The Abbeville banner. (Abbeville, S.C.) 1847-1869, June 01, 1850, Image 1
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TWO DOLLARS FEE ANKBM, Land of the Soutll, Our Klas's Infurlrd for Tlicc. PAYABLE IN ADVAM'K.
BY CHAttLES H. ALLEN. ABBEVILLE, SOUTH-CAROLINA, SATURDAY MORNING, JUNE 1, 185fc VOL. VII... NO. 10 1
. ' > \ ' - 23^: . " " ! ......... .
(Original.)
TO JULIA.
Air-" Irinh timigranC* Lament."
. w; rn ftftway from .
'&> < . w|tb l.h^u K
My nimd is wandering btlcfc, still,
Wbcro my native flowers bloom. mm
*...
,$? ? Hut till my henrt Ib iajl. Iove, >VA
l?n?, deserted thfcigt - .v ; "
" . My life igsomowhstrJlonged, Juliu,
My cheek is paler now; And
everjince we parted, lovo, There's
a shadow, on my brgwr.
... l'*n Mttiog in my: room, Julftt,
K ; ' ** *> _ With noone by riiy side;
K. ' *;) ~ltow changed the light of-other days;
?';,g , TO,??Iifo,
'The night Is dark and dreat,^S8U^5^^:K> ?
No stara are in the sky ; - " 8.
E'en now I am douled, love, ;
Tho light of thy blue eye.
.-V . It shone on me hi other days, *M'> : V
jffi A wrfk and mellow liglu ;
>'* <- But now'tis goue, add 1 atq left
.j' ^ ? Atoue iu sorrow's iiight.
t cannot say farewell, Julia, '. > - ;
Forin that whispered wo:d v.
- There is route dispuir, by-wfcich
"* : Tho depths of soul arc stiraud..
, " v; . . > -But I can say " GCod Bye/VWc,
J. \ Tho'a shado^is on my brow j : it
' :.'_v Ajad still I can't tell why, love,:
V. ' f, - But my heart is sadder nrtw.
CHAHI-eston. H.J.M.
' SPEECH
Prw^ent's MessageConstitutioDs
ftf California-?^
M& OKR said:
Mr. Cuaiiman1 propose, in the brief hour
me, to iexamine and present what I
)^.v. jOOIlOciye w- uo'Aivi intiriJ bi-ULimeiib u^uu uic
t "yammo*, o^*p?7j tLo inevitable results
^Kjthatsentiment, I believe, sir, there is
-^jHRca misunderstanding, both at the North
' ,the? South, as to the extent and cliaracthai'
feeling. 1 know the misappre'
' "that existed in that part of the counwhichi
I have the honor to represent, and
^^Kr*a^He8ire io iay-before ray constituents and the
!. ?B)pIe of the Soyth tho result of my obser'
Son?, since I have been a member of this
^figggfRt> use, 90 that they may be prepared to judge
^^SjSjjStueproper means of meeting,counteractspelling
that sentiment.
poison the niiuda of tho masses of thqir
. , newspapers aud periodicals,. wBiqli are cirv
euloted in great profusion, not ,only in the
iion-elavelioldinff States, but, are thrown
-uMii/lmiiti nttft* fno fi/mfli rtli ftiA maila
Hpurpoee of .piloting Ihe thorij of disin
the bosoms of our now happy
Oldinciting tliein to the perpetration
loody Buenos,of St, Domingo. (^licijc
ies of the American Arifi-Slaver^Sa
iot content -with a general combinaainst
the institutionsj. of ,.thei South,
somponent part of the American and
? Anti-Slavery Society, in which thev
ith the zealots of foreign countries in
ifct crusade. Aeiynsli their brethern o1
ith. Most of the avowed abolition
I? liUWUVLT, U)U UiCUL U1 ir?UikUt? Ul
Kt They seek to emancipate oar slaves
-it? true, but concede tE*\t it cannot be done
consistently with the Constitution; the}
therefore declare an uncompromising war a
^j^fict the Constitution and the Union; whiU
others, who intend to effect the same end
fj&iwro not the candor to own it, nnd hypocri
rtically profess an attachment to the Constitu
tioo which they are really, seeking to' des
i Another evidence of the extent of aboli
a twin sentiment in the Northern States is. tin
fjf| Kw, L^fatoiire of 0
\ ||p?
quired from Mexico. One would suppose
that when a Senator avowed that, acting as
a Senator, he recognised a higher obligation
than Iris oftih to support the Constitution of
the United States?an obligation which re'quires-him
to violate and set aside tho pro
visions of that sacred instrument?the Legislature
of his State, then in session, would
have promptly branded Jlfich a declaration
with the infamy it descries. Such a declaration,
it is known to the country, was recently
made in the Senate by the Senator from
New York to whom I have alluded?byt the
lffgisjiiture of that State adopted no resolutions
condemnatory of this sentiment..
They did,' however, pass resolutions, with
: great unanimity, susuumng niuy uic uitra positions
Of tlifeir -distinguished?no, notorious
l^enator. Resolutions havo been adopted in
:every non-slaveholding State,, instructing
their Ropresentotn^s, in Congress to vote in
;-fjay.or of tho Wihriot? proviso, and in'oppoa^J't^nj
iii.inany.cajsw, to the adiijissiori'of any
'bther aiave states.-v.r
Mr. MeLariahan askedyif the gentleman
froin South .Carolina had observed that the
"legislature of Pennsylvania had receutly
laid iiponJthe table,, resolutions in favor of
il' Witi ' tY'^"2 >'<5
iite ?y jiiijol j. rovisu j.
Mr-Orr. I have ; 'and -I honpr the patriotism
of your tcotasto^ in coming to
tlie rescue.of the Constitution jn these perilous
times. Instructions, such as I lmve spoken
of, di J pa& the Legislature of Pennsylvania
two years ago. X repeat the assertion,
that every nou-slaveholding State has passed
resolutions of an unmistakable abolition character.
Yet the unceasing efforts of - the press
here, and of newspaper correspondents, are
directed to iuduce the people of the South to
j^l^ t .Ins
ing up of fugitive slaves. "What is the con
stitu tional provision upon that subject: in o
person held to service or labor in one State,
under the laws thereof, escaping into another,
shall, in consequence of any law or regulation
therein, be. discharged from such service
or labor* but shall bo delivered up on
claim of the party to whom such service or
labor may,be.due." Some of tbe Northern
States have passed laws imposing heavy .penalties
oni any state officer who may aid the
owner in recovering hia.runaway slave. The
State officers of all the States swear to support
the Constitution of the United States
as well as the Constitution of the State in
wliinYi t no rpwulna Nmr if lllft OnTl
stitut:on of the Cf. S. requires thr.t. a perfou
held to service shall bo delivered U]>f and a
State officer refuses to obey that provision,
decs he prove faithful to his oath ? "And is
not the penalty, imposed by the particular
Stato a compulsion upon the officer to commit
peijury ? This legislation reflects truly
the feeling of the Northern States upon this
subject. When a slave escapes, friends receive
him with open arms, and clandestinely
convey him beyond the reach of his lawful
_QP.nor<--. jJLQjo slave, perchauce, is overtaken,
or hunted out~oTms Slcret hiding place,
the owner pciili his life, through the lawless
violence of the mob, in reclaiming his pro:
nertv and in ataeriinor riulita solemnly orftar
, antied to hiin by the Constitution. Tho laws
and popular tumults against the master, tc
which I have adverted, clearly indicates the
settled, deliberate purpose of the Northern
i States to'.cfepr^re us of "our rights iu that spe
aesof property.'-... . . ;
Northern seutiment on the subject of hb
, olition speaks trumpet-tongued iu the politi[
cal privileges 'conferred on free-negroes in
' some of the Northern States. Maine, New
i Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts,.Rhodt
f Island, and New York, all ^xtencf the right
- of suffrage , to the African. At the last
I State election in New York the free negroe;
, held tho balance' of. power between the tw<
s political parties. Representative^ OjJcTJ lfi'ii
r floor receive tho votes of this dcvrradeTl class
- and the success 6f republican institutions ii
5 made to depend upon the judgment and in,
telligcnce of the negro sovereigns. The aim
- of the abolitionists looks first to the emnnci
* pation of our slates throughout' the South
- and then is to follow tlieirlfevatibri to all tin
social and political privileges of the whit<
- man. The thick-lipped African is to morel
j up to the same ballot-box, eat at the sam<
i table, and sit in the same parlor; yrith th<
y. white man. This, the Abolitionists wouh
t say, "is a ^consummation- devoutly to b
- wuhed for.", v .
' Anotfier'evdicnee, sir, of the progress an<
3 mtoieaftce of this sentiment is to be foandii
- the separation of two of this most numerou
t and respectable Christian denominations 11
i, this country, (tho Methodist and Baptist.
^ -v . ;k!^
I \IJJl** T;. ju?\*r\ rt^. Jt 4 }j* tM'tln
iversal popularity, of the doctrine of free-soil
?the legitimate scion, as I before remarked,
of the abolition stock. The popularity of
that doctrine is hot to be judged by the independent
free-soil party organization. Those
who candidly avow the opinion are few in
number; they refuse to co-operate with ei:
ther of the other parties, and hetice a separate
organization ; but the ma.*s of the Northern
people comprising the two great political
parties sympathize in sentiment and feeling
with the free-soilera. It is idle to dis
guise tiio tact, iuo speccucs delivered by
Northern Representatives sinco the commencement
of this discussion is a thorough
vindication of the truth of this assertion.
They hi ay bo well arranged in two classe*,
one of which broadly asserts that the North
has been guilty of no aggression upon the
South?that the South has no just cause of
complaint against them?that our demand
to share equally in tho common property of
all the States is an aggression upon the North
:?that our fugitive slaves are always promptly
surrendered upon the demand of the owner.
This is the language addressed by them
to Northern constituencies; they do not appeal
to them to quiet this infamous agitation
4.1. ' J.. 1 A\ il.
tuey uu IIOU ii'uiiuu Litem ui tiiuu i-uuaututiotiul
obligations; and thus their course
can have 110 other effect than to fan the
flames of fanaticism until they shall bum
out the vitals of the Constitution and Union.
-The other class show equally, in their 1
speeches, their attachment-to the doctrines
of free soil." Every Northern man of this
class who has addressed the committee on
this subject, cxcept my friend from Indiana,
[Mr. Gorman,] and my friend from Pennsylvania,
[Mr. Ross,] is in the same category.
Their speeches open, generally, with a
violent philippic against the South. They
charge us with arrogance, and some of them 1
I sore in hot haste in volunteering their servi|
gfcs to march troops into our midst to force ;
us to continue in the "Union if we should
chocse to secede from it. They tell us that
tuey are in lavor or non-intei ventiou. yv hat
docs this non-intervention amount to ? If it
were a bona 'fide non-interference with our
rights, it would be all the South could ask?
all that she has a right to demand under the
Constitution, But this much she docs demand
; and, depend upon it, she will be appeased
by nothing less. Some of the Northern
non-interventionists deny that Congress
has the power to pass the Wilmot proviso;
others maintain the position that Congress,
has the power, but should not exercise it, and
straightway offer the excuse to their constituents
that it is not necessary to pass it?that
the. Mexican laws are in force, and they exclude
slavery. This is the opinion entertain
ca oy vcnerai \^ass aim an uie non-micrvcntion
northern Democrats in this house.
uot this a heavy tribute which non-intc-rvcution
pays to free-soil ? It is tantamount to
saying, we are in favor of the end which the
proviso aims to accomplish, viz: the exclusion
of the slave States, from all the territory
acquired oppose its a
^wc propose to 5Mj 'r-u?t eflbctu?%
i producing. irriti^^i^^'aJwf^^^^^
it, sir, such non-intervention r^ays a heavy
tribute to rtbolitioflism.
- Another, and perfiap, Jin Chairman, the
i moft pregnant indication of the progress of
> abolition sentiment, is the remarkable condii
tionof things that now exists throughout the
country in relation to the admissiop of California
intp the Union. I venture to say that
never in the history of. this Government.has
any important question been presented
i for the consideration of Congress where parr
ty lines wefe all broken down a? they have
> been on tliis question'. - ft is in- A'dthuiistra
tion measure?one which certainly reflects
t, but little credit upon its wisdom and patriots
ism. Parties have but recently emerged
? from the heat of a presidential struggle, and
i upon alf other questions,save this alori#,which
, hare been introduced into this House at. the
i present session, partisan gladiators have wag
cd as fierce a ccmtest as in days of yore- Iri
rpimlnr nnrl nKioftinnnUo ou itia PnllftimlA
proceedings have been, but one solitvy B^,
prescntutive (I refer ugnip to my friend Mr.
a Ross) from the free StatesJ)a<* avowed hira3.
self opiK?cd to its admission into the Union;
1 parties are broken down?the North.is maki
ing it a sectional qaesfioii. Northern Whigs
0 and Northern Democrats, TVIhig Frce-Soiled
1 and Democratic' Free-Toilers all rally upd'n
0 this common ]>latfo*ni^. ,#nd,;the emulation
between them is great wno'ah'al lbe foreipost
1 'in introducing this" embryo Stale into tlio
i Union. Some of ihe objections , to its ad*
mission into the UtiionJ Twill briefly notice,
a No ceovus had.been takcn either by the au\
ll j\ n ? kn tl./\ rvia
n^nn^^K
gress, but by a military ofliccr, who, by virtuo
of tho commission lio bold under tho
Government of ibe Uuitcd States, exercised
tbeTunctions of civil governor, llis ukase
direcicd that tho convention should consist
of 37 members. After the convention was
ejected, it nsSwiibled, and, by a vote for which
it had no authority, not even from the mili
tary dictator, it increase^ the number of delegates
from 37 to 79, atid allowed the ad
ditional number, without referring it. Jo the
people, to take their seats, they .being the defeated
candidates at the election. Iu my
judgment it was tho duty of tho President
to have censured the oflicer who thus exercised
the high prerogative of military dictator.
.If tho President had desired to carry
out tho will of &>ngvens according to his
. n; P.S.i ..... i i
Lii.iL uilHXTr uyiliu UUL JJilVC CSCajXrU
punishment, for Congress at its last sessioh
positively refused to allow the people of California
to do that which'the military governor,
by a military order or proclamation, bearing
striking analogies to an order, instructed
them to do.
Who arc the people of California? A
world in miniature?the four quarters of the
globe arc represented there. No naturalization
laws having been passed, there was no
legal impediment to their exercising the right
of suffrage. The whole proceeding?not
having the consent of Congress, the rightful
legislature of tho territory?was illigal and
revolutionary. I repeat, Mr. Chairman, that
with all these irregularities we find every party
in CoiVgress from tho Northern Suites ill
ia\oroi uio admission or vjaurornia into tuo
Union?and why? For no other reason
than that slavery lias teen excluded by her
constitution. It" hor people had assembled
under lawful authority, with an ascertained
population equal to the present ratio of representation,
they alone would have had the
power to determine tho question whether
slavery should or should not exist within her
limits. If that decision had been to exclude
slavery, no murmur of complaint would have
been heard from any Southern man ; but 1
undertake to say here, if slavery had been
tolerated, we should have found, just as unanimous
a sentiment in tho Northern States
against her admission into the Union as we
now find in favor of that proposition; and
L do not make this assertion without good
foundation. "When Florida applied for admission
into the Union, a large minority in
Congress voted against it. when every initiatory
step had been regular, on the isolated
ground that she was a slaveholding State.
I- have other evidences, Mr. Chairman, of
Northern sentiment upon tho subject of binvery.
The speec h recently delivered by the
distinguished Senator from Massachusetts,
J.YL' Wolvster.) nnO the notion of tl><? TTouso
in laying upon the bible the resolution of the
gentleman from Ohio, in tho early part of
tho session, has induced tho belief in the
South that a sense of justice had returned to
their Northern brethren. These appearances
are deceptive. It is an illusion which I
deeply deplore. The Svuator from Massachusetts
made a truly patriotic speech ; but
what did be propose i All tbat be offered
?H3?,-to..give to tlie Soutb ber elearly-detiued
^It
tip'n by bis voto ana voiw.
speech been received in the State of Massachusetts,
of which he is the proudest orna*meiit
I. Her legislature was in session; and
fearing lest that sjjeeeh might contain the
balm to heal tho divisions of the* country,
otratffLficnv unw *\r?i?ar\r? tvoo nnurA/l A *V%r%
- ! IUW W.O
wound. Resolutions were passed, taking tho
strongest anc|. most offensive grouyd,, Tfyey
did not instruct Iiiiu, it is true, for (tie dominant
party do uot assume the right to instruct;
byt that Senator has not been sustained by
his immediate constituents. A few have elt:
dorsed his sentiments, but a large majority
of the people and of the press of'Massachusetts,
have condemned him. He has not
been more fortunate here?one after fjnoth__
_ # iC/; "taJy/-?-il* 1*- V
er oi iuo ju.-u^pcuuaeua (wiegauou. HO,
dressed the committee, all assuming positions
adverse to those taken by Mr. Webster.-;*
The only hope of aid in this Hduse tookdffl
departure to-flay, Wh?n the honorable gentleman
who preeode&roe'(Mr. Wmthmpj-annonnccd
himself in favor of G^mSw^wlori
wwtatesmanlike plan of-fettling the existing
. .difficulties. Daniel WewteV once spoke and
;could speak for ,,Now Jcnalsnd. The wares
of fanaticism 1j$v<$e ov?*;iIie Iriie&pi
the* Pilgrim Fathers, and'^We sweeping of)
the influence find power" of her test and
brightest men. When hb genius has proved
itself impotent.to stay this onward wave
in the minds of those he has so much honored,
upon what ground can the .&jnih real
hCT;fo^.gjfoM. M Mfcty to tbb Gov
i.Jrm- ...J-'Jtri _ ?* 1?1 ! :
^ ^r^no aciion or me uou?(j m la^iiijj ivvute
tittle in their devotion to?|
- of that measuro . nro
Northern iwuUwen^
effcct abolitiou in the- States, through the
legislation of this Government, without violating
the Constitution; and they admit,
further that they will do it by indirect means,
but ti'Qir constitutional scruples forbid direct
legislation ill abolishiug slavery.
Now, sir, I have a great contempt for the
morality or honesty of that sort of reasoning
which would make an act unconstitutional
if executed directly, but satisfies the conscience
that it is constitutional if done in
I directly. ' .
The institution of slavery beiJlga " hational
shamo and a ilatiohal disgrace" in the
opinion of the North, and having the power
to abolish it by indirect means, the legislation
of this Government (for the North
liave the majority) is to be hostile to our institutions.
yVethen presctit this auomoly,
that S.Government established by wise and
patriotic men for the security and safety of
the persons and property of all its parts?a
Government which derives its sustenance by
taxation upon nil its parts, is to depart bo far
from the purposes ot its creation as to destroy,
by its hostile- legislation, the property
of one-half of tliti States composing that Government
'7 and that, too, when the States
thus threatened are in such a hopeless millilPltl*
in Prinnrrnco tluit. tl?nv nra iirt'iKli* tr?
,j ... ?
protect themselves against the hostile, unconstitutional
legislation. The value of our
slave property is some sixteen hundred millions
of dollars; this is to bo destroyed
through a majority ?
The rule for construing the Constitution,
which is fast being established, is, that the
majority have the right to rule, aud whatever
construction they give is the true construction.
Such, Mr. Chairman, is uot our
reading or construction of that instrument
The Constitution is to protect tile rights of
minorities ; majorities have always the ability
to protect themselves. If they have the
absolute right of making and construing, then
there is no necessity for a written constitu
tion. If the will of the majority is absolute,
it is the strong against the weak?the law of
i force which existed between individuals- bei
foro Governments was instituted. If the
1 power now claimed for the Northern States
| is persovered fn, it requires no spirit of proTiliecv
to foresee that it must end in disunion.
I The institution of shivery i* po intimately
I interwoven with society, and is so indispenj
sible to our social, political, and national
| prosperity, that it will not be surrendered so
! long as there is a Southern hand to stiko in
its defence. We intend to preserve and perpetuate
it. Wo have another demand, and
that is, that we shall be allowed to enjoy ouf* j
property iu pence, quiet and security 4 I tell i
Northern gentlemen to-day, that five years !
will not elapse before they will be required
to make their choice between non-intervention
and non agitation through Congress on
the ono hand, and a dissolution of this Government
on the other; and! tell Southern
r>0Ati1<> if tlltu Mffltntmn 13 AAntirtiin.'l /iiirimr
rvv|"M * vuny^uMwuM to winmuyu |
that time, their pence antl personal security |
will t quire them Id choa 6 between scccMion
and negro emancipation. Sir, I do not desire
to bo considered an alarmist; but if
gentlemen will recur to ihe history of the
country, they will learn that the anti-slavery
JfjVlY -was contemptible and insignificant,
f ngjv grown to be a great colossal
^ ov^rshadomiiuf::
is as rapid in
last ten, you wiij find nq. Northern represent
tatives.wno will ?o*far pujtrage the scntimcut
of his constituents ns to oppose even the
abolition of slavety in the States.
: I will hero digress, Mr. Chairman, to reply
to a comnlaifiV jvjiich* has beeij urged.by
several Northern geiitlemen, charging, tliftt
the South has for Hi series of yeai^qccupfeir
the f ederal offices/ On retureiicetffUie paaf,
it will bo found to >be toj^^h^^the Soutli
fices of ^^xj^eiTtn^OT^tban those of the
, North**vIam able to a satisfactory reason
jufFilm fact, and to show whence it arises.
\Vft9na|outh erni^an onU-m into public life,
i' f&& brought iu byjhe party to which lie is
J&^Hed. atfii liois con'ti^ea in office, if he
I Hfe ? faithful representative, so long as his
i party continues in the ascendency, or until
' ufefc^chooses voluntarily to retire. In the
? j&irih n diff&reiitf rule prevails?notation in
'(^}p6M;the.recognised system with all par[
ties. The rule may b* a correct one in ofi
ficea of profit merely, but when applied to
? A- -.1 oi.?. __ W.J I iL.
t- representatives, euner ouue ur ruuciiu, tuo
F coD8tiuent can never be so well ^presented,
f Southern ttien/?*raaia longer in Cougrw?;
. they have thtsrfcfbre better opportunities for
j the development of their genius ami talent,
. arid their experience gives then) the aavah,
tage .over abfer meu who are without expe.
rience, their services becomo mow conspio*
uous; and when individuals are selected for
[ prominent stations in the Governthey
t ,ar# placed there because they have more
K national repqtatioD. But Northern gentle
; jiuo uw-wj
51tl* ^
person in the North fcl 02, and at the South
$1 90. I propose to advert to a few items
only, which I suppose the clerk did not eml^rnve
iu lib calculations. They will show
which section of the Onion liaa foraged .ropst
liberally froT&ihB public treasury. The expenditure
for pensions up to 1838 amounted . v
m the Northern States to $28,000,00p '*
*1-.. O.?.1 L'1.1 /- en nnn nun XT
111 iuu ouuinvrii oiiul'3 w^^uuujuuu, ,l\cnr.
York contributed to tlio support of the Ret
volutionnry war 97,179,98,3, niul had fts*
ceivcd in 1838, itt peilsions, $7,850,054.., ,
The public lands donated by Congress fu , ,'V
tlio Northern States have ,been iVqrth
$7,584,899 ; the same in Soutfi $4,025,000i
Since the establishment of the Government, -__x
the cost of collecting tho customs has been. 1 C. '
$53,000,000 ; $43,000,000 expended in tho ?
North, and ?10,000,000 in "the South*
Bounties on pickled fobj jkdj in the UCofetJij'
exclusively, $10,000,000. Tho forts on tho
Northern coast liavo cost, on each mile,
$838; on the Southern const $535 per mile;. ' ? c
In 1840 there was oiie fight-house to eVet-y.
fifty miles of Northern coast; whilst in tho
iSoiJtli there was one for every two hundred - >?
and sevchty-six miles. The expenditures
for internal improvements from ilS'24ityi
1833, in tho North, was $5,194,441in thti
South $957,000. From 1834. to 1.845, folf
the same purpose, in tho North, $7,231,039}
and iu the South $1,171,500. M r, ^
This fiittch, sir, with, reference- to what Clio.
gentleman said about appropriations. I proy>? 7 pose
now to examine so much of the geutf$?y>-' '
man's speech a? to tho .re!ati%TfjfttW?U8f of. ' '
troops furnished by the North, and tho "
in the late war with Mexico. I adopt hii
figures and assume them to be correct. Tlio
South furnished 47,049 volunteers; the
North 24,712. The j^etitJemcjn says that
this is.not. tlio fair way of making the calcu->
lation?that the amount of service reudored .
in months is " tho fairest way of makiug the
calculation." His tiguras show that tho,
South furuished scrvico in months 305,50Cj
months; the North 309,400; This still
gives tho South a preponderance. Not cont
tented, hjjwflvef, with this result;, he sets out
upon a third series of figures, that ho maygive
the North the superiority. This calculation
includes nil the enlistments made di^ ,'
ring the \?Rr, ns ul$o for .-the ten new regiments
; and sissunies that two-thirds of thes^
enlistments wero from the North; and when
his calculation is footed up, the North fur- *
nished service equal to 813,048 month, and -,v* - "'
tlm South equal to 027,625 months.' Well;
I go back to the census of1 1840, and he, at y
least, can make no objection to the authority* '
linking, appealed to this source in the first
branch of Iiis argument. I therefore takp. ^;
hi* figures, reply with his authority. If tlio N
South furnished-17,049 voluuteers, according, J
to the population" the North should liavo ' (
furnished 98,148. ^h.cy furnished 24,712?
deficit.of their just proportion 73,430, .-C T / '
The South furnished service of volunteers *
in months equal to 305,500 taonths. TliaNorth
should have furnished/1 service in . V "
months e,qual to 754,020 month's f thejAfurV
nkliedf 309,400?deficit of their jifitfp.xj-. -
portion 444,-020. But if the enlistments Are ^ >'
superadded to the. above, it .will be seed thajjf"
the North furufslicd in months equal, v V
m a /? J A - a1- - O-l-il- nnh nn- rnt* * Af '4' ' A
oio,u+o; me oouiu oz/,ozo. iiic *
should have furnished service in motitltW
deficit of lier jj^ist pro^ -^^0^^
made by Southern m'embr? ^on tTiis
tWit the S^uth cuntri\)nted ^iore liinn. lxer/ .
jifit proportion of troops in making the ac? . *', ? 7v
: quLsjtio^i ^ from Mexitb Which jtlio ijN-or^H.-> jj '
; inea%tp^cludo ua.^i:orn, either through the - ft
-WiJidot prdvis,c?^iffo^iw)t-intcrvep,twrS'> f . .
policy, in connection AVUir,t}t<^r<rtenco that .
the Mexican I.1?8 are In forca^-^Ie weiflr / . ?
'a little further, and introduced. ([ v.jji
inut? of the servico bv thj-Noith and.tire uhi?
South iu the Itevolulfuuary war. i ^ J
for the cutinetital line of tLo IteVohttapjo! -$>
tho North furnished 172,430 men,
It is known, Mr. Chairman,' to every ',' *'[* # '**
who ie famili.-a* witji the history of tjie
olutiou, that a very largo; proportion OIjtljd* ~*^u riv "^.
troops that>cre engaged in that protracted v and
perilous contest were not connected
with the continental army;. Jf the frqntjqj
man hadipiade an accurate examination of. ? <
the number of troops fnrnished by each of thOj. -M"
States, he would have found that Viginiaw..
alone furnished 50,721. Pcritraylvania.yritii
a population, equal to Virginia, furnished
34,005; New York 29,830; South Cmjjfi?
ua 31,131. _ South Carolina sent thirty,-j$evgn
out of e^nly forty ty-^wcy of, hep citi/e|is
pable of bearing arms, JSLweaciiusetw uuTOj"
\yfo, Connecticut thirty, New Hampshire
eighteen. .. . ' \
I will answer ^rith ftatistical facts tne 4c'
lusion existing in^lbe minds of some, wj(io a
believe that thq p^'uniary and.ftocial coud;rtfon
is more ?fev^d'jtvV$to iTorth than irt
the South. \Yenavq heard that. Virginia
nfras si^?gVrjv?l? felling fast into de?>y; that...
her sister Statsfe have advanced in prosperity'