion. Our friends must allow me to say to them : Push not your arguments against secession too far, or you may find your batteries turned against your own favorite scheme?disunion by co i *u-? ? Ujjwiutiuil* JUU J UU RI1UH liUtlb v41 u t'HIl flucomplish disunion and the establishment of a Southern Confederacy, without many of those very sacrifices you now urge against secession ? If your Confederacy consists of the cotton states, do you know whether you will be permitted to secede without coorcion? May you not encounter blockades and a war of custom houses? Will not slavery become liemmed in, and localised within the borders of your confederacy? Will your i power of: recapture be perfect and complete? May not the commerce of Charleston, and your other ports, be harriissed and driven away i Who shall havo the mouth of the Mississippi! I have heard many brave words uttered by Western men on this subject on_ the floor of Congress, and high claims put into this right.. i' Speak kindly, therefore. I piay you, of secession, for it is 'the first born?the lawful 1 offspring of disunion doctrines.' Such, be assured^will be the- judgment of a-candid world, the record of impartial history. I a^mit, however, that our friends have one advantage over u?. Their scheme lies in the.future; oun'is at hand, They have the chapter of accidents on their side; we have only the chapter of history. . I am aware it may be said, that if,according to my argument, there is no danger of any overt acts of aorcrression aorainst the i South on the part of the Government io Qur day, then there is no danger to us if. we re- 1 main in the Union; that in this respect my argument is contradictory. But the reply , is obvious. The argument: on the other side 1 is, that our destruction is inevitable if we remain in the Union; that it is the Govern- 1 rnent of our enemies, who will Annihilate us, ( but thai farther aggressions wit! soon be committed which will-unite the Bouth-fo conjoint concessit. The first branch of the proposition I admit, but th? latter I deny. 1 How, thou, you ask, will our destruction mmA t T atiauiAt- hu (lia nrrnrlnnl lint Hop. ! tnin advance of abiwition; by the process of i sapping and mining; by immigration; by i the spread of anti-slavery opinions; by de- 1 grading State Rights and exalting Federal* 1 ism; fycombining'measareaof'jaHiM^KU) , measures of wrong?a fugitive slave bill i with an anti-slave trade bill; by dividing the Sooth ; by party contests; by denoua* 1 cing slavery as an evil, and hoping for a 1 ? ivi!|e 1 -.it; . r. '?>; - Ss r . "Slavery w but a question of time. It is scarcely possible to conceive that a hundred years hence there will be one slave in tbe United States, not to say in the whole continent of America. The slave owners see the ramparts rising, the trenches opened,the communications established, and the blockade closing around lliein, that is one day to reduce them to unconditional surrender. Wo doubt not for au instant that our children's children, will see the chains drop in one hour from the limbs of thre^jrnjllioji slaves. The Fugitive Slave bill is legislative effort against that whicb>p^boMt* : powerful than legislatures?the urogret* of human affairs. Every acre adde$-?SWgfe' territory of the Union, every fr&bon>'^biji? added to its population, and that lands on it? shores, is another weight to the scale of abolition. Then why, except . bccause they are demented and doomed, do the slave owners take, no stem whatever prepare for the great day of reckoning! Why do they assume the perpetuul stability of an institution at variance with the whole tenor and course of modern civilization ? We do not hesitate to advise them to set their house in order. If it is harder to do so now than it was seventy years back, instead of being easier, as the great statesman of that day hoped and expected. If time has hitherto aggravated rather than removed the enormous difficulties, what will be tho ease thirty years hencc, when perhaps there must and will be abolition without either the slave or his master being prepared for tho change? The choice lies between gradual and sudden abolition, and it is for the slave States themselves to choose which of those two they will have?for one they must 1" Behold this picture and say if it is true t If it is. then let me nsk vou. will rialnv tear down these rr.mparts, close these trenches, raise this blockade, and save you from unconditional surrender 1 Ye are men, answer for yourselves. 1 have thus, Mr. tresident^ endeavored to give my views on the present deeply interesting condition of our public affairs. I ain sensible that I have informed this duty^very imperfectly. I have purposely abstained from any attempt to stimulate the counsels of this assembly, or the popular mind, by appeals to pride, to passion, or to prejudice, I trust 1 feel too deemly the heavy responsibility which rests upon ine, to address myself to any other tribunal than the calm judgment of an intelligent people. I have endeavored, too, carefnllr to nvoid tha u<te. of Aiiir thinrr lilrA <lm language of crimination or censure. I know too well tbat such language only closes the door to reason, and opens the windows to Eassion. I deprecate from the bottom of my eart any thing like angry dissensions within the State. Our enemies are watching our councils, and will rejoice at our divisions.? Let us give them no such triumph.-? Let us tell them, once and forever, tliat though we differ we will never divide.? For one, I do not regret the introduction of thiB discussion. It has been said that your Convention was elected before the question of secession was discussed. If this; be so, then let the argument be hedrd. before the judgment is pronounced. Free discus Bion ne ver ninaereu any cause, un so grave an issuftas thatwhich is now presented to the people of South Carolina, there cannot be too great deliberation n? there should be great unanimity. In the hoiir oflier trial,, ^ the Stale will need all her sons. Let u*. re ' son together with, fraternal confidence and respect, remembering that whilst we differ " as to the means, we all seek n common end? "A government established on the ba*a Of justice, liberty and equal righu" ' 1 1 1 1 ' ' '" a Mew Cotton Gin manufactory* ABBEVILLE C. H. TFHE subscribers respectfully inform tbe plsn.1 Y ters of South Cnroliua. that th?van srMluiU n ejUen.iveCOTTON GIN FACTORY; jR Abbeville Court House, where they will be prepared to manufacture GINS OF TffE BEST QUALITY. Mr. Enhioiit?one of the firm and principal workman of the Ifcte firm of Hendertov & Eri right, of NeWton couuty, Georgia, whose Gins are well known and highly approved throughout Abbeville, Anderson, and Edgefield District*, ?wilt give his attention to the business. Oar Gins will be made of the best material, end pei- * ther expense nor labor will be spared to tinier tliem durabln and convenient, and equal to tajf. mauujaoipred in the' southern States. REPAIRING also done with neatness anddfripateh. WOOD AND IRON TURNING will be executed in the best style, end ai tha nhortwt notice. Those in want of a new Gin for the next crop*,., would do well to give m a trial beforit t>urcl>**jojf elsewhere. Engagements can be made with our Travelling Agents, ou accommodating terms, who wilt call ou pTsriter? generally,'6tbyWVfetstfalrftl wd to as at Abbftville C. Hi . ,, . ergins warranted in ?u <***,*&> Wot Ice to Clttlmauf*.' 31 THE Undsnigaod hariiuc a<x}Ojaintr4. Mb^N^ elaiins, of every description, ag^inet tfe lkM States?* Panatona, Arrearages, Bouirty Lands, Ac. All penem who httta jrti# iieen iu the service of tHa Unitod Stmt** tn. entitled to laud, In proportion to theft- tetra o# rfvfii fljHH -'-' Vt* " 4'i . .. .-.% ?. ., * ? 'XV,* < *