The daily phoenix. (Columbia, S.C.) 1865-1878, November 08, 1867, Image 1
?WS i
Daily Paper $8 ? Year
"Let our Just Censure
PHONIX
Attend the True Event.'
Tri-Weekly $5 a Year
BY JULIAN A.. SELBY.
COLUMBIA. 3. C.. FRIDAY MORNING. NOVEMBER 8, 1867.
VOLUME III-NO. 199
THE PHONIX
PUBLISHED DAUA' AND Titi-WEEK LA".
EVEUT WEDNESDAY MOnKlNG.
BY JULIAN A. SELBY,
GITT riilhiisit.
Office ot Main street, a few doors above
Taylor (orCamdon) street.
TEHMS-INAD VANCE.
\ 8UB8011IPTIOM.
Daily Tape! six months.$1 00
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kuVEBTISEMENTS
Inserted at "rt couts per square for tho first
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Weekly 75 cots each insertion.
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\ AGENTS.
Spartanburi-Hiram Mitchell.
W. O. MoortlAbbovillo.
j. B. Allon, fester.
' .TuliuH Poppa Anderson C. H.
8. P. Kinardjiewberry 0. H.
W. T/Sims,'tiion.
J. M. Allen, (loenville.
Connery dav o Convention.
ADDRBSSVO THE PEOPLE.
CJOIIUMBIA, I C., November 7.
The Con vent! A re-assembled at 12
o'clock-Presilnt Obesnut in tho
Chair. I
The ?ames \ Messrs. W. H. Tal?
ley, D. B. Delaussnre and A. R.
im Taylor-of the jfchland delegation
were accidental! omitted from the
list of delegates ftiblished yesterday.
The Committal on Business sub?
mitted two reposa-one an address ;
to the people of the State, and the .
other decja?n certain principles
which slv v d lie maintained. A
spirited dita* ensued, which was ,
narticipated ii by! Messrs. Chesnut, (
Gilbert. \t\l later, Perry, IngliB, (
Townet?, Reynold*, Aldrich, Bland- ,
ing, Wallace, Haili 1 ton, Hampton, .
? Pope and ?hersT The sentiments ,
expressed ty (Iiancellor Inglis, j
touched the karts bf all his hearers, '
and the worra of nlvice and caution
given by till "oil man eloquent," ?
will long be r?nen^ered. The report
on princip?esete, l was laid on the
table, and thenollo\ing unanimously ',
adopted : Pl \
TO THE riiOPiii OF SOUTH OAKOII?NA.
FKU?OW-CIT .ENS? In times of great j
public da/iger^theunstinct of self- ,
preservation pnmptl a people to as- j
semble and oo?\r together upon the
issues that th(Vsteri logic of events .
forces upon tl*ir attention. Tho .
citizens of Sontl?jardina stand to-day .
in this position.^ becomes our duty,
therefore, to tau counsel together, .
and to announci?ir oonclusions tem- (
perately, but firlW and fearlessly, to
the public. In ?forming this duty, ;
we snail avoid aft Irms of animad ver- (
M?^^ sion upon mcc^rtics or sections. '
v The vice of misreuesentatiou and de
"Nej^ttction URS beconV tb6 order of tho
'PSn^atul both No?i and South have :
flufrasl?ro^rom thdevils which had
their ongBrV Jfmitful source of
mischief. Tho muthern people, '
flushed with victd?V( hr.^e not been
solicitous to ascerm?n tD0 u>uiper of
the Southern mind?aml tho South
ern people, crush* uv tu0 \oss Qf !
their cause and their]most cherished
hopes, have been alii.0 iudifferent to 1
events for which t Ly j0 not feei
themselves respons ^fo au? over {
which they have iv t the power of 1
control. In the nv..utinrie, wicked
and designing mei botu at the
North and at tho .\,uth, have not
been wanting, to kee). tlie fires
of sectional hate, IKUQ now they
threaten to involve U,e wuole coun?
try in misrulo and anafcny
Of t'?e lato war, it L uot our piir.
pose now to speak-t\Q Raijgu.iuary
fact will stand forth forover in the
history of these Ain5r?cim states.
Our duty now is TV itu in.e8ent, ^
and their future ?onso(,uoneps ^j10
emancipation policy of tuo ( jovern.
ment was and is the greftt fountain?
head from which spriggs, ftnd will
continue to spring, t:ie thousand
evils by which we ave e?lvj,.ODej
What bul disaster ed^j follow in
the footsteps of tho hasty axu\ iUCOn
siderato policy, by whicli*4_^o.OOO of
slaves, without ?ducatif nnti wjth
ont tho least propan?;\/.tt ^0
cliauge, woro turned ? ?Lift. fLm the
disciplino and iutcrcttt d crtrl pf tho
master to provide ? ol J ihonVelves?
Must it not be self -ey , \, .nfc \0 ftny
thiuking man, no ni:ir wnW his
pr?judices, that not; ml, i," Ca\ now
propose will bo alu ; j ,, oouvVt au
idle, roving, . thrift, e-s^ free V,
{lopulution into thetd^.((jv |l?ft\Uy
aboring population thaw ,A,.' f0rtr\rly
employed in oar Holds w the SoAh.
But, gloomy as tho pro:?' ?ot. may\o",
the people at tho South i mn8t regan
this disastrous result as iL0V). gSC(? a\?
setiied beyond recall. feiaVery is \
on end. We do not *r0pOse thd
what bas been done should be undone;
but we do propose to show that, with
the present free negro labor, tho in?
dustrial resources ot' the South are in
no condition to contribute to tho
prosperity of the country. It is the
part of wisdom to look our misfor
iuuvn itt M?o ince. Wo should not
decoive ourselves, either at the North
or at the 3outh. Three years of ex?
perience, by both Northern aud
Southern men, attest tho fact that tho
cultivation of both rich and cotton
the great staples of tho South-is,
under the present system of free
negro labor, tho most uncertain, the
least remunerative, and the most har?
rassing employment in tho world.
Had a gradual system of emancipa?
tion been adopted, men would, by de?
grees, have accommodated themselves
to the gradual change, and tho indus?
try of the country would lmvo re?
ceived no such shock as now pros?
trates the South und overwhelms her
in despair. Upon tho agriculture of
the country mainly depends the
wealth and prosperity of tho coun?
try.
But a few years ago, tho cotton ex?
ported from tho United States con?
trolled foreign exchange, and held
che monopoly in foreign markets.
How is it to-day, and how will it be
in the future ? Instead of 5,000,000
of bales, sent forward to exercise tho
former influenco xipon trade, we have
not more than one-third of the crop
of 1660, coming into market, and
that at a price per pound, in curren?
cy-the revenue tax considered-very
little, if anything, in advance of what
was realized per pound for the large
oropa of former years, paid in gold.
Why is this ? it may bo asked. The
lands are tho Bame-the seasons aro
the same-the climate is the same
why, then, tho difference ? We an
siver, thc labor is not the time. Instead
of industry, we have idleness; instead
of system, we have disorder; and in?
stead of profits, we have losses. Shall
we be able to drive out competition
in the future, as we have in the past?
Surely not. But a few years before
bbe war, one of our most intelligent
planters represented this State at the
World's Exhibition, in Paris; and,
apon bis return, reported that ho saw
apon exhibition there, tho cottons
from Algiers and from the East, which
were in every way equal to the finest
productions of tho United States. He
asked, why cannot these cottons com?
pete with the American cottons? The
answer was, because wo cannot pro?
duce tho article for the same price;
we are compelled to hire the labor
wbioh you oten-ours is unreliable,
idle and costly, while yours is under
control, steady and cheap. For these
reasons, you will always bo able to
drive us out of the market. But what
now is the condition of the Southern
planter ? His labor is much more
costly than that ot' Algiers or the
East, equally unsteady, and, proba?
bly, less under his control; and he
finds himself now, after an exhaust?
ing war, driven from the market by
prices which his former competitors
can afford to take. Tho present low
price of cotton is but the ?videnco of
tho causes already stated. And it
may be that, in a few years, we shall
bo importing cotton and rice into the
United States, instead of exporting
these great commodities. Wo are
now eating, in- the interior of South
Carolina, rico imported from China,
and wo have bceu credibly informed
that East Indian cotton has been im?
ported into New York. How soon
the State-craft of Great Britain may
[ind it expedient to impose an import
linty ripon American cottons, who
can tell ?
But it may be asked, is there no
remedy for these calamities to the
Southern people? Wo answer, most
probably uo immediate remedy.
Time is the great master of the situa?
tion. If our people will give ap tho
delusive hope of growing rich by tho
cultivation of cotton-thereby proba?
bly working their utter ruin-if they
will eultivato less cotton and moro
breadstuffs; raise for their own use
and for sale horses, mules and stock
of all kinds; cure their own hay,
make their own baiter, and sell Jjw
surplus; ii they will iab.ir to ?llq^h
land with plenty, they will, in a
short time, reuluki u change for the
better iu thoir own condition and the
condition of the South-at least,
they shall not have debts aud disap?
pointments added to their other
calamities. And iu raising our own
food and supplies at tho South, we
should ulso manufacturo our own
cloths und implements upon our own
soil. Thorc can bo no moro auspi?
cious momo.it than the present to
begin in, nt '..he South, tho manufac?
ture of goods from our own raw
material. This was done to a great
extent during the war. No mattei
on how small a scale, let the work
begin. ' To be successful, we mus)
bogia nt tho beginning, and work
upward, as our population and wealth
increase. Wo repeat, that we would
not now re-establish slavery at the
South. It is too lato to correct the
error of its sudden extinction. It is
to OUr iglforOSt tn rnolT rhfiflt ul
tho circumstances by which we are
surrounded. We cannot recall the
past. "Let tho dead past bury its
doad." But let tis not be entirely
hopeless of the future.
1 little moro than half a century
ago, the great commodity exported
from this State was indigo. It ceased
to bo profitable here, because it
could be moro cheaply cultivated
elsewhere. Cotton was introduced
in its stead, and was cultivated with
unparalleled success. Tobacco and
rico contributed to increase tho
wealth of the South. If these staples
cease to bc as reiiiuuerativo in the
future as they have been in the past,
wc still have n great country left to
us, and, with something like good
government, our necessities will givo
rise to now expedients. To conquer
our difficulties, we must meet them
with patience, fortitude and courage.
But Bhall wo have good government?
That is the great question presented
in tho next point that wo proposo to
consider.
To admit as a fact, as ha3 been as?
sumed to be tho result of tho war,
that the Government of the United
States is supreme, and that tho States
have no rights; or if they have rights,
that they aro subordinate to the Go?
vernment of the United States; or,
which is the same thing, subordinate
to the will of a majority having con?
trol of the Government, is to admit
tho abrogation of the Constitution,
and to igtioro tho facts of history. In
other words, it is to acknowledge that
wo have a Government of absolute
powers, instead of a Government of
limited and delegated powers. It is
admitted, that any Government, how?
ever limited, may for a time usurp all
power. A single man may rise np
and say, "I am the State." Any as?
sembly of men may, for a season, ar?
rogate to themselves all power-exe?
cutive, legislativo and judicial. But
the question recurs, is this law, or is
this usurpation? Is this good govern?
ment, or is it revolution? Mero phy?
sical force is not law, It may compel
obedience, but it cannot give to its
acts the sanction of law; unless it be
in those countries where tho will of
an absolute despot is the recognized
law of the land. To admit that thc
war has established such a power in
tho United States, is to admit that all
constitutional government is at an
end, and that as States, or as indivi?
duals, wo hold our life, liborty and
property at tho will and pleasure ol
any majority, which, for tho time
being, may hold the power. Such,
to-day, may be practically the condi?
tion of ton States of tho American
Union. But aro wo prepared to en?
dorso theso proceedings and engraft
so monstrous a proposition into om
governmental polity? That is thc
question that tho people of tho North,
as well as of the South, aro callee
upon to cousuter! Tho great object
of laws, of gronstitutions, and of go
vernment, is to protect tho weal
against tiro strong-to shield minori
ties against tho encroachments 0
majorities. It is a political aphorisn
that a majority can protect itself
Acting by tho aheor exorcise of arbi
trary power, a majority may, for i
time, sot at naught all laws withil
these Stales-it may enforce an obe
diencoto military decrees, from whicl
there is no appeal-it may administe
a purely military government accord
ing to its own will, and as such i
must he obeyed. But when wo ar
called upon to sanction such govern
mont as being in accordance with th
constitution and tho laws, we have
right to test tho question accordin
to the rule proposed and to withhol
our assent. Wo admit the fact tim
martial law exists in South Carolins
but wo do not admit tho prineipl
that martial law has tho right t
impose a civil government upo
us without our consent. Far li
it from ns to raise a factious oj
position to the Reconstruction Ad
of Congress. We believo that thoe
acts and the n)en?"re? they pi?
pose are destructive, not only to ot
constitutionnl rights, but to our sooii
peuce. With us it is not a qnestie
of party, nor of politioal power. \^
car> nothing for theso things. \\
ar?i quito willing that others shou'
enjoy all tho honors; all tho emol
menta of office; all tho pomp ai
circumstance of place. What wo d
sire is peaces-not tho semblance
peace, but tho substance of peace
peace at our own fire-sides ai
throughout all onr borders. V
desire peace to enable ns
build up our -waste places, o
temples of worship, our sack
and ruined cities now lying in ash?
our dismantled dwellings end our
prostrate credit. Wo desire peace for
its own sake; for its holy Christian
influence, and for the civilization and
refinement whieh spring up in its
path. JDo tho Reconstruction Acts
of Congress propose to give us this
peace ? No, they give us war and
anarchy, rather. Thoy sow the seeds
of discord in our midst, and place the
best interests of society into the hands
of an ignorant mob. They disfran?
chise tho white citizen and enfran?
chise the newly emancipated slave.
The slave of yesterday, who knew no
law, but tho will of the master, is to?
day about to be invested with tho
control of tho Government. In all
popular Governments, tho two great
sources of power may bo traced:
1st. To the exercise of tho ballot.
2d. To the franchine of thc jury box.
Invest any people with these two
great powers, and they havo at onco
tho government of the country in
their hands. By tho Reconstruction
Acts of Congress, these powers aro
conferred upon the negro-bo can
mako and unmake the Constitution
and the'.laws, which ho will administer
according to the dictates of others, or
his own caprice
We are not unfriendly to tho
negro; on tho contrary, we know
that wo are his best friends. While
he occupied tho position of a slave,
he was protected by tho laws, accord?
ing to his condition in life. And
now, that ho has been made free, we
are not only willing to confer upon
him every civil right, but to protect
him in the full and free enjoyment of
those rights. In his property, in his
life, and in his person, we are willing
that the black man' and the white
man, shall stand together upon tho
same platform, and be shielded by
the same equal laws. We venture the
opinion, that tho people of Soitth
Carolina are prepared to adopt as
their own, tho Constitution of any
New England, or other Northern
State, wherein it is supposed ?hat
the civil rights of the negro are most
fully and amply secured. But upon
a question involving such grave and
momentous issues, we should be' un?
true to ourselves, and unfair to our
opponents, wore we to withhold the
frank and full expression of our
opinions. We, therefore, feeling the
responsibility of the subject and the
occasion, enter our most solemn pro?
test against tho policy of investing
the negro with political rights. The
black man is what God and nature
and circumstances have mudo him.
That ho is not fit to bo invested with
these important rights, may be no
fault of his. But tho fact is patent
to all, that tho negro is utterly un?
fitted to exercise tho highest func?
tions of tho citizen. The govern?
ment of tho country should not bc
permitted to pass from tho hands ol
tho white mau into tho hands of thc
negro. Tho enforcement of tho Re?
construction Acts by military power,
under tho guiso of negro voter*
aud negro conventions, cannot law?
fully re-establish civil government ii
South Caroliua. It may for a tin?
hold us in subjection to a quasi civi
government, backed by militar]
force, but it can do no more. Al
citizens of tho United States, w<
.should not cousent to live nuder negr<
supremacy, nor should wo acquiesce
in negro equality. Not for ourselves
only, but on behalf of tho Anglo
Saxon ruco and blood in this country
do wo protest against this subversioi
of tho great social law, whereby ai
ignorant and depraved raen is placee
in power and influence above tin
virtuous, the educated and tin
refined. By those Acts of Congress
intelligence and virtue are put nude
foot, while ignorance and vico ur
lifted into power.
In South Carolina, tho negro; toa
jority, under tho Reconstrnctioi
Acts, is much more than two tojone
In most of the other Southern State?
the negro majorities, it not so great
aro almost as decided. In thos
States where tho white vote is in th
ascendant, tho election districts hav
boen so arranged, as to take tho pol;
tical power from the white vote an
east it in favor of tho nogro vote
What, then, is the inevitable result
Ii invests tho negro with absolut
political power in each of tho te
Sonthorn States, and ai the sam
timo, invests him with tho balance (
powor in tho United States. Nor i
this all-tho reconstruction scheu
closes tho ballot-box against tho bei
informed and educated classes in tl
community, and opens it to tho ni
frro, of whom not moro thou ono in
hundred can read a word, and n<
moro than one in fivo hundred ca
write his name; and multitudes i
whom are so profoundly ignorant, as
be unable to remember the names I
wh ich they have been registered. Veril;
this seems to be converting a pop?
lar Government, of whioh wo ha^
been so justly proud, iuto a popular
farce ; and we wonld bo content
so to consider it, if it did not
involve the issue of life and
death to tho form of Government
established by our fathers for the
benefit of themselves and their pos?
terity. If the object of tho framers
of the Reconstruction Acts was to
degrade the Southern people, it is
time for them to consider whether
tho degradation may not be brought
to their own doors-whether the
poisoned cup may not bo returned to
their own lips. But it may be asked,
why do not the Southern people
accept tho situation and control the
negro element? This qnestion is
much more easily asked than an?
swered. In tho first place, it may be
said that the influence of the oorruDt
uud intriguing demagogue, who will
appeal to passion and prejudice, has
always beeu found to bo more power?
ful with the excited and ignorant
mob, than tho wisest counsels of the
best friends. Besides, tho founda?
tion-stone upon which Republican
Government rests is, that the election
franchise is to bo exercised by a free,
intelligent and unbiassed judgment;
and whenever it is admitted that this
franchise is to bo controlled, or, in
other words, to be made the subject
of undue influenco and of bribes,
then, too, it must bo admitted that
Republican Government is at an end,
and must, sooner or later, give way
to such other Government as may be
forced upon a depraved aud already
corrupted poopie. But if it is pro?
posed in advance to place the enfran?
chised negro nndor control, why con?
fer the franchise at all? Surely, the
j part of wise government is to pre?
vent the evil, and not opon the dcoi
to tho mischief which others are
i admonished they must be prepared,
I by trick or management, to avert.
But why press tho subject furtheri
It is enough for us to know that thif
wild and reckless experiment comes
homo to tho hearth-stone of everj
citizen, and involves family and pro
perty, society, liberty, and even li fe
itself. Nor is this all. The court;
of justice aro dragged into the mir?
from their high position; our most
intelligent white citizens are excluder."
from the jury, while the ignorant
negro is elevated to that responsible
position; the jury lists aro made ur.
from tho lists of registered voters,
which, as wo have said, are more
than two to ono in favor of tho negro.
Not only, bo it remembered, is th?
negro admitted to tho jury-box, but
tho wdiito man is excluded therefrom
Think you that when the great mas
tcrs of tho common law of Englanc
pronounced their encomium upot
tho trial by jury, that they contem
plated for a moment such ai
j instrument as an ignorant negn
panel? Think you, that when tin
framers of tho Constitution of th?
United States incorporated into tba
instrument tho provision that tb<
trial by jury should always bo belt
inviolate, that they intended to on
graft upon it such an enormity ai
negro jurymen, fresh from the cottoi
and rice fields of tho South? Thinl
yon, that when John Rutledge aud hil
illustrious compeers signed that in
strument on tho part of South Caro
lina, that they intended to forgo j
chain whic h, in a period no longe
than an ordinary life-timo, wouh
drag their grand-children (who wer*
then playing around their knees, an<
some of whom are now liviug,) fo
trial before a jury of their owl
slaves? Talk of additional humilia
tion, talk of confiscation, complain o
clemency to rebels, after this! Goi
forbid I The Governmeut of th
United States has enforced again?
the Southern people tho most stu
pendons act of confiscation that hfl
ever been enforced in tho history c
nations; their property in slaves ha
been confiscated to tho amount c
three thousand millions of dol?an
other personal property, in the snap
of cotton, provisions, stock, plat
and money, hos been captured fi
destroyed, to the value of ono thou
sand millions of dollars; and froi
these cansos their lund has deteric
rated to "lim extent of ono thotisuu
millions <>f dollars-making iu th
aggregate the enormous sum ol fiv
thousand millions of dollars. Thea
overwhelming pecuniary losses fa
exclusively upon tho Southern pee
plo. The political evils complains
of will, ol course, fall chiefly upo
the people of tho South, but Ot
exclusively upon thom. Fasten nogr
supremacy upon the South, and i
must bo felt through all of her reh
tions with tho North-whether con
morcial, politioal or social. Should
Northern man-and bow often mm
Bueh necessarily be tho case-t
brought to trial "in tho Stato or Fedi
ral courts at the South, his life c
liberty must bo passed upon by ignc
rant negro jurors.' Should the moi
difficult and complicated questions of
property arise in Southern courts
and how often must such bc the case,
arising from inter-marriage, inherit?
ance or trodfl-the cause of ?Le
Northern man must be decided
by the sam*.! ignorant tribunal.
Nor is this yet all. Tho highest pre?
rogative of government is the taxing
power, and the efforts of the wisest
statesmen have been expended to
guard tbis great power against abuse.
No power has been moro jealously
watched than this. No power has
given rise to so much strife and blood?
shed in the history of the world.
The contest between the mother coun?
try and the colonies originated in ber
assumption of the right to tax with?
out representation. By tho Eecon
qtrnof inn Acts, of CODgicw?, ibo tax?
ing power is placed in the hands of
those who own no property, and is
taken away from those who hold the
property and must pay the taxes.
The war that has always existed be
tweeu capital and labor is decided in
favor of the latter, and the wealth of
the country is prostrated at the feet
of those who have nothing at stake
but their daily wages and their daily
bread. How will this power be ex?
ercised? Can it be supposed for a
moment that it will be exercised in
any other way than to impose such
burdens upon the tax- payers as will
amount, in the end, to practical con?
fiscation of the small remaining sub*
stance of our people? But we must
forbear. Such are some of the im?
mediate consequences of the Tic con?
struction Acts upon the people oi the
South and upon the whole country.
We have said, and we repeat, that
we desire peace; but the policy now
proposed cannot give us peace. It is
contrary to the voice of reason and
the law of nature. Instead of peace,
under thc Reconst?nu Lion Aces, we
shall have strife and bitterness. In?
stead of the South recovering from .
her poverty, and contributing her
share to the common wealth and pros?
perity of the country, she will become
more and more impoverished. The
blight of misrule will cut short her
har-eats and dry up her resources.
The law of violence, which has pre?
vailed for more than two years in
reconstructed Tennessee, will extend
its sway throughout the entire South,
and we shall reap, like her, the har?
vest of crime and blood multiplied
two-fold.
We havo shown that free negro
labor, under tho sudden emancipa?
tion policy of the Government, is a
disaster from which, under tho most
favorable circumstances, it will re?
quire years to recover. Add to this
tho poboy which tho Reconstruction
Acts proposo to enforce, and you
place tho South, politically and
socially, under tho heel of the negro;
these influences combined would drag
to hopeless ruin tho most prosperous
community in the world. What do
those Reconstruction Acts propose?
Not negro equality, merely, but negro
supremacy. In the name, then, of
humanity to both races-in the name
of ci'teenship-uuder the Constitution^
in tho name of a common history, in
the past-in tho name of our Anglo
Saxon race aud blood-in tho name
of the civilization #f tho nineteenth
century-in the name of magnanimi?
ty and tho noble instincts of man?
hood-in the name of God aud
nature, wo protest against thone Acts,
as destructive to the peace of society,
tho prosperity of the country and the
greatness and grandeur of our com?
mon future.
The people of the Soutly.ro power?
less to avert the impending ruin. We
have boon overborne; anefftho respon?
sibility to posterity and & the world
has passed into other huiMs.
Mr. Townes submittcdHresointion
relative to voting at the ^Liroaehiug
eleotiou for delegates to^fc Conven?
tion; which was laid on tho?iMe.
A resolution of thanks tm T. S.
Nickerson, Esq., for tho usomof his
hall; and to Mr. Superintendent
Wright for attention to tho mouthers
of tho Convention-were h'treni
mously adopted.
Mr. JJ. B. UeSausRure introduced
a resolution-which was unanii.iouJy
agreed to-returniug tho thanks o'f
tho Convention to thc President
Hon. James Chosnut-for tho faith?
ful discharge of tho duties of his
offico. Mr. Chesnut responded in a
few pleasing remarks; at tho conclu?
sion of which, on motion, tho in?
vention adjourned sine die.
TH08. E. GREGG & CO.,
BROKERS.
Cl TOCKS, Bond?; Gold and Exchango
? bought and ?old. OOico ar ?HEGO k
OO.'fl. _ _ _ July 31
Ague ?nd Fever.-Tho only urcVsntiVe
known for chills and fever is thc uso of
Wolfe's Schiedam Schnapps.7H*!?:*