Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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COLUMBIA. Tuesday Morning, October 2,1866. Our Politics Abroad. We give elsewhere sundry articles from the European newspapers on the political condition of this coun? try. The Loudon Times, in a long article upon this subject, expresses its wonder that, iu a count.;; where the democratic principle prevails in so absolute a form, so much heat and acrimony can he carried into polities. It is at a loss to account for such party designations as. conservative and radical, under a Government where, as it thinks, there are no set? tled institutions to he conserved, and everythiug is already under the un? restrained control of the majority. The surprise which the Times ex? presses, results from-its inexact no? tions of our complex political system. Confusion of thought on this sub? ject is perhaps pardonable ia a for? eign journal, when so large a portion even of our own people perpetually confound the very distinct characters of our State and our Federal institu? tions. Our State Governments ar?! pure democracies; and in them the fierce and vehement contentions which are so constantly witnessed in our Federal politic0 never take place. Our State Constitutions are, at all times, com? pletely under the control of a major? ity of the citizens, who modify, alter, abolish and renew the Constitution of their own State as often as they please, even without regard to the methods of amendment prescribed by the particular Constitution which is, for tiie time being, in force. In 184(5, for example, the people of the State of New York displaced their Consti? tution and substituted a new one, in total disregard of the provisions for its own amendment contained in the discarded instrument. Where the will of the majority is thus abso? lute, there is no place, as the London Times (rationally enough) supposes, for hot and vehement party contests between conservatives and radicals. And it is a noble vindication of this restricted form of pure democracy, as it exists in our State Governments, that thc people are so well satisfied with its operation, that the most or? dinary municipal elections seldom or never turn on questions of State po? licy..^ We are accustomed to elect even our petty .local officers almost solely with reference to their views on questions of Federal poli ics. But our Federal institutions are by no means, as the Loudon Times seems to suppose, subject to the control of a majority of the people. If asimple majority of the people of the United States could mould or change the Federal Constitution, as a majority of tho people of Nev/ York can change the Constitution of the State, the Federal Constitution would have been made, within the last few years, a totally different thing from what it is. Radicalism, in its present phase in this country, is the chafing of an impatient and reckless majority against the barriers to their will erected by the Constitution. Our conservatism is a resolute opposition to changes in this instrument not made in tho manner it prescribes. The Constitution of the Union, un? like those of the States, is not at all under the control of a majority of the people. In amending it, the majority principle is utterly discard? ed. Each State is a unit, and every State has precisely the same weight as every other, whether its popula? tion is large or small. A State like Oregon, with barely people enough to entitle it to one Representative, is just as potential, in amending the Constitution, as the State of New York, whose Representatives are thirty-one. Tho majority principle is not only completely discarded by this perfect equal"ty of all the States, but not evenki majority of the States have any power to make changes in the Federal Constitution. In amend? ing tho Constitution, each State, large or small, counts but one, and it requires the concurrence of three fourths of these Federal units to ratify a proposed amendment. So completely is the majority principle discarded in the fundamental basis of our Federal institutions, that neither a majority of tho people, nor a ma? jority of the States, nor even a ma? jority of both, can even propose an amendment to the Constitution for the action of the States. -Instead of a bare majority, it requires two-thirds even to put the question whether the Coustit7ition shall bo amended; and two-thirds of the States, b separate State action, have a greater power in this respect than two-thirds of both Houses of Congress, since two-thirds of the States can call a constitutional convention, while two-thirds of Con? gress, acting without State sanction, cannot. Under our political system, the majority principle prevails on! rn State action. When an amend i to tho Federal Constitution is ,ub mitted to the States for ratification, n majority of the people of each Stat? determines whether that State shall ratify or refuse. In all fundamental Federal changes, the majority princi? ple is restricted to this narrow loca sphere. States as individual units count according to their number, but thc people, outside of their ovn States, aie not counted at all. .Wo ?gree with tho New* York World, from which we condense the above views, in most of its conclu? sions, and, we think, answers tho 'queries of the London Times as well as they can be answered. Labor anil Workingmen. In reply to a letter from Mr. James E. Atchinson, one of the workingmen of Washington city, the Hon. Thos. F. Bowie, of'Prince George's County, Md., has written a letter favorable to the interests of thc mechanics and eulogistic of labor, which he declares to bo the "master cog-wheel in the world's machinery. " He regrets that the subject of labor has received so little attention- hitherto, and in refer? ence, to the eight-hour system says: .'lt appears to me to be a two edged sword, that cuts both ways., Ho far as the Government is concern-, od, I am free to say that I think they shonkl not make 'fish of one and flesh ofanothei-.' If eight hours' labor is sufficient in one department of thc Government, I think eight hours' labor ought to be sufficient in every other departnicnt of the Government. I'know no reason why any distinction rhould be made among tho different employees of the Government. But it seems to me that the Government could not afford to pay as much for eight hours' labor as they could for ten Lours' work, and that, therefore, the difference, or, in othur words, the reduction in price, would ultimately fall on the laborer, who, for the most part, ?could hut illy alford to submit to such a sacrifice. This, however, is a question which concerns the Go? vernment and its employees alone. It has not, and cannot have, any appli? cation whatever to the general labor pursuits of life. In these pursuits, I think perfect freedom of will and action ought to be tho only rule of conduct." In conclusion, he adds: "Whilst I am quite willing to as? sist in establishing a uniform rule of action in all contracts of labor which the Government may be requested to make, as they are peculiarly within the jurisdiction and province of the Federal authorities, I must, neverthe? less, maintain that I can see no just reason why a similar rule of action should not be applied to the private industry of the country." Speaking of thejetter, the National Intelligencer adds: "It bears the marks of a clear, pro? found, just and cultivated mind. Since the convening of thc Labor Congress, the favorable expression for the most part of the President for the objects it had in view, and thc re? cent friendly demonstrations of me? chanics and laborers in particular to? wards the Chief Magistrate, the whole subject looms" up with all its natural force and dignity. Class interests that are rolling in wealth by the im? position by law upon all the labor of the country of average protective duties of near fifty cent., now de? mand a vast augmentation of this grievous burden upon the shoulders of the consumers. They are furnish? ing the money undoubtedly that is driving the radical Juggernaut over the borne-down interests of agricul? tural, mechanical and other forms of labor of the country. No man hears of enhanced prices, for the effort that produces highly protected fabrics, while it is a fact that operatives are, year by year, subjected to increased rigors as to discipline in restraint of a manly personal liberty. Govern? ment is doing nothing, directly for si?ch, while for the class of employers in mammoth manufacturing monopo? lies, whoever cry 'give,' 'give,' there is literally no end to the partial legis? lation wiiieh is invariably called for, session after session, and is too often granted by Congress. In return for such enriching gratuities, what can be done to alleviate or compensate humble, oirer-borne and depressed labor in alrbranches of industry?" THE NATIONAL EXPRESS COMPANY. At a meeting of the stockholders of the National Express and Transporta? tion Company, held in Augusta, on Saturday night, representing near all of the stock at that place, unshaken confidence was oxpressed in the suc? cess of tho enterprise, and it was determined to sustain the company at all hazards. Delegates instineted to that effect will be sent to the ap? proaching meeting at Richmond. The experiments now in progress at Fortress Monroe, under tho direc? tion of a board of engineer officers, seem to indicate that the present manner of building stone and brick fortifications is but a waste of time and material. Under the blows of the projectiles from the smooth bore and rifled Rodman guns, the iron? clad granite target already shows im i mense breaches in it, and around it broken blocks of stone and wrecked . iron dowels and toggels. Fissures > and crevices, with the projecting I mortar, appear in every direction I above the iron armature, while the ? strong wall bulges ont in a manner II almost impossible to credit. Adminicle. Hon, Albert rik<\ of. Arkansas, hus written ii most frank and manly letter to tho President, asking for a pardon under tho ?20,000 clause. Tho fol? io-wing extracts aro admirable, and contain wholesome advice and admo? nition to all in power and authority: As I am unable to prefer any other special claim to clemency, the Presi? dent's generosity may permit me respectfully to remind him, not in behalf of myself alone, that it was the general amnesty proposed by the Tribune Plotius, in favor of all who had taken part in the civil wars, after the death of Scylla, that did most to cicatrize tho wounds of Rome; and that tho Emperor Napoleon speaks in terms of commendation of "those practices-of civilized nations, which teach them to honor their adversa? ries, to spare the conquered, and not to permit anger to survive tho strife;" and also to repeat these prophetic words of Caesar, that "we forgot the faults of tho greatest criminals, to ren.ember only their punishment, if it has been too severe," 'Thc lato war was more owing to tho dead of the past, who are honored, than to the living of t he present, who are execrated; more to Jefferson and Madison than to Davis and Hunter; more to the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions than to tho arguments of, 1860. "Civil commotions have long roots in tho past," and their true authors have often been long beyond the reach of human vengeance, while those whom hatred seeks tb immo? late have been but tho bondmen of necessity, the blind instruments of Fate. Why should the scaffold crave the blood of the living, who only obeyed the dead? I respectfully submit that it is not just to regard as rebellion and trea? son what had been claimed by States and parties for seventy years as the lawful exercise of a political right by a State; and thabit would be a grave mistake to make oven one name and m?mory a watch-word and beacon for all coming time. It would be to create "that impassable barrier, whieli always separates, after blood is so shed, the children of the same country. " If convicted and sentenced, none now accused will feel, nor will the people of the South believe, that they have been guilty of treason. Neither defeat or condemnation changes con? victions. They will not seem to have been criminals, but only to have atoned with their lives for the sin of failure in the assertion of rights claimed, even if unreal, by many States, and by a great political party, since the beginning of the Govern? ment. "Useless violences always lc; d to fatal re-actions." Blood shod after victory and in the hour of triumph will not make the victory more illus? trious or complete, nor servo to cement the Union. It is not wise to punish a conquered people with mar? tyrs, more potent dead than when alive. Living, we shall lu ve no in? fluence; so dying, we should become immortal and omnipotent, eternal inciters of future insurrections, apos? tles of a faith whoso vitality can only thus be preserved. The President has it in his power to immortalize himself, and. secure to the country permanent peace, by mercy; and those who urge him to use the sword of justice are his worst enemies, and will, if he does so, hereafter bu the lirst to condemn tho severities they now advise. It is not by the proscrip? tions of Scylla that the wounds caused by civil war are to be healed. I cannot believe that any humilia? tion of entreaty would so assure the President of my future loyalty as i> manly but respectful frankness. Ii .seems to me that so only I can show myself worthy of his clemency, be* cause worthy to live. THE "LAST SURRENDER."-The Asheville (N. C.) News says that the last surrender of the war East of the Mississippi was made by Col. James R. Love, on the 7th of May, 18G5. The News says: It is a fact which impartial history will record, that Col. James R. Love, with his little veteran band, fought the last battle for the "lost cause1' that was made on this side "the greni father of waters." This battle took place at Mill Creek, in McDowell County, in this State, on tho 17th April, 1SG5, and was a success to the Confederates-delaying Gen. Gillam, who had "as many thousands as Col. Love had hundreds," and causing the enemy to take another route to Asheville, then the headquarters of the military district, known as the "Western District of North Carolina." Subsequently to this, however, Col. Love liad a skirmish with Col. W. C. Bartie!t, commanding United States forces in Haywood County, on the Gth of May, 18(15, and negotiated terms favorable not only to his own command, but to the citizens of thc district, in the surrender on the day following, at "Alman's Mill," which terms were confirmed by Brig. Gen. J. G. Martin and Col. W. H. Thomas. This was the last regular surrender this side of tho Mississippi River Gen. Dick Taylor surrendering on 4th May, 1805. Richard Cobden has been done in marble, and tho statue will bf placed at the entrance to Camden Town. The number of passengers carrie? on the New York city railways fron January 1 to June 30 was 95,371,800. Slin.11 we Encourage Home Miinnfuf tures? Everybody says aye to this; but few agree as to the extent of so -doing. Each trade and profession urges that this be done as to its own products, and denounces tho going to any foreign or distant domestic point, oven when better or more cheaply done there. Yet few, vcr;- few, if any, make it a point to buy all the things they oat or weai or use of home production or manufacture. Some time since, we met an old friend, a foundry man, and asked him how he was doing in business. His reidy Avas, that when he proposed to build a man an engino for $1,450, the reply was I can get it in New York for Si,400. Reflecting on this, tho next time we saw our friend, we said to him, "You must mako that engine for tho man for $1,400. The only way wo can build np home manufac? tures is by competing with other sources of supply, even under-selling them if possible." He acted afterward on our advice, and made some contracts profitable to himself and to the parties he seiwed, and now both he and his customers aro satisfied with one another, the one moderating his prices, and thus getting employment, and the other rinding that the loss of time and the various contingencies in ordering things from the North, make it cheap? er and more convenient to get them here. Our Southern journals, in com? mending a certain magazine publish? ed South, have, with considerable unanimity, deprecated the fact that it was printed in New York. But tho State whence it hails has never yet had that, practice in book work, nor is it supplied with the material needed to give thismagazine the neat and tasteful appearance; so much prized. We might do this in New ( )rleans, but we are " out of tho way.. Besides, the cost would be far greater, even for indifferent work, in North Carolina than in New York. Must the gifted and gallant editor and pub? lisher impoverish himself and imperil his success, that a few workmen may earn extra wages for inferior work? Beside?, who ol' these grumblers practices that, he preaches? When do you find them clothed in copperas dyed, or as our Northern war writers called them, butter-nut colored clothes, the work of Southern looms, when they can buy broadcloths, cassi meres, or even satinets, of Northern make, at tho same figure? When those who complain that those in other trades and professions do not pay them higher prices, for perhaps less durable, or at least less comely wares, do themselves avoid buying and using things made out of their section, then let them begin to throw stones. But we can manufacture as cheaply as at tin; North, and we can learn to do it as well; but we can never receive the full value of encouragement until we resolve to charge, at the least, no more. Those things, like cotton and woolen goods, leather, wooden-ware, even machinery, the materials for which are to lie found within our own borders, we can manufacture and sell cheaper than they, if we do not ask more for our labor. [JV';ir Orleans Picayune. Tul? THREE PHILADELPHIA CONVEN? TIONS.-We copy the paragraph below simply as a specimen of the off? hand manner of a "leading New York journal," in disposing of matters which it happens to disapprove: ."The three Philadelphia Conven? tions have all been failr fes. The first was a conservative convention of De? mocrats and Johnson Republicans. That has been entirely broken down in New York by tho bad faith of the Democrats in adhering to their old party lines and organizations. The second and third were radical conven? tions, a sort of Siamese twin com? pound of Southern "loyalists" and Northern fanatics. They have fallen through by the dead weight of the radicalism they carried. To- > much copper proved fatal to tl ie first convention; too much nigger has ruined the hybrid second and third. Meanwhile, the country has struck out for itself a path between the two extremes, and, regardless of factions or conventions, is moving for the constitutional amendment as the only way of settling the whole business." General Sherman, in a recent let? ter, writes as follows: "It is amusing to observe how brave and firm men become when all danger is past. I have noticed, on fields of battle, brave men never in? sult the captured nor mutilate the dead; but the cowards and braggarts always do. Now, when the rebellion in our land is dead, many Fallstaffs appear to brandish the evidence of their valor, and seek tes win applause and appropriate honors for deeds that never were done." General Sherman and General Grant, who fought side by side during the war, and between whom there was always tho most perfect unanimity of views, seem to still be very much alike in the opinions they entertain of Falstaffian radicalism. \CJiicago Times. Dr. Livingstone writes, July 11th from somewhere in the middle of Africa, that he is well and "pushing along." Bismark, says an exchange, has done more in the work of "recon? struction" in three months than the American Congress has done in eighteen. How Out- Political Contest, ls Viewed Abroad. Tho American radicals are pushing for? ward to a centralization ot' Government which would remove any cheeks at present existing on the absolutism of popular will, and tho American conservatives are de? sirous of retaining thean obstacles to the tyrannical power of numbers, lt was thc President of a Democratic republic who told us, tho other day, that tl?., tyrauny ol' the many was worse than the tyrauny ot' one. The axiom is not new in pol?tica,"but it sounded strangely in tin; mouth of a re? publican magistrate. To all appearance?, however, there ar?' many in the United States who feel it" force, and the impend? ing strudle will allow us how opinions are balanced. At the outset, and un tho surface of things, the new political conflict just for? mally inaugurated in America is but tho revival of old party strife. * * The prospects of the conflict, it is baid, aro pretty evenly balanced. Tho Republi? cans have tho advantage of a mature or? ganization', .1 successful policy and the possession ol power. They, and they only, brought the civil war to a t riumphant issue. They prevented the division of the Union into'two States, not only without much aid from the Democrats, but, as was suspected, in spite of their clandestine opposition. This naturally K?V(,w them favor and influ? ence now; nor would it, perhaps, have been possible to construct any strong party against them, except by tho aid of their own principles. The Democrats now charg? tho Republicans with attempting a revolu? tion resembling that of the South itself, and with desiring to establish a division of tho Union fur their own political benefit. They say that, tho war is over, that slavery is extinct, that the people of the Southern States are willing to accept all the obliga? tions of citizens, anil that to exclude them from representation for the mere purposes of a party in Congress is to maintain and perpet?ate a disunion nf the republic. Nor can these imputations be rebutted by the Jtepublicaus, who aro undoubtedly keeping tho Southern States from repre? sentation by imposing upon them such conditions of re-admission to Congress as il is well known will not be accepted. Their only pretext for this conduct is, that it would be unwise and hazardous to re-invest so quickly with political power those who have just turned it to the purposes of civil war. lt seems, however, to bo ?fliticipated t hat, at this, as at some previous conjunctures, a large mass of Americans, who side ac? tively with neither party, will emerge from their comparative neutrality and take part in the struggle on behalf of the Union. The Democrats are now Unionists, and, considering how many States are still out? lawed, there is obvious reason in the argu? ment that they who wish to keep them so must he enemies of the Union. We are told that, whenever cithcrparty in America goes too far, there is a mass of sober feel? ing in tho body of the nation, powerful enough to recall it to order. On tnis occa? sion, it is said, the Republicans will have the benefit of this political reserve. Many Americans, staunch friends of the Union and enemies of slavery, have yet no inclina? tion to abet the extravagance of those win abolished slavery and preserved the Union, The Republicans have done their work, and must not. he allowed to neutralize il by the maintenance of a fatal division. Or this feeling much reliance appears to bi placed, am! the Democrats will have tin powerful assistance of the President int Wc approaching campaign. Rut the Republi? cans, on the other hand, have the perfect organization which carried them through the trials of tito war, and they hold, ii: streugtl% the positions from which thence party must dislodge them. The contest, therefore, is expected to be hftlg and des? perate, and the issue is so doubtful, thal no politician will venture to predict it. [London Times, Sept. 1. In the National Union Convention, whicl assembled recently at Philadelphia, there is thc best proof that whatever is jnst'oi manly in Northern sentiment opens it: arms to give a brotherly welcome to tin Southern States. There ia much blustei in the American character-far more of tin fort Uer in rc, and less of the sua viler ii nu'do, than at times is agreeable. Bu there is a genuineness about it, toy, by ni means insensible to emotions of generosi ty. Thus, thc best Americans, the mei who most truly understand and appr?ci?t their Constitution, and not that only, bu their national interests as well, say: "Th war is at an end, thc Southern States hav< accepted the situation, the Union is ve stored, and all is as it was before the firs fatal shots were fired upon Fort Sumte: Tho Union is now more powerful than i ever was before, and the great blot o slavery has been removed from it. th South heartily consenting, forever. Wha is io prevent its resuming its old course Why should not the representatives c Massachusetts and South Carolina sit, am speak, and vote in tho same Congres.-V This is the President's view, hut it is no the view which Congress takes of the mai ter. There are, however, ai^us of a comm triumph for Andrew Johnson over his ra dical Parliament. There ia, above all, th meeting ot the National Union Convention at which, in the presence of 17,(KH) peoph assembled under the roof, tho delegation from Massachusetts and South Carolina tho representative States on either side i the civil war-tiled into the main h ?til arr in arm, amid such demonstrations of d< light at this symbol of re-union that th beholders shouted, and even wept, wit tho thrilling enthusiasm such a spectacl was calculated to excite. In a word, the Union stands in statu <?u ante bellum. * * * * In this Convention-whose member style themselves tho "National Unio Party"'- President Johnson receives a mo: important accession of strength. So d tho Southern States; but the Union itse receives it above all. Wo confess, howeve we ar.- for the moment moro concerne with tho chivalrous than tho utilitaria side of this question. Since the Conf'edi rato States have failed to realize tho aase .II f Mr. Gladstone that they had mai ii: niselves a nation, all who are ali^o I tho claims of a heroic resistance, and patriotism which fought to the very defea will rejoice when the Confederates, denk their independence outside tho Unioi .??hall at least bo restored to liberty with: it. They have made infinito sacrifice They have given up everything that civi ized men value in order to establish then solves as a free nation. Their suffering have been such that at the late Convei tion, and in the afreets in Philadelphia, tl Southern delegates could be known by ti deep furrows of caro marked upon the face?! But they have made even a great? sacrifico than all, in the frankness in whk they have accepted their fate, and liai bowed to it. Such men are not to be tran pied upon. And the Government or pe pie who would prolong tho bitterness their misfortune, would be marked eithi by political decay or dishonor. [Varis Times, Sept. 8. ?Staple products of Vermont-su#i and girls, horses and sheep, butt and wool, school-houses and men, bi unfortunately no "policy." A New Orleans lady lost her Ii last week, by inhaling chloroform &< ministered by au unskillful dentis . He has been indicated for murde Local Xtoxjcxff*. Tho attention of out friend?! and others wishing a fashionable as wi ll an a closc fitting suit <>f clothes, is invited to the caril of Mr. Yglcuias, luercbaut tailor, 52 br a?l stn et, Charleston, S. c. ; ?TSCRANOE AOEXCIES. Comptroller-Gen? eral Lestphart has handed ns a list ut' tho agents of insurance companies u lm have complied with the law in relation to such companies, .and have been licenced lu transact business in t?I?H State. Owing tu tho liberal patronage "f our advertising friends, it has been laid over until our next ISHUP. MAIL AIUSANOKMUNTS. Until further no? tice, thc mails will open and Closo as fol? lows: Northern mail opens ll A a. ru. ; closes i '^febi? p. m. Charleston and Western mail o pi-ifs^^ 3p. m.; closes 'J4 a. m. Greenville mail opens SA i>. m.: doses s p. m. Nr.w AnvEKTisisMKNTs. Attention ie. OHIJ ed to tin- following adv(!rtiseincuts, which aro published this morning tor tin- first Y. Yglesias -Merchant Tailor, bevin ?V Pt-ixotto Patterns. True Brotherhood bodge -Meeting. A. ll. Phillips Wi ll-kept Furniture. Apply at tin? Onice-Veil Lost. " " -Itooms to Rent. To Travelers going North. J. c. Jannev List of Letters. J. S. McMahon City Tax Notice. A tiru y !5ftin-cn Gamblers. Tho Chicago Times says: ''A shoot? ing affray occurred in hont ol' tho Varieties Theatre, a few evenings since, between two well'kuown gam? blers, named David Stanton and James Leary. The former is a per? manent resident of Chicago, and the latter, it is said, hails from Memphis. They had been engaged in a friendly "contest of skill," in the gambling rooms located in tin; Varieties build? ing, and there a dispute arose con? cerning the wager. The precise na? ture of the dispute could not be ascertained at the time, but it is rep? resented to have been of a very tri? vial nature. From tho gambling room, Stanton and Leary proceeded to the street, and seated themselves on some barrels, in front 'of an ad? joining saloon. Here they discussed their differ? ences for some time, in a frame of mind which did not appear to threat? en serious consequences. Finally, Leary took from his pocket a re? volver, quickly presented it to the head of Stanton, and fired. Tho latter, tis soon ?is he saw the weapon, attempted to evade the shot, and par? tially succeeded, ' by dropping his head, ?md by sonic unaccountable and inexplicable process, placing himself in such a position that thc; ball struck just over the left, eye, glancing upwoi'ds, and only producing a flesh wound: Stanton, supposing himself to be mortally injured, rush? ed into a saloon near at hand, and exclaimed "I'm lixed"-words which, when interpreted, conveyed the idea that he was mortally wounded. After his head had been examined by ii physician,'and it was ascertain? ed that he was not, after all, in a very critical condition, he becamo imbued with a spirit of retaliation, and in an excited frame of mind sought for tin; man who attempted to take his life. Leary, as soon as he had committed the bloody deed, walked leisurely away, and was found by Stanton on Washington street, opposite the Ope I ra House. A scene here presented iself which beggars description. The wounded man, covered with blood, and with the crimson fluid streaming from his forehead, furiously assailed his fellqw-gambler and wouid-be-as sassin. With one terrible blow, ho felled Leary to the pavement, and then continued his blows with renew? ed fury, finally culminating the fu? rious assault by jumping into his face with his heels, and mutilating the body and face of his opponent io chocking manner. Had not by? standers interfered, it is believed tha* Leary would have been killed on the spot, so great was the rage and so blind the fury of the maddened man who was befiting him. After this second phase of the affray. Stan? ton was placed under arrest and taken to the armory. HOPEFUL.-Writes "P. W. A," the New York correspondent of a Geor? gia paper: It is hoped and believed that the conservatives will make largo gains in the interest of tho South at the approaching f -ongressional elections, in spite of Northern radicals and Southern critics. The tide is now setting strongly in that direction. The mechanics and laboring classes, who claim Mr. Johnson as one of their own fraternity, no less than tho solid men of the country, are gather? ing around the President with u spirit of determination that is full of en? couragement. If the South will only bo patient and silent for a season, all will yet go well. Andrew Johnson is a great power in this land. There is no niau in the United States who possesses a tithe of his popularity, wen in the North. The whole Democratic party, includ? ing war Democrats as well as copper? heads, "so-called," with that large, intelligent and wealthy wing of the party which elected Mr. Lincoln, known as the moderate Republicans, now stand at his back, and are doing battle under ins lead for our rights. In this State, ?md, indeed, through? out the North, the followers of Mr. Seward are wheeling into line in the most gratifying manner. t imo: