Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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" l.ll'.KKTV AM) MV NAT'Vi: SOU.." < < 'I lAIJI.KS II. \ I.I. K.N. / :./} tor. \ j Ablirviiie I'. I!., S. l.s i WKDNKSDAY. NHPT. ??. is 1(5. f i pir" W c aiv i'f'i|uost?.'<l t<> state that | Ai.rnixs I5.\ki:i:} jr., Ksq. will <leliver a temperance a<Mress in the Me- ( thoJUt Church. on to-morrow (Thurs- ( (lay) afternoon, at ha'f past 1 o'clock. . v We have received several com- 1 mnnication^. which shall appear as car- ; ly as practicable. jtO3 We regret to learn that tho catcrpiilar is in il?ini* its appearance in tlu: cotton in this ! >isiri?M. and that consi- ' dera'ile damage has already been done . i by ill-Jin in suino sections. It. is .stated in the la>t Cn.ro!innm. ' that .Air. Mol )rrru: lias sii/nid^l lii.s in- : tention to l' tif from i!i<: L'niteil Slates 1 Senate: an-1 a eorn'spnn-lujl in the t Charleston P-''rb>!. <nir^ests Co!. I'\ II. < Klmori: us :i suiriblo p::-rs*ji) to succeed <. hitn. ( I jLLjv" We arc in<!cljU:<l to ?omo mi- j known friend for a catalogue of tlio oliiccrs and students of Krskino Collect', for the session of IS !!'>. We are grati- , liovl to learn that this institution is in a ( very flouriihin;.j condition. The An- j nual Commencement will lake placc on the IGth instant, ami tlio Anniversary j Oration before the LiUrary Societies ( i.. a. i: ~.i i ... /-ill < >.- - i! i!l V- U'.lll'.'ltu U\ . J J. V Hill. i The facilities for acquiring a liberal t education are greater, we may safely 1 say, in Abbeville District, than in any 1 other in the State. "With such institu- 1 tion.s as Hrslcine and Cokesbury in our J | midst, we have no fear that our District < will lose her literary reputation, but * that she will continue to bo called the ' "Athens" of South Carolina. The ( strict attention to morals in these insti- j tuticn?. cannot foil to exert a beneficient ? influence upon society in general. < < Me xico.?The news from Mexico is j : full of interest. Santa Anna's star is 1 once mori towering to its zenith. He , is now in Vera Cruz, 110 longer an ex- | ileil emperor or an execrated prisoner, I trembling for his life, but the lauded and ) the praised. The reign of Paueuics is "] at an end, and he who was instrumental ' in overthrowing and imr>ri$onimr Santa s - a o *" Anna, lias bcon overthrown and impri- s so nod himself. The revolution has been ' completed?Mexico and l'uebla have J pronounced lor Federation and Santa t Anna. 1 What will bo the result of Santa An- '> na's return to .Mexico, is doubtful. It is 1 possible he may incline to peace; for ! he has too much sagacity to prosecute a ( war with any hope of success against so i powerful an enemy as the United States. ' We therefore conclude that if this mat- j ter is left to his decision, the war will he brought to a speedy close. , We learn also that Gen. Taylor had \ arrived at Camargo : and that the town ' of China, some 65 miles from Camargo, had been taken without opposition by ( Capt. McCulloch, of the Texan Ran gers, on the 5th ultimo. Col. Seguin, ' with 100 Mexicans was in the town, but ' retreated upon the appearance of the ( Americans. ! Another Mexican depot of arms and l ammunition have been discovered at 1 Ma ta morns. I ] jDCS~ The papers at Washington, the < Union and Intclligencer, have given notice that hereafter they will not publish at length the speeches of the members of Congress unless compensated for it. The war with Mexico, it is saiil, i will cost this country 8100,000,000. i (run Tim ?anm:ii.) TEW Pi :RANCH NOTIONS. Mr. Editor:?When we penned 1 Temperance Notion?." we did not an icipato that wo would bo called to ties* j lass a second time upon the public, by j >ccupying your columns with this sub- j cct. I Jut the tone of a lengthy arti- j le, purporting to reply, in your paper >f the I'Jth ultimo, makes it necessary hat we should again be heard, or leave he impression that we are driven from ho lb-Id. " I). 1 v' lir>t dissents from our opinion, : that ;i greater inlluence can be exerted >ver an enlightened people, by the genie art of persuasion, as a method of rc rmation, tSi;iu by any resort to forced estrictions." 1 le proceeds, by denying he existence of force in the legislature j >r civil goWrnrniMit. The drift of his i jnyument is, that the people themselves i listlv?i the law ; that law " is the public | fentiment, the public wish and will," j mil consequently the citizen obeys only ' 1>C.V! n?:i? it l<% III-; rluiiri* " W:ic nvi.r . loctrines more in conllict with tho true j principles oi morality and the science j jf government promulgedV Is not tho J lV;ill?T :i.st Oil 11 (1 < 1 to lll>:ir tllfrn rrivi vol \r I - - - => ~-'J irL'cl ? Wo assort that force is the ve"V essence and constitution of civil law : ir.d if necessary, \vc could sustain it >y all the authors that ever wrote ipon the subject. It was from the necessity of rcufulatinir societv that civil govern men I originated, The necessity jf remedying evils which were not cfectcd or reached by the divine or natural aw ; of establishing rules which were ibsolutely necessary for the temporal ivelfarc of society, in compelling its indi fidimi members to observe their relative luiios ; and of furnishing- us with a rule >y which \vc could demand our rights md redress our wrongs. Had all men )t?en perfect in their creation, and never lorruptcd?had they been too wise to uisconceive their rights and duties, anu r\r\ r% rnnti???/\ *) ?#-? tU??.r '? v/\-? Ai'L/i J iw t Vlj UIJ U lilUL dilUUlll UU breed to observe them?then, civil government never would have been instiutcd. 1 ,et us consult the great author which " D. L." seems to rely so much in, and see if he does not sustain us in dur views. Sir William Blacstonk ;ays, " civil law is a rule of civil conduct, :o7?i?nan</itig what is right and prohibi'i/iif what is wrong; it is called a rsile, !o distinguish it from advice or counsel; from a compact or agreement; the lanTIlfUTA f\ f fl /mrrt > T - ? -II 1 ^ \jl 11 v.uuijmLi A will Ui Will HOI .lo this; that of a law, thou shalt or shalt not do it. Advice or counsel, wc ire at liberty to follow or not, as we see proper, and to judge of the reasonable jr unreasonableness of the thing advised; ivhereas, our obedience to the law depends not upon our approbation, but upon ho makers1 will. Does that which comI 1 ? M * nanus ana proniDits exert no force or reilraint t Is that which compels us to ict without consulting our reason or wishes, a matter of our "choice," and 'quite mild" enough to supersede persuasion? Docs the law exercise no force upon the community, because it is the public sentiment, and the community wills it? Then the culprit who par icipaies in making the law which hangs him, dies by his own 11 will and choice," and the force or restraint of the gallows is gone. Is there no force in the court ;>r its rules?in its sentence?in the sheriff, or its officers? They are but the organs of the people, and they cannot exert a force upon those whose ; choice" it was to establish them. No force in the execution, which snatches from a man his property and incarce rates his body 'I All these are but powerful instruments of the law, which prove our assertion, that force is its very essence and constitution. But ah! it is 1 the language of disaffection and licentiousness" to speak of force and restraint, ' enterinQ* the head of a nrood citizen o t t O md law-abiding man." Now if we were to reason as " D. L." does when he answers our remarks as to the influence of persuasion upon an enlightened people, we would say, all are not "good," all are not" law-abiding." ? But we will be more generous, and admit to u D. L." Lhat if he can controll the good and l J: _r i.*w-uuiunij? ciu^una ui mo cviiiiininuy, he may by the same means, probably, control the world. Will he then admit Lhat if we can control the " enlightened" by persuasion, we may, probably, con trol the unenlightened, since the former give direction to public opinion ? The reasoning of" D. L." on this subject (of lisaflcction) would lead to the conclusion that the legislature is a standing and unchangeable thing, always composed ol the same body and enforcing the same j doetrmcs, totally excluding tho right or necessity of appeal or amendmrnt. j Whereas the history of the world abun i dantly testifies, that each succeeding j generation arises but to remodel or deV i: !. ii. ? i < -i ? I invi;r>il IIIU wui li OI IliO preceding-, I whilst experience ha? proved, that it is j sometimes as much a duly to resist iro- i vcrnment as it is to obey it. For ifov- ! crtimciit>, like all human institutions ! may ho defective ; they, ldco individti- j als, may, and often do, err. In fact, there is not a vice, even the darkest ever committed, which in some aijos and sectinric nf tlm u'lifl.l Ki?? ??->? lV-?. ??? *'! vtw ..u iiiu n v'l ivij lino I1UI IVF1? 11 < I till mi vocato in public opinion, of which government is the exponent. In Sparta, theft was at one time rewarded by her laws. Suicide has in one ago of the world been encouraged its a leat ot magnanimity and heroism ; in another it has been made felony Tin so reflections lead us to think that law is nol always sacred and inviolable ; and that we may conceive of even resistance to law where there is no other attainable redress, without incurring the charge of :t disaffection and licentiousness" Pai.ky, in speaking ot the obligation of mankind to render obedience to civil government, discourses to this eflect: That civil governors should respect their subjects; that they should bear in mind the fact, that, the jiht/siral ..i 'i. : i - - i it.n:iigin / cm.u-s ill LUC ifori'MCil, WHICH, 11 excited would lay prostrate the most powerful government; that civil authority is founded in opinion, and that general opinion, therefore, ought always to be treated with delicacy and circumspection. The same author assigns as the only reason of the subject's obligation to government: ki The icill of Hod as collected Irom expediency." 13 ut we must not speak of the expediency or policy of measures. " It is the watch-word of tho wary politician and the wily Jessuit.:' " 1 impolitic'! a strange word.not known in the vocabulary of the honest and the brave." We have yet to learn, how honesty and bravery and duty, conflict Willi n/lllrtif 1^ f H - ".WW Mivu puiiuj, L-/. u. tUIIIWUIIU^ himself when he affirms that " duty is always politicand llien, in the same breath, cautions igainst bending duty Jp policy. Now we think that policy is a term known to every vocabulary, save that of the jauGtic. It is fanaticism which carries its measures, regardless of the expediency, the policy, or reason Vji UilU^O. It is not the language of enthusiasm, which, when speaking of, even grogshops, advocates seizing the club or battle-axe of the Michigan women and rushing with " honest indignation, directly to annihilate the. whole line en an instant" But we do not mean to charge D. L. wiiii fanaticism, wnen wo say lie uses its language, far be it from us. How consistent is the author of the reply when he quotes " honesty as the best policy," after having asserted in his strictures upon that head, that policy was unknown to the honest. We are who ly unable to see the application, or perceive the meaning of this quotation where it is used, unless it be to cast reflections upon Amo Tjikos. But we will not suffer this to be converted into a personal issue ; if it is meant to insinuate that we advocate doctrines which we do not honestly entertain, for saltish motives, we pass it by as, at least, un worthy ot its author. We are ralher doubtful as to the correctness of the opinion, that morality is as much an object of the legislature as the preservation of life or property. We are inclined to think that, whenever morality is effected by legislation it is incidental to the ends of government; that we never can bo made mor:il hv lonriclntirm ... -j - r,? unless it converts itself into some form by which it can strike nt the seat or inception of immorality, or purify the heart and move the mind as the great regulator of thought and action. If the D # O legislature is made the source and hope of morality, had we not better strike oilt that feature of the constitution which declares that no religious qualification shall be necessary for members, and send only t: 5 religious lo legislate, thereby bringing about a result, which it has been the policy of this government irom its foundation most studious to guard against, tho blending of church and state. But we will not urge. this. The author of the reply, asserts strongly the distinction between the le gisiauve, judicial, ana executive departments of jurisprudence. This we are ready to admit as an axiom. But we think at the same time, that he has fallen far short of meeting our argument. We contended that to indict was to employ the means of the legislature ; and that the distinction between indicting and legislating so far as the principle of employing force upon the subject was concerned, was "hair splitting." We contended purely for the expediency of the thing, and never once denied the il right," which D. L. proceeds so grave ly to assert. What does it mean then, when we are told that the 11 policy "nd argument of Amo Tiikos are to divest D. L. of some of the highest duties and dearest privileges of citizenship." What does it mean when we see asserted the right of temperance men and town council men, to indict ';as citizens," when we never impugned that right, hut sim . . I 1 A I I I I * f . I piy uij^ru ilie [j.ui jlullCV Ol Hieill mineting o.s trailers of i/ic temperance reform awl as a mean for (he fvrlheranee o' tempera ace principles. Has D. L. fairly met the issue tendered, and argued the propriety or expediency of legislation ? 1 Has he lHJt rntln>r nlnvorl till' " wiltr In. suit" in harping upon words, and cautiously insinuating (by inference) that the end sanctified the means, instead of coining up boldly to tin; mark, and leai dinjj out his jade! We take it as an evidence of weakness in his cause, when hi; makes these shifts in search of argument. But probably it is policy not to lead out on logislat on, since the people might become excited, and play /u#A, bur and the game. But by far the highest grounds taken j in the reply, is to deny that moral sua .iiuii ??tio insii uiiii'iiitti in iiu; i triui mil I lion. Affirming that il was nol the ; work of I<utiikk, of moral suasion &c. I but of llio spirit." Now it strikes us, since this position is taken, that it might be better to submit the temperance cause, to thu 11 spirit." If the reformation was th(! snirit. 1.1-rnri; wns I'nrtnmlir tli? I -I > 7* *J agent, and moral suasion the agency. 11 the progress of the church be the -work ol the spirit, the apostles or ministers of Christ were its chosen agents, and moral suasion its agency, or the instrumentality through which it was ef j leeted. Consequently the examples gii von to sustain the power arid efficacy of | persuading, preachinjr, and convincing, are not at all weakened, but rather strengthened, from appearing as the chief'means by which God extends the work of his salvation! Will temperance men reject the weapon of God, as too weak to fight their battles! We feel fully secure in saying as we said before, that l" liUTHKit. inculcated doctrines, liltf! din fntl n<l-l ? l/in fnv tlm n.^vlill.s <> ..UW juuimnuuii iUl UlU \* UI IU O reformation, unaided by any other power than that of " moral suasionWc say it is the great instrument by which tho world has been enlightened, revolutionized, and reformed; and all the quirks and machinations of those who I sicken at the term.and are disposed to scoff . its power, can never smother the fact; crushed to earth it will rise and impress itself irresistably and visibly upon the public mind. We had intended when we wrote before, to have noticed another branch of this subject, viz: Is the present policy of refusing license, a good one ? Is the quantity ol spirits consumed,diminished, and tcmpcrance thereby advanced. Is there not as much drinking in Abbeville District now, as was under the license system?does the policy of refusing it not throw retailing into the hands of irresponsible men, who sell regardless of i law ; and who, when indictcJ, are una| ble to pay o fine, but must be imprisoned I ... l.~ ] IU IUII uiu oiuiu iu eApeiisu and be turned loose again to pursue their work of corruption ? Does it not encourage these same characters to sell in neighborhoods,at their private houses, where they sell to negroes, and associ ate with them as fit compeers?and are these not equally the "sinks of iniquity, which corrupt the purity of elections, i the slave population" &t\. as licensed i grogshops ? Is not the State, then, dei prived ol that source ol its revenue to but i little purpose? We throw out these re llri'tions lor the consideration oi tli public without urging them as an argu* mentVVe pass by the " grand conspicuous distinctions1' between " public and private morals"? ' temperance and social order"?the disertation on the relative duties of "husband and wife"?the Ai- j If e n a lid Ornnn v i1 In r?>*nl tit inn? :i rwl ?l-?? I witicisrns on the church?us irrelevant to us. Now Mr. Editor?we have done; and do not feel that we should stand corrected in one solitary point by the argumentation of D. L. It is true we have not attempted to correct all of his misconceptions, since it would have prolonged our piece beyond the limits of your paper. YVe have tried to observe a becoming modesty and respect in the expression of our opinions ; we hope that nought we have said can effect the temperance cause, or wound the feelings, of even the most zealous temperance member?if so we apologise for it, whilst we take our leave of the public, perhaps forever upon this subject: Standing however upon our reserved rights. A mo Tiieos. The Bible has been translated into, and is now printed or written in, one hundred and fifty languages. (fou this banner.) D IF K L L I N G. Mr. Elitor:?In a religio'is civilized community, every kind of iniquity oujfht to be banished or suppressed; especially those evils which endanger the lives of cjood citizens, corrupt the morals, and set at naught the laws of the land. Duelling' is >111 evil of this kind. It is a srhirinif, high-handed crime Those who engage in this honorable warfare, trample presumptuously on law and gospel, on their own sense of duty, on the tears and cries of kindred and friends, and on the moral sensibilities of the community. I And what benefit does the communiI tv derive from duelling- as a eomnensa lion for all this combination of evi.3 that arise out of, or are connected with this wicked custom? Whose morals arc improved? whose heart is cheered as some worthy citizen falls on the field of false honor? Does the surviving duellist himself return from the bloody scene exulting in the deed of death, pleased to recount to the excited and applaudingprniVfU fllilt Qlirrmillfl lum Inc rlnnrl nf v? v > vtw W i I i I ^ tl IO UU'yU \J K noble daring? No; no such crowds surround him, at k-ust from the moral7 law-loving portion of community ; and instead of exulting in the thought, that he has imbrued his hands in a brothers blood, and sent liim unprepard to the bar of God?continual sorrow and sadness t\,\net fill K 10 U/iAi'f nrk<i 11 cc rAii*?r??i Iliuci nil 11 IO ULtlllj HI 11.1 <i IL'lUIUl 1UU" king1 for of judgement," hnrrass his mind. Now the question is, will society support or connive sit this abominable custom? Shall men be allowed lonsrcr to bravo, ami insult, ami dishonor the christian community by engagiifn; in this murderous old custom? or shall not some vigorous measures be adopted to suppress effectually a practice so pernicious, and so destitute of any thing good to commend it to the minds of of sober men ? All pfloltlms linm mnl.-ino* wr> nn. derstand, for several years, in the legislature of this State, to introduce a clause in the constitution, to suppress the practice of duelling. This effort has not yet been crowned with success. Cannot something be done on the part of the people to secure the triumph of principle, ami a correct practice on the subject of duelling? We cannot, at present, carry the matter to the ballot box, but wo can petition. A long list of influential names sent up from diflercnt parts of the State against duelling, would exert a powerful influence in the legislature, and would prompt to the enactment of a law prohibiting those fatal re-encounters which begin in honor and end in disgrace and death. And if any thing can hn nrrnmidishrfl hv nptifinns tnvv.irH? suppressing duelling, will not every honest citizen, who loves law, and subordination to law, and hates rnulice and murder, send up his name, praying the legislature to adopt such forcible mea sun-s as will lead to the. suppression, at once and forever, of the bloody, odious custom of duelling. The present is as suitable a time i <13 any onu couiu wish V) move on nils subject. I will draw up :i brief form of a petition which cm be drawn offby individuals in the different p;iiis of the district, and of the Mate, and circulated, and I nanu s procured in time to forward the I same to the next session of the lejrislsij ture. It i* to be hoped that even duelI list tiiemselvi-s, ami every man who ! i _ i. _ ? i. _ I. _ _ __ i _ i . i juves ins country, iht noiior, ii?jr i iws, and her religion will Knd his name, .md exert his influence in nullifying forever * the " code ol honor." Lindo. PETITION. To the Honorable, the Senate., and House of R -presetUativm ol the Slate of ^out-k C irolinn in Legislature ass-mblcd:? We, the undersigned, citizen? of Abbeville District South Carolina, feeling aggrieved at the prevalence of duelling in our district and State, do hereby petition your honorable body to adopt such measures as shall tend effectually to suppress this iniquitous custom. VVc need scarcely depict to you the aggraved evils that arise out of this practice, and its ut* ter destitution of every thing that is good. Duelling is an enormous complicated crime. It is a palpable violation of God's law, and of the laws of the State. It often deprives a family of a son, or a father?an ornament and protector, and tKo ctnto r\f a ? 1 *1 *- ^ ?..V, U> u xuiiiiy Liutun, UIIU uiuiior no crime worthy of death, or of bonds. It is called an " affair of honor," but it is an afTair that is attended only by " lamentation, mourning, and woe." It encourages the spread, and prevalence of malevolence, revenge, and murder. It snatches from a family, for soma paltry, punctilious offence, its head, its glory and prop, and gives in