Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page. It is also available as plain text as well as XML.

^ '"M r ? ^ =sfeg ' } - ' ? TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM, : ' "^ Pllloi> of thc South? for the sake of lhc PAYABLE IN ADVANCE. BY HENRY S. KERR. ^ *. V^jABBEVIU,K, SOUTH-CAROL1NA. WEDNESDAY MORNING, JULY 7, 1851. vor. viir Mn is POLITIC AX. Snlwtanoe of the Remarks of HON. WILLIAM F. COLCOCK, Delivered before the Convention of Southern Bights Associations, assembled in the Military Hall, Charleston, S. C., May 7, 1851. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention : If a8lranger sbould enter this Hall, and see this unusually large assemblage of citizens from all parts of the State, composed, cis it is in a great degree, of her wealth, intelligence and influence, ho would at once VUIIIU W lll? UUIIUUOIUII WUflfc OVIHU OUUJCUl IOI beyond the circle of ordinary topics had brought them together. A short time since, a member of one of your local Associations rises in his place and offers a resolution proposing that a general Convention of all the Associations in the 8tate should be held in this city, for the purpose of consultation and co-operation. In answer to this call, thus unobtrusively made, and without concert or excitement of any kind, I find you leaving your homes at this busy season of the year, and at much expense and inconvenience, assembled here to-day to the number of near five hundred delegates. lhia must afford to every one tbe most convincing proof of the earnestness and sincerity of your purposes, and of the deep and absorbing interest of the subject which brings you together. I am aware that some of our friends, V-whose judgment I highly respect, are of opinion that the action of this body should be confined strictly and solely to the objects and purposes prescribed in the Constitutions of our Associations, and that we should care fully abstain from the expression of any opinions which might have a tend ncy to forestall the action of the Constitutional Convention which has been recently elected, and into whose hands the safety of the State has been committed. Whilst I am free to confess that these views may have been urged in the 6rst instance with much propriety against the call of this Convention, still I must be permitted to say that it is expecting too much of a popular assembly like ibis, under the circumstances which now surround (IB IK/va/^ tklo ?? + !? Wff, ly ?.! rnu Lina iiaiiim until WIUIUUl lUUUU' ing those great questions which lie on either side of it, and which now fill the hearts and tninds of our whole people. For one, therefore, I do not regret that Qthe questions which are presented by the Report and Resolutions now before us, have been presented for our consideration. I regard this as a family council, as a meeting of friends, bound together by the indissoluble ties of a common destiny, and we should conduct our deliberations here, and our discussions hereafter, with that fair iiess, cauaor ana gooa temper, wnicu are due alike to our own characters, and to the interest of our State, for whose welfare I know we all feel an equal and an ardent devotion. In entering on the discussion of the questions Before us, the first thing that strikes the mind.is the almost entire unanimity of opinion which pervades this body, and indeed ilia wfinla &tain lution of our present form Government. I feel myself justified in saying that it 19 the universal, deliberate, and well considered judgment of the people of South Carolina, that the Government under which we are living, as now administered, is destructive of their rights, property and safety; and that having no hope of reform, they are under the solemn obligations of duty to themselves and totbeir children, to seek for security and j>i$t?cti<m under some other form of Govjfrnmeot. Am I wrong in this assertion, or ^IjsUte thejaropoaltions in terms that are to^Sttrbugl If 1 am in error, then it would MFidl&'ior me to sav another word, as this is thejMptulate of alf the argument I expect io'-fiK^ and if it be not true, I admit in adYraMthat my conclusions will be false. theusurpations of this Government? ^it^e^re^epfutjirafixHn its original purpose .and deaign?if its hostility to our in atitaiionfr?if its unjaat and unequal adminM^on?in Hhoirt, if its utter un worthiness questions, or questions for**re-conftideiatlon, tbeit'I have nothing to say which is worth a people of Sonth Carolina have not made up their minds on these questions, or if they desi re to reverse their judgment, then l^Mjttexerciee the p ri vilege which unquestionably belongs to them as freemen: judge their judgment. "ftnlay be nopleasant?nay, it m*y be efeft^^piUating, to retract opinion* long and publicly avowed; but it is better, far ??rwy,?nd to carry out doubtful opinions inH* .??? MVtiAn Dnf T on)l TWAMiimo for* HMtoftnt thaTkny such ?Ut? of feeling e|^wbere^th^ ^re^i^?ny W"-- * ?n?"iDKen ' -1*'' ^ ' v ?P? '' IBwbhHH^'^%'vI ? ;?. . / " Kentucky, and Virginia. When, therefore, it is said that Sonth Carolina must never submit, I understand all those who hold this language, to mean that the State shall, within a reasonable time, adopt some such practical, efficient and decisive mode of resistance, as will justify the use of all her rights and resources, to relieve herself from the injuries which have heretofore been inflicted upon her. Such is the seed we have sown. Are we prepared to eat the fruit which it offers to our lips? Mr. President, this is not the commencemAnt nf n nav i?Anfi?Awa?ow Wa im <Wa wb mv?* w?*viv*vioj? ft w aig in uio midst of our old and long-pending contest, and our grouud has already been taken.'? We must advance. We are advancing. We cannot close our eyes to the past. What has been done cannot be undone. The State, under the guidance and direction of her constituted authorities, has already taken the initiative, and entered on important measures. A Convention of the people has been ordered and elected, and large supplies have been demanded and are in the course of expenditure. Although I have heard objections made to the course of our Legislature on these subjects, yet it has never been repudiated by thgpeople. That most delicate power which iniiuiui iO|>lwcuuul>tI OMIVinM WIUI a sparing hand?the taxing poWer?was freely exercised and as freely responded to by an earnest and intelligent people, who well und&Btood for what purposes their money a! t-J i? !. _.i .1 e i.. t... wua ueiunuueiu ii? io nun luwciura tw into, I repeat, to retrace the past. What has been done, has deliberately been done?and deliberately confirmed. The people have determined to put the State upon her sovereignty in Convention assembled, and to furnish her with the means of maintaining and defending her final judgment. Into the hands of that august tribunal, the honor, the liberty, and the safety of the State have been committed, and bv itedeeeaionnll must be prepared to abide. Such, then, are the undisguised sentiments and purposes of the people of South Carolina, and such the present attitude of the State before the world. Thus far have we advanced with almost perfect unanimity. Thus far have events been allowed to progress without scarcely any organized opposition. For the present position of the State then, we are all responsible. No appeal has been taken, and all are concluded by the past. From this high position, therefore, and from no other, we must now survey the whole field before us, and decide what the future demands of ub. which shall be in harmonv and consistency with the present and the past. Shall the next act in the drama sustain the unity of the preceding ones ) Id this deeply interesting conjecture of our public affairs, we find ourselves assembled this day, and for the first time our counsels ara divided?divided too on the gravest issue which can be presented for our consideration. To me this division is a source of profound regret. At the very threshold I find myself called upon to differ from those with whom *1 have been associated all my life, and whose judgment and opinions I highly respect. Foremost among these stands your senior Senator, (Judge Bulter,) whose stern devotion to the interest and honor of South-Carolina, I have had recent occasion to witness and admire. Yes, Mr. President,it has been mv lnf /law rlor tn sfonn iinnn |1ia *vvf v?Mj ? w aanuw. M|7VU WUO floor of the Senate Chamber 'daring that memorable contest, whose history is familiar to you all, and to observe the conduct of that Senator, when after the death of your, great Statesman, he bad, single handed and alone, to contend in your name for the cause of "truth, justice, and the Constitution.**' Few, Sir, at a distance from the scene erfto fully understand and appreciate the cares, the anxieties, the heavy responsibilities o>f a situation like this, to one of bis prond spirit and pure integrity. Well and noblyclid fie discbarge his nigh trust, and richly has be VMOMfA/) (TATIP OHfl ?T(fiurflAn Qn# IIIUIIV^VI JVUI WUMWWUWV ?M?V? JLF U V although it is painful to differ from one Lao much honor and esteem, I must imitate his example, and follow my own convictions of duty. I am consoled too by the reflection, that though we diverge at this point, we will soon come together again, and that when the State decides between us, we will:cordially unite in carrying out her decision. Our discussions thus far have brought us to the consideration of two leading measures, both professing to have the same end in view. Befctfe entering on the consideration of these meaaurea, allow me. to say, that I understand ifc to be the general jadgment of U}1? assembly that the Legulatura?:?HU next regular session, should appoint a time for the meeting of the comtitutional Convention which was elected iti February last uadar it? direction. No oBe that I am aware of, propose* that the Legislature should decline this office. A* the term of servioe of the Monday in October, 1?&2,4 presume, as ? matter of course, thai the meeting of the Convention will be ^)(Ud' tb^C<mention wfll be in teujo Borne time m 2d. Having failed up to ibis time to obtain any pledge of cooperation from the government of any other State, shall South Carolina secede alone I The first measure, being that of my opponents, I have carefully endeavored to state with accuracy and precision: justice and fair dealing demand this in every controversy. In one like the present, I should despise myself were I capable of doing otherwise. It mav be unred that I havo nnt tha first branch of the question in too strong terms? "Sball South Carolina abandon her preparations, for it may be said, she might continue her preparations, even though she determines to wait for co-operation. To this I reply that it id vain?utterly vain? to expect the people to submit to the present extraordinary rate of taxation, if their money is not wanted for immediate purposes. IC, therefore, we decide to wait, we must certainly ''abandon our present preparations." I will now proceed to examine this propo sition with the attention due to its importance, and the respect due to those who advocate it* I admit, without hesitation, that conjoint action on the part of two or more States, if it could be procured, is preferable to separate action on the part of any one State. But I distinctly declare it as my deliberate judgment, that co-operation cannot be obtained in the manner proposed, in our day and generation. It is intended to adjourn the issue to a distinct future?to bequeath it to our children ? Surely not. Then we are to do the work ourselves, and it is with this understanding that I shall proceed to give my reasons for the opinion I now so confidently express on the subject of co-operation. It is admitted on all sides, that at present *i i luciw ib uu uupe 01 co-operation oy any State, on account of the past aggressions of the Government, with the exroption of Mississippi ; and as her Convention is to meet in November next, her position will be defined previously to the meeting of our Con vention. s? The governments of *11 the other States have thus far, under tbja issues yet made, declined to adopt any erasures of resistance. To the future, then, w# must look for events to bring about co-operation. The Compromise has failed to do So. If we wait then for new issues to produce co-operation, do we not agiee to submit "to the past, and to abandon the issue of thd^Compromise as a case for present resistance^ Will this not involve ft nidn rlpnnrtnro filftm nnr r>oaf do clarations ? Will it not be taking, not only one, but many steps backwards! Candidly aod sincerely I think so. But let this pass ?let the objection be gotten round. I do not think it is met by saying?MWe^o not submit to the Compromise; vre only bide our time." Let us go on and see what the future has in store for us. It is argued that co-operation will certainly be brought about by future aggressions; that the anti-slavery party in Congress will commit some open, flagrant, palpable violation of the rights of the slave States; something, I presume, of course, worse than has already been done, which will unite these States in a determination to withdraw from the Union, and establish a Southern Confederacy. I cannot concur in this view. To my minat all tne probabilities are against us. The aggressions, you observe, are to come from Congress, from the Government. They must be palpable, flagrant, invasions of your righto, committed under the forms of law, Is it meant that they roust be clearly unconstitutional^ and such as the Supreme Court will so pronounce I But I will not hold our 'friends (o this admission. Let us say, in general terms, that the measures will be of suoh a character at according to all reasonable presumptions, wjll unite the South in withdrawing from the Union. Let us now inquire what are the probabilities tl)at such measures Will be adopted by Congress in our day. I On looking over the whole field of controversy, in which we are at present engaged, l can see no measures of tbe character referred to, which Congress could adopt, except (wo: the abolition of slavery in the District of Colombia, and the repeal of the fagitive slave law. These are theonly two measures which stand ont prominently in the foreground. J can think of no others. No slave State is Applying for adramisskm?no j territory remains for the application of the Wilmot Proviso. No one, I presume, would pretend:to say that any legislation on the ol|| issues of the Tariff a Bank, or Internal Improvements, would unite the South in any measures of resistance to this Government The aggressions referred to by our friends,Ipref)TiKue,aretobe direct anti-slavery measures. then, if. either of the measures I have named are likely to be adopted by Congress. First, as to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. In rny opinion this roe?uro will not be adopted, or if it is, it will to be made a test question. AH others are to yield to it for the present. The Presidential question is near at hand, and all that is wanted now, is to keep the South quiet. A peace must be patched up with her. She must be let alone for a while, until her back fit.t/vl In Mia hnrllmti u>kS?l< Imo !>? ?w VM? DCIVM l> IIIVU lino JUCJV been placed upon iL She must be flattered, nnd courted nnd cajoled. Liberal offers will be made to induce her to join in the canvass. High places will be promised her; in short, she is wanted and must bo won. This is the course things will take, and only let South Carolina give up her purpose of secession? let her say that she will not leave the Union uritil she obtains co-operation through future aggression, and resistance iti any form is at an end. But 1 have intimated that this measure might be adopted in a form which will fail to produce the result which our friends predict. Let me explain what I mean. If slavery is abolished in the District of Columbia at the present day, it will be done with the consent of the slaveholders there. That species of property is bficoRjing daily more insecure, and of course lesa valuable. The facilities for abduction, the spread of Abolition doctrines, and the presence of some fi or 0 OOft fro# nprrCAOO a/VnSnnl Q />? A AAA I ? ? - ? j - vw ..V0?vwj agniuov V Ul IfVW slaves, out of a total, population of 50,000, all combine to render slave property there of very little f^lue. When the alternative is presented to the people of the District of losing their slaves altogether, or selling out even at a reduced price, it is plain which (ViHfM tKoy will orlnpf^ TKa of tll0 slaveholder to sell will thus be easily obtained, and then the right of Congress to purchase will be the only remaining difficulty to be overcome. Now, it must be remembered that the general power of Cougress io abolish slavery in the District of Columbia is still an open question. Mr. Clay, and his school of politicians, if I understand them, admit the power, but say that its exercise would be a breach of faith to Virginia and Maryland whilst they remained slaveholding States; and now, since the retrocession of Alexandria to Virginia, this objection would De narrowed down, I presume, to a breach of faith to Maryland alone. If slavery, therefore, should be abolished in the District of Columbia with the consent of the slaveholders, the question then comes up: Will the South unite in dissolving the Union, because Congress has done, what, in the judgment of the greatest party leader of the day, and his numerous followers, is only a breach of faith to Maryland f Will Maryland herself, with 73,000 free negroes to 89,000 slaves within her bordere (for such is the astounding fact disclosed by the last census) be the first to raise the banner of Disunion ? Will Georgia do so? Before Iier Convention met, 1 would have answered this question, without an instant's hesitation, in the affirmative. But the action of that Convention has afforded ground for very grave and pjrigijuj doubts on this question. Previously to the meeting of that body it had br'Ame the uniform, invariable mode of expresfliOTr^ryJtiia subject by all the Southern States to'^ifcjf Congress should abolish slavery in the^ffratfct of Columbia, then, <fec. This was the swireotyped formula of words?plain, distinciT'iSptd, unequivocal? ' which had entered into the vocabulary of the whole South in layiog down th^^pUtforra of resistance. But the Georgia CoirtwnUon deliberately, and upon consideration, , doned the nse of these plain terms, which ' could give rise to no dispute as to their true intent and meaning, ana adopted this mode of expression: " That the State of Georgia, in the judgment of this Convention, will and ought to resist, even (as a last resort) to a disruption of every tie which binds her to the Union, any action of Congress upon the subject of slavery in the District of Columbia or in places subject to the jurisdiction of Congress, incompatible with the safety, the domestic tranquility, the rights, and the honor of the elavebolding States," Ac. Now, I ask, what does this change of phraseology mean f It must mean something, or why adopt it in preference to the other, which bad become as familiar as housebold words to the whole South. Was it intended to leave a door open for a new issue on this question f M To abolwh slavery" is a simple idea easily understood. uAoy action nf (Innomtu nn that aihSant lnnnmnsti. ble With the safety, the domestic tranquility, the rights, and the honor ofthe slaveholding States," is a very complex proposition, apd gives rise at once to doubt and oonstruotion. This Action on the part of Georgia justifies, I repeat, very grave doubts as to the course she would pursue if slavery should be abolished in the- Diitriot tit Columbia with the co&sent df tbe slaveholders, or in any other way which it wight be argued was not" incosopatibte with the right*, honor, safety and tranquility of the South.* Let it never be forgotten mat Virginia, in 184? and '48, made the abolition of the lave trade in the Diatriet ofCdlurabia, a measure which .ahe wouldt*wt at "every hazard and to the Ia*t extremity." Bnt, in 1849,'alie abandoned thia ground, and felt back upon- the aWlitioo df the alave trade between the Statea at-. her "eatieua belli," When asking how thiaxbaBge of position some way which will prevent united resistance on the part of the South. The next measure to which I have referred, is Hie repeal of the fugitive slave act. It is a matter of infinite surprise to me how any close observer of our political Affairs can for a moment suppose that this law will be repealed by the next Congress, or for many years to come. This is the only measure of the Compromise whose re]>eal is threatened. Some of those measures are, in fact, irrefjealnblo by Congress; they need no further lelp from their friends, but can now take care of themselves. But'.he issue of repeal is distinctly made on the fugitive slave law, and though the efforts of the Abolitionists may be bold, open, and vigorous, they cannot carry a majority of both Houses of Congress and the President. The Administration and all the advocates of the Compromise have determined to keep this law upon the Statute Book. That is the is*ue. Its execution js anotfier thing. We nil know it is practically repealed already. All laws may sometimes require extraordinary means to enforce them, but a law which always requires such means for its enforcement is not worth the parchment it is written on. This is a truth which sooner or later will force itself upon the popular mind, and hence the deep anxiety and embarrassment of the Administration and the advocates of the Compromise in relation to this law. They know in their hearts and consciences, that this law is not what every law ought to be, the instruments of cheap and speedy justice; and hence they seek to cover up this glaring fact, and to create a diversion upon the issue of its mere formal repeal by Congress; and upon this issue, I tell you, they will succeed, let Giddings rave, or Seward plot, or Sumner talk heroics as he may. A 1*1 1 T 1 a < ? miuuugii i nave a moat per reel conviction that this law will not be repealed, I have at the same time a very strong conviction that it may be modified to Buit Northern prejudices. I do not mean to say that this is certain. I desire to state my positions with exactness and without the least exaggeration. The advocates of the Compromise declared from the day of its adoption that they would oppose the a repeal," or "any essential modification" of the Fugitive Slave Law. i Mark you, any essential modification. Now there are several features of that law which its supporters are ready to modify, for the - - . r. . " V - I purpose or increasing tlieir strongtn ai toe North, if they could venture to do so; and they would say they were not essential modifications. For instance, they would be will ling to modify tbat provision which allows the record made up at home, of the facts of escape, and that the fugitive was the slave1 of the claimant, to be used in evidence with out further proof, except as to identity, <kc. This would be a aop to Cerberus. As to the trial by jury, I presume Mr. Webster himself would be willing to engraft that provision on the law, for it was a provision in the bill which he himself introduced before leaving the Senate. Repeal, therefore, I regard as out of the question. Modification or amendment mav be attempted, but very cautiously. The abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and the repeal of the fugitive slave law, then, are the only overt acts of aggression which, in my judgment, can be committed by Congress against the South at .this time. I feel the most abiding confi- , clone?.tb^t neither will" be done in our day. Our ad v|tmm?*s .trill take care that the measure of agpressionAS>i|^. bp just .so much as will stop short of uniungpYii^South. Your patienoe shall be their guage. The advollian .J!..... I vmww? vi w-v|A>mvivi? vuvi? union nujvui u UID Siestion of Disunion to another day. If e past, or any issue which' may be made upon the past, cannot unite the South, then the future of our day will afford no measure for resistance.. My solemn belief therefore, w. that " cooperation" is submission to the Compromise. Submission to the past with no hope for the future. Now, in using the term "submission^ I do not mean to apply it in any offensive sense whatever, to our friends who differ from us on this occasion. Far from it I know they are men who would spurn the idea of voluntary submission, with all the worn una indignation ot unsullied patriotism. I apeak to them as I would have tberp speak to die, with sincerity and respect. 1 muat be allowed, therefore, to say to tliem, yourposition drifts y?a with the inevitable certainty of the GulftMwian^.-to subtnission. You will take your place by the side oftftpse whose course you sorouohcondeiBn. You wilt ratify the Compromi?e. The voice of South Carolina wtU be hushed. She cannot go buck to feed upon the husks of high souodipg resolutions, protests and jfomftnatrancea, In two years she will sink down into the attitude of utter non-resistance; no hnniftn nnirar /tan mmM IMi mult - WW > ot^re i>6 UJerU^ in W would be derid?d. vSb? baa gone ao far that ahe rauat now; "Be a law UBto herself^ Bui it feel bound, to consider maturely a measure which has such distinguished supporters before I reject it, I have done so, and I must declare in all sincerity that if South Carolw na abandons all purpose of acting alone, and determines patiently and passively to wait, (as pho must if ahe waits at all) the develop inents of the future iu the expectation of such hostile legislation on the part of the General Government as will unite the South in the overthrow of this Union, she will sacrifice tho great cause which all her sons, with but few exceptions, profess to be nearest to their hearts, and givo a death blow to disun: v.. t - t ? ?i *** iuu. ics, 1 repent?i^ei ooum *Jnroiina lay down her arms, lot her say slie will not secede, and a shout of triumph, (shall 1 sny of derision) will go up over all the land, for we have enemies every where, nnd the advocates of the Compromise will underwrite the Union for the next generation. These may be unpalatable truths, but they must be told. I come now to the consideration of the second proposition which I have supposed will be submitted to our Convcution when it assembles. Having failed up to this time to obtain any pledge of co-operation from the Government of any other State, shall South Carolina secede alone ? I approach the discussion of this question with a profound sense of ito magnitude nnd importance. I never expected to be called upon to give my coun' sul ou any question under a sense of higher responsibility. I have never entertained or expressed but one opinion on the character of this men*ur?, p.* mv vith whom I have frequently and publicly conferred, can testify. I have told them that secession was a measure which would demand the exercise of all their wisdom and all their firmness. The overthrow of any Government, and the establishment of another, is no holiday affair. It is no cardhouBe we desire to construct, which can Ajfi reared by the, hand and destroj-ed by the of an iuiaiit* No! It is a stern work which lies before us, and if we seek for new guards for our future security, we must expect to obtain them &t the hazard of many sacrifices. The questions in regard to secession which appears to me will demand the carcful consideration of the Convention, are First. lias the Staie a right to secede? .Second. Is she justified in the exercise of this right at this time? The first question is one which I presume the Convention will have very little difficulty in deciding, as it may be considered a settled question in the judgment of the Southern States at this time, though 1 am aware it is seriously denied by some within their limits, and perhaps if not brought to judgment at the present day, will in a few years become mucn controverted if not ultimately repudiated. Resolutions affirming this right were laid on the table in one or both branch es of the North Carolina Legislature at their Inst session. I am not fully informed of the circumstances under which this was done, but I point to it as a fact which deserves attention. But, whilst the abstract right of secession is not denied by some, vet they contend that it is a right whose exercise "good faith" must always practically prevent. Now, 1 admit the obligations of "good ti?ithn in evei^" relation of life, public and private, on States as well as on individual*. But, let us see bow " good faith" will always nullify this right and render it of no practical utility.? We owe good faith to our co States and to foreign nations, with whom we have, through our AMIlt llio flanaul li?C4?nm?nf octAk lished certain, relation*. Now,r* to our coStates, as the very predicate of secession is, that they have violated the league and covenant which bound us together, that they have first broken faith with us, surely our faith is no longer due to them. Good faith requires every party to a compact to submit to.many things, to bear and forbear much, but when tfre very end and purpose of the compact are violated,?when it is used as a "sword to destroy/' and not as a "shield to defend,"?then surely, "good faith" should not prevent any party from withdrawing from his associates, on fair and honorable terms. So much, for our oo-States. But t__? .lis. it '.rll:'. iaLl.m . woiiv are our yuiignwyna 01 ~^ooa iuuhi to foreign nations, with whom we have made treaties, and from whose tttiaena we &*? ' made loans, dee. f They, it is urged, are no :p?ariifc?toour domestic differences, and "good faith require* that we should either preserve our co-partnership untilibese engsjpnjenta performance if a dwojulioo takes place.? To this I reply; that if a dissolution occurs peaceably, and an equitable partition of the partnership property is made, the rights of Mgo ler oeyona iDpMuaznras, wuion, it? always understood^ are undertaken iu >11 iohsruatibn *i* +? .St." * |*Y *^ fufvaiilifl J JL) r,\tS3*H^BKa8lB^B3lSW^^feiKQ58^