The daily phoenix. (Columbia, S.C.) 1865-1878, April 03, 1866, Image 3
By Telesrapb..
[Special ltespatciil* VoiuuibiaPiwiiix.}
Imtest from Em-ope.
COTTON DECLINED HALF PENNY.
NEW YORK, April 2.-The steamship City
of Paris arrived at this port to-day, bring?
ing advices from Liverpool to the 21st ult.
Cotton had declined Jd.
[Social Despatch to Columbia JPhonis.]
?lcw York Market.
NEW YOKE, March 3L-Cotton Bim, at
39j|@40c. for middling. (?old.cjosed firm,
at 281.
NEW YOEE, April 2.-Cotton dull to-day
lower grades quoted at 38A ?+old 2H.
From K uro pr.
LITKRPOOL, March 17.-W eekly retorna
of the cattle plague show a continued di?
minution of new cases, but a large increase
in the number of cattle killed.
MADRID, March 1(5. -Spain ha* recog?
nized the Republics of Guatamala, Hon?
duras, Salvador. Nicaragua and Costa
Rica. Ministers from these States have
signed treaties of peace with Spain.
Prom New ?ferney.
TRENTON, March SI.-Both houses of the
Legislature have adjourned to meet on
Monday. No action was taken on the
question of electing a United States
Senator in place of Mr. Stockton. The
Republican paper in this city opens sharp?
ly on Senator Stoved for voting not to go
into a joint meeting. Doubts are toit
everywhere of th?- probability of a joint
meeting at all.
From thr Pacifie Coast.
- S.'K FRANCISCO. March 28.-Great excite?
ment was created at Victoria by the report
of the discovery of a ledge of well-defined
gold-bearing rock, of great richness, fifty
feet in width, within fifteen miles of the
town.
A sharp shock of an earthquake was re?
cently experienced at Helena, Montana.
A regiment of mounted volunteers are
?oing to thc rescue of the citizens at Fort
Bonton, who are threatened by savages.
THE BANKRUPT LAW. -It is already
announced that the bankrupt bill
pending in the House of Representa?
tives of "Washington has been rejected.
What were its features wo do not
know. We imagine that it will not
rest there. The subject will be brought
up again. The pressure upon Con?
gress will be too powerful for resist?
ance. Such a measure has character?
ized every politico-financial epoch of
the country, and will be again resort?
ed to in the present, The only soli?
citude we have on the subject is that
a law, properly framed for permanent
operation, shall be passed by Con?
gress. The country needs such a
law. It would have a good effect in
commercial communities, and, pre?
vailing throughout the Union, would
be equal and well understood every?
where. The po iver to pass it is clear?
ly defined; and the conferring of it
so explicitly upon Congress indicates
the opinion on tfliis subject of the
wise men who framed the Constitu?
tion. They plainly conceived such a
law, operatinr#everywhere alike, im?
portant and bpielicial to the nation.
But save us from any more financial
jubilees ofJ'general delivery from
debt, whit? generate a vast amount
of fraud_/?nd conniption. Their de?
moralizing effects continue for years
after thenr occurrence.
\Richmoncl Dispatch.
HAPPY FAMILY. - The Chicago Jour?
nal divides the late Republican party
into the following factions. It will
be seen that the list is well arranged,
and contains none that are not in
actual operation. This appears to be
a very happy family :
The Radical Republicans, generated
by Thaddeus Stevens.
The Conservative Republicans,
generated by Henry J. Raymond.
The Semi-copperhead Republicans,
generated by Senator Cowan.
The Abstract Republicans, gene?
rated by Senator Sumner.
The Practical Republicans, gene?
rated by Senator Fessenden.
The Black Republicans proper, with
Frederick Douglass at their head.
The Woman's Rights party, led by
Mrs. Swisshelm.
The Garrisonian Abolitionists.
The Wendell Phillips Abolitionists.
The Gerritt Smith Abolitionists.
CADETS AT WEST POINT. -SO it ap?
pears by the provisions of the mili?
tary academy bill, lately passed, that
no cadets can lie appointed from
Southern States whose districts are
not represented in Congress. This is
cruel on the part of Messrs. Blaine
and Schenck, in" tims treating their
colored brethren with such gross in?
justice. As Cuftee is to have all the
rights and privileges of a white man,
it is certainly unjust to deprive the
young African heroes, who fought for
freedom under the. "flauntinglie," as
the Tribune calls the stars anti stripes,
of their right to be educated, and to
"graduate in de fuss class." Let
Sumner and Stevens move at once for
.another amendment to the Constitu?
tion. New Orl?fiH? Corr.-.*. Cliicaao
SHIP (TEWS.
PORT OF CHARLESTON, APRIL 2.
AKHIVEO FE JD AV.
Bark Scotland, Maynard, New York.
.Sehr. Flying Scud,"Mapes, New York.
ARRIVED SATURDAY.
Spanish brig Dorothea, Pages, Havana.
ARRIVED YESTERDAY.
Steamship Moneka. Marshman, New York.
Steamship Cumberland, Reid, Baltimore.
WENT TO SEA KUI DAV.
Mtearuship Emily l?. Souder, New York.
Steamship Gulf City,-, New York.
Bark Istria. Sewnll."Liverpool.
British bark Albei t, Erickson. Liverpool.
Sehr. C. P. Stickney, Mathews, Phila.
WENT TO MEA SATfEDAY.
Steamship Quaker City, Wost, N? w Yoi J:.
WENT TO BEA YESTLllDAY.
Yankee Blade. Wilmington. Del.
Veto of tUe Civil Rights Bill.
To thc Senate of the United S?des:
I regret that the bill which, has passed
both Houses of Congress, eutitled: "An
Act to protect all persons in thc United
States in their civil rights, and furnish
tin- means for .heir vindication," contains
provisions which I cannot approve, con?
sistently with my sense of duty to the
whole people, and my obligations to the
Constitution of thc United 8tatos. I am,
therefore, constrained to return it to tho
Senate, tito house in which it originated,
with my objections to its becoming a law.
liv the first sections of tho bill, all per?
sons born in thc United States and not
subjects to any foreign power, excluding
Indians not taxed, arc declared to be citi?
zens of the United States.
This provision comprehends the chinese
of thc l'neiti^ States, Indians subject to
taxation, and the people called Gipsies, as
well as thc entire race designated blacks,
people of color, negroes, mulattoes, and
"persons of African blood. Every individual
of these races born in .tho United States
is by tho bill made a ci?r.en of the United
States. It does not purport to declare or
confer any other right of citizenship than
Federal citizenship. It does not purport
to give these classes of persons any status
as citizens of States except that which
may result from their status as citizens of
the*United States.
The power to confer the right of State
citizenship is just as exclusively with thc
several State* as the power to confer the
right of Federal citizenship is with Con?
gress.
The right of Federal citizenship thus to
bc conferred on the several excepted races
before mentioned is now, for the first time,
proposed to be given )>y law. If, as is
claimed by many, all persons who are na?
tive born*already, are, by virtue of the
Constitution, citizens of the United States,
the passage of the pending bill cannot be
necessary to make them such. If, on tho
other baud, such persons are not citizens,
as may bc assumed from the proposed
legislation to make them such, the grave
question presents itself whether, when
eleven of thc thirty-six States aro unrep?
resented in Congress, at this time it is
sound policy to make our entire colored
population, and all other excepted classes,
citizens of the United States? Four mil?
lions of them have just emerged from
slavery into freedom. Can it bc reasonably
supposed that they possess thc requisite
qualifications to entitle them to all the
privileges and immunities of citizens ol
the United States? Hara the people of the
several States expressed such a convic?
tion? It may also be asked whether it is
necessary thai they should be declared
citizens in order that thev may be securec
in the enjoyment of civil rights? Those
rights proposed to bc conferred by the bil
are, by Federal as well as State laws, se
cured to all domiciled aliens and-forcign
ers even before the completion of the pro?
cess of naturalization; and it may safelj
bc assumed that the same enactments an
sufficient to give like protection and bene?
fits to those for whom this b?l provide
special legislation. Besides, the policy o:
tho Government, from its origin to *th<
present time, seems to have been that per
sous who aro strangers to, and unfamiliai
with, our institutions and our laws, shoulc
pass through a certain probation, at thc
ond of which, before obtaining the covetec
prize, they must give evidence of thei:
fitness to receive and to exercise the right
of citizens, as contemplatctfeby the Consti
tution of tho United States." The b?l, ii
effect, proposes a discrimination agains
large numbers of intelligent, worthy an<
patriotic foreigners, and in favor of th
negro, to whom, after long years of bond
age, tho avenues to freedom and intelli
gence have now been suddenly opened
Ho must, of necessity, from his previou
unfort unate condition of servitude, be les
informed as to the nature and character o
our institutions than he who, coming fror
abroad, has, to some extent, at least
familiarized himself with the principles c
a government to which ho voluntarily ec
trusts "life, liberty and the pursuit of "hap
piness." Vet it ie" now proposed by a sir
gie legislative enactment to confer th
rights of citizens upon all persons of Afr:
can d.rccnt born within the extende
limits ' i the United States, while person
of foreign birth who make our land thei
home, must undergo a probation of fiv
years, and can only then become citizen
upon proof that they are of "good mon
character, attached to the principles (
the Constitution of the United States, an
well disposed to the good order and ha]
pincss of the sanie.'"
The first section of the bill also contain
au enumeration of the rights to be enjoye
by these classes, so made citizens, "j
every Stat" and Territory in tho Unite
-Stp.tes.'' These rights are: "To make an
enforce contracts, to sue, be parties, an
givefevidence, to inherit, purchase, leas
sell, hold and convey real and person
property," and to have "full and equ
benefit of all laws and proceedings for tl
security of person and property as is ei
joyed by white citizens. So, too, they ai
made subject to the same punishmen
pains and penalties, in common with whi
citizens, and to none others. Thus a pe
feet ?quality of the white and black rac?
is attempted to be fixed by Federal law
every State of the Union, over the va
field of State jurisdiction covered by the
enumerated rights. In no ono of these a
any State ever exercise any power of di
crimination between the different races.
In the exercise of State policy over mn
ters exclusively affecting the people
each State, il has frequently been thoug!
expedient to discriminate between thc t\
races. By the statutes of some of tl
States, Northern as woll as Southern, it
enacted, for instance, that no white persi
shall intermarry with a negro or in u lat I
Chancellor Kent says, speaking of tl
blacks, that "marriages between the
and the whites are forbidden in some of t
States where slavery docs not exist, ai
they are prohibited in all the slaveholdii
States, and when not absolutely contra
to law, they are revolting, and regarded
an offence against public decorum."
I do not say this hill repeals State la
on tho subject of marriage between t
two races, for as the whites are forbidd
to intermarry with the blacks, the blac
can univ make such contracts as tho whit
themselves are allowed to make, and thei
for* cannot, tinder this hill, enter into t
marriage contract with the whites. I c
this discrimination, however, asan instar
of the State policy ss to diseriminatic
and to inquire whether, if Congress c
abrogate all Stab- laws of discriminati
between the two races in the matter of ri
"state, ol' suits, and of contracts general
Congress may not also repeal tho Sti
laws as to tlie contract ot marriage 1
tween the two races ? Hitherto every st
ject embraced in the ('numeration of rigl
contained in this bill has been eonsidei
as exclusively belonging to toe Stat
Tliey all relate to the internal police a
economy of tho respective States. Tl
ari: matters which, in each State, eonci
the domestic condition ol' its people, va
lng in each according to its own peen!
circumstances and the safety and w
being of its own citizens. 1 do not au
to say that, upon all these subjects, th
arc not Federal restraints; as, for instan
in thc Stato power of legislation over c
tracts there is a Federal limitation that
State shall pass a law impairing the o
g?tions of contracts; and as to crin
that no Stat shall pasa au tx post ft
law; and as to money, that no State shall
make anything bnt gold and silver a legal
tender. Bat where can we find a Federal
prohibition against the power of any 3tato
to discriminate, as do most of them, be?
tween aliens and citizens, between artificial
persons, called corporations, and natural
persons, in the right to hold real estate ?
If it be granted that Congress can re?
peal all State laws discriminating between
whitten and biau?? in tu? COTci?C*
by this b:U, why, it may be asked, may not
Congress repeal in the same wr?y all State
laws discriminating between the two races
on the subjects of suffrage and office ? If
Congress can declare by law who shall hold
lands, who shall testify, who shall have
capacity to moke a contract in a State,
then Congress can by law also declare who,
without regard to color or race, shall have
the right to sit as a juror, or as a jndge, to
hold any office, and, finally, to vote, in
every State and Territory of the United
States.
As respects the Territories, they come
within the power of Congress, for as to
thom the law-making power is the F?deral
power; but as to the States, no similar pro?
vis' ns exist vesting in Congress the power
to make roles and regulations for them.
The object of the second section of the
bill is to afford discriminating protection
to colored persons in the full enjoyment of
all the rights secured to them by the pre?
ceding section. It declares "that any per?
son who, under color of any law, statute,
ordinance, regulation or custom, shall sub?
ject, or cause to be subjected, any inhabit?
ant of any State or Territory to the depri?
vation of any right secured or protected
by this Act, cr to diff?rent punishment,
pains or penalties on account of such per?
son having at any time been held in a con?
dition of slavery or involuntary servitude,
except as a punishment for crime, whereof
the party shall have been duly convicted,
or by reason of his color or race, than is
prescribed for the punishment of white
persons, shall be deemed guilty of a mis?
demeanor, and on conviction shall be
punished by fine not exceeding $1,000, or
imprisonment not exceeding ono year, or
both, in the discretion of tho court"" This
section seems to be designed to apply to
some existing or futuro law of a State or
Territory which may conflict with the pro?
visions of the bill now under considera?
tion. It provides for counteracting such
forbidden legislation by imposing fine and
I imprisonment upon the legislators . who
may poss such conflicting laws, or upon
! the officers or agents who shall put, or at
j tempt to put, them into execution. It
! means an official offence, not a common
crime committed against law upon thc
1 persons or property of tho black race.
Snch an Act may deprive the black man oi
his property, but not of the right to hold
i property. It means a deprivation of the
right itself, either by the State judiciary
I or the State Legislature. It is, therefore,
assumed that, under this section, members
of State Legislatures who should Toto foi
laws conflicting with the provisions of the
bill; that judges of the State courts whe
should render judgments in antagonise
with its terms: and that marshals anc
sheriffs who should, as ministerial officers
i execute processes, sanctioned by Stat<
laws and issued by State judges, in execu
tion of their judgments, could be brough
before other tribunals, and there subjected
to fine and imprisonment for the perform
ance of tho duties which such State law:
might impose.
The legislation thus proposed invadei
i the judicial power of the State. It says h
j every State, court or judge: if you decid?
that this Act is unconstitutional-if yoi
refuse, under the prohibition of a Statt
law, to allow a negro to testify-if yoi
j hold that over such a subject-matter th
I State law is paramount, ana "under color
of a Stae law refuse the exercise of th
I right to the negro, your error of judgment
however conscientious, shall subject you t
fine and imprisonment. I do not apprs
bend that the conflicting legislation whicl
the bill seems to contemplate is so likely t
occur as to render it necessary at this tim
to adopt a measiu o of such doubtful COE
stitutionality.
In the next place, this provision of th
bill seems to be unnecessary, as ad?quat
judicial remedies could be adopted to st
cure the desired end without invading th
immunities of legislators, always impoi
tant to be preserved in the interests t
public liberty; without assailing the indt
pendence of the judiciary, always essei
tial to the preservation of individual right:
and without impairing the efficiency <
ministerial officers, always necessary fe
the maintenance of public peace an
order. The remedy proposed by this sei
tion seems to be, in this respect, not on!
anomalous, but unconstitutional: for tl
Constitution guarantees nothing with ce:
tainty if it doe3 not insure to the seven
States the right of making and executin
laws in regard to all matters arising withi
their jurisdiction, subject only to tl
restriction that in coses of conflict wit
the Constitution and constitutional laws i
the United States the latter should be he
to be the supreme law of the land.
The third section gives the Distri
Courts of the United States exclusive "coi
nizance of all crimes and offences cor
nutted against the provisions of this Act
and concurrent jurisdiction with the Ci
cuit Courts of the United States of o
civil and criminal cases "affecting persot
who are denied or cannot enforce in tl
courts or judicial tribunals of the State
locality where they may bo, any of tl
rights secured to them by the first section
The construction which I have given
the second section is strengthened by tb
third section, for it makes clear what kit
of denial or deprivation of the rights a
cured by the first section was in coate)
plation. It is a denial or deprivation
such rights "in the courts or judicial trib
nals of the State." It stands, therefoi
clear of doubt that the offer.ee and t
penalties provided in the second sectic
are intended for the State Judge, who,
the clear exercise of his functions as
judge, not acting ministerially, but jin
cially, shall decide contrary to this Fee
ral law. In other words, when a Stt
Judge, acting upon a question involvi
a conflict between a Stato law and a Fee
ral law, and bound, according to his o
judgment and responsibility, to give
impartial decision between the two, con
to the conclusion that the Stato law
valid and the Federal law is invalid,
? m out not follow the dictates of his o
judgment, at the peril of fine and'imf
sonmcnt. The legislative department
the Government of tho United States tl
takes from the judicial department of 1
State thc sacred and exclusive duty of
dicial decision, and converts the St
judge into a mere ministerial officer, bot
to decide accoreling to the will of C
gross.
It is clear that in States which denj
persons whoso rights are secured by
: first section of the bill anv one of th
? rights, all criminal and civil cases affi
I ing them, will, by tho provisions of
! third section, come under tho exclu*
j cognizance of thc Federal tribunals.
follows that if, in any Stato which dei
j to a colored person anv ono of all th
I rights, that person should commit a cr
! against tho laws of tho State-murder,
j son, rape or any other crime-all pro
, tion and punishment through the law
the State are taken away, and he can <
j be tried and punished in tho Fed
Courts. How is the criminal to be tr
j If the offence is provided for and puni
by Federal law, that law, and not the S
! law. is to govern.
It is only -when tho offence does riot hap
Sen to bo within tho purview of fedora
?W that the Federal Courts are to trVam"
punish him under any other law. Chet
resort is to bo had to tho "common law at
modified and cha?Red" by State legislation,
"so far as tho same is not inconsistent
with thc Constitution and laws of thc
United States." So that over this vast do?
main ot criminal jurisprudence provided
uj c&ca Stat? fo? tu? protection of its own
citizens, and for tho punishment of all
persons who violate its criminal laws. Fedj
ral law, wherever it can be mado to apply,
displaces State law.
The question hero naturally arises, from
what Bourcc Congress derives the power
to transfer to Federal tribunals cer?
tain classes of cases embraced in this
section? Tho Constitution expressly de?
clares that tho judicial power of tho United
States "shall extend to all cases in law
and equity arising under this Constitution,
the laws of the United States and treaties
made, or which shall bo made, under theil
authority; to all cases affecting ambassa?
dors, other public ministers, and consuls:
to al! cases of admirality and maritime
jurisdiction; to controversies to which th?
United States shall be a party; to contro?
versies between two or more States, be?
tween a State and citizens of another State,
between citizens of different States, be?
tween citizens of tho same Stato claiming
land under grants of different States, and
between a State, or the citizens thereof
and foreign States, citizens or subjects.'
Here tho judicial power of the Unitcc
States is expressly set forth and denned
and the Act of September 24. 1789, estab?
lishing the Judicial Courts of the United
States, in conferring upon thc Federa!
Courts jurisdiction over cases originating
in State tribunals, is careful to confine then
to the classes enumerated in the above
recited clause of the Constitution. Thii
section of the bill undoubtedly compre
hends cases and authorizes thc exercise o
powers that are not, by the Constitution
within the jurisdiction of tho Courts o
the Unitcel States. To transfer them t<
those Courts would be an exercise of au
thority well calculated to excito distrus
and alarm on the part'of all the States
for the b?l applies alike to all of them, a:
well as to those that have as to those tba
have not been engaged jn rebellion.
It may bc assumed that this authority i
incident to the power granteel to Congres
bj- the Constitution, as recently amended
to enforce, by appropriate legislation, th
article declaring that "neither slavery no
involuntary servitude, except as a punish
ment for crime, whereof the party sha!
have been dui}- convicted, shall exist with
in the United States or any place subjee
to their jurisdiction." It cannot, how
ever, bc justly claimed that, with a vic
to the enforcement of this article of th
Constitution, there is at present any ne
ccssity for tho exercise of all the po'wer
which this bill confers.
Slavery has been abolished, and ?it pre
sent nowhere exists within the jurisdictio
of the United States; nor has thcro boci
nor is it likely there will be, any attempt t
revive it by the people or the States. 1
however, any such attempt shall bo made
it will then become the duty of the Goner:
Government to exercise any and all inc
dental powers necessary and proper t
maintain invirdate this great constitution:
law of freedom.
Thc fourth section of the bili pruville
that officers and agents of the Freedmen
Bureau shall bo empowered to make a
rests, and also that other officers may I
specially commissioned for that purpose t
the President of the United States,
also authorizes Circuit Courts of tl
United States anel the Superior Courts i
tho Territorios to appoint, without limit;
tion, commissioners, who aro to I
charged with tho performance of qua
jud nal duties. Thc fifth section enipoA
ers the commissioners so to be selected I
the Courts to appoint, in writing midi
their hands, ono or more suitable person
from time to time, to execute warrants ar
other processes described by the bi
These numerous official agents are mae
to constitute a sort of police, in additie
to the military, and arc authorized to sur
mon a posse comitaius, and even to call
their aid stich portion of the land ai
naval forces of the United States, or of tl
mihtia, "as may be necessary io the'pe
formancc of the duty with which thoy a
charged." This extraordinary poweris
be conferred upon agents irresponsible
the Government and to tho people,
whose number the discretion of tho coi
missioners is the only limit, and in who
hands such authority might bo made
terriblo engine of wrong, oppression ai
fraud. Tho general statutes regulatii
the land and naval forces of the Unit
States, tho militia, and the execution
the laws, are believed to be adequate f
every emergency which can occur in tir
of peace. If it should prove otherwis
Congress can, at any time, amend tho
laws in such manner' as, while subservi:
the public welfare, not to jeopardize t
rights, interests and liberties of the pe
pie.
The seventh section provides that a f
of ten dollars shall be paid to each coi
missioner in every case brought befe
him, and a fee of five dollars to his depu
or deputies "for each person he or th
may arrest and take before any such co
missioner," "with such other fees as ir.
be deemed reasonable by such coramissic
er," "in general for performing such ott
duties as may be required in tho premise:
All these fees aro to be "paid out of t
Treasury of the Uniteel States," whetl
there is a conviction or not; but in case
conviction, they are to be recoverable fri
the defendant." It seems to me that unt
tho influence of such temptations, b
men might convert any law, however 1
nifiicent, into an instrument of persei
tion and fraud.
By the eighth section of the bill, I
United States Courts, w hich sit only in c
place for white citizens, must migra
with the Marshal and District Attorn
(and necessarily with the clerk, althou
he is not mentioned, ) to any part of
District, upon the order of thc Preside
and there hold a court "for the purpose
tho more speedy arrest and trial of p
sons charged with a violation of this Ae
and there the Judge and the officers of
court must romain, upon the order of
President, "for tho timo therein ties
nated."
The ninth section autheu zes the Pr
dent, or such person as he may empo
for that purpose, "to employ such par
the lana and naval forces of the Uni
States, or of tho militia, as shall bo nci
sary to prevent the violation anel enfc
tho due execution of this Act." This 1
guage seems to imply a permanent n
tary force, that is to bo always at ha
anet whoso only business is to bo the
forcement of this meaBiire over thc i
region whore it is intended to operate.
I do not propose to consider tho polio
this bill. To me, tho details of the
seom fraught with evil. The white i
and tho black race of tho South have h
erto lived together under tho relatior
master and slato- capital owning la'
Now suddenly that relation is ?lian;
and f 3 to ownership, capital and labor
divorced. Thej stand now each mast?
itself. In this new relation, one being
cessary to tho other, there will be a
adjustment, which both are deeply ii
osted in making harmonious. Each
equal power in settling tho terms, ai
left to the laws that regulate capital
labor, it is confldently believed that
will satisfactorily work out the prob
?
iL
Capital, it is trne, has move intelligence
but labor is never so ignorant as not to un?
derstand its own interests, not to know itt
own value, and not to see that capita]
must pay that value. This bill frustr?tes
this adjustment, lt intervenes between
capital and labor, and attempts ti? settle
questions of political economy through
tho agency of numerous officials, whoso
interest it will be to foment discord be?
tween the two races; for. as the breach
widens, their employment will continue,
and when it is closed" their occupation will
terminate.
In all our history, in all our experience
as a people living under Federal and State
law, no such system as that contemplated
by tho details of this bill has ever before
been proposed or adopted. Thev establish
for the? security of the colored "nice safe?
guards which go infinitely beyond any that
tho General Government "has"ever provided
for tho white race. In fact, tho distinction
of race and color is, by the bill, made to
operate ih favor of the'colored, and against
the white race. They interfere with tho
municipal legislation of the States, with
the relations existing exclusively between
a State and its citizens, or between the in?
habitants of the same State, in the absorp?
tion and assumption of power by the Gene?
ral Government, which, if acquiesced in,
must sap and destroy our federative sys?
tem of limited powers, and break down the
barriers which preserve the rights of the
States. It is another step or rather stride
towards centralization and the concentra?
tion of all legislative power in the National
Government. Tho tendency of tho bill
must be to resuscitate thc spirit of rebel?
lion and to arrest the progress of those in?
fluences which are more closely drawing
around the States the bonds nf union and
peace. ',
My lamented predecessor, in his procla?
mation of the 1st of January. 1803, ordered
and declared that all persons held as slaves
within certain States and parts of Sutes
therein designated, were, and thencefor?
ward should bo, free; and further, that
the Executive Government of the United
States, including the military and naval
authorities thereof, would recognize and
maintain thc freedom of such persons.
This guarantee has been rendered espe?
cially obligatory and sacred by the amend?
ment of the Constitution abolishing slavery
throughout tho United States. I there?
fore fully recognize thc obligation to pro?
tect and" defend that class of our people
whenever and wherever it shall become
necessary, and lo the full extent, compati?
ble with tho Constitution of thc United
States. Entertaining these sentiments,
it only remains for mc to say that I will
cheerfully co-operate with Congress in any
measure that may bo necessary for the
protection of the civil rights of the freed?
men, as well as those of all other classes |
of persons throughout tho United States, 1
by judicial process, under equal and im- |
partial laws, in conformity with the provi?
sions of thc Federal Constitution.
I now return the bill to the Senate, and
regret that, in considering the bills and I
joint resolutions-forty-two in number- :
"which have been thus far submitted for I
my approval, 1 am compelled to withhold !
my assent from a second measure that has
received thc sanction of both Houses of
Congress. ANDREW JOHNSON.
WASHINGTON, D. C., Maren 27,1800.
Funeral Invitation.
Tho relatives and friends of Dr. and
Mrs. W. C. FREEMAN are requested to
attend the funeral of the former, at the
Baptist Church, THIS AFTERNOON, at
half-past 4 o'clock.
MARRIED, I
In Newberry, S. C., Thursday evening, j
the 15th instant, bv Rev. E. C. Logan, Mr." I
S. D. KITTLEBAN'D ( fornierlv of Charles
ton, S. C.,) to Miss LIZZIE A. BEARD, of
Columbia, S. C.
IO" Charleston papers please copy.
COMMLMCIAI. AM) FINANCIAL.. j
NASHVILLE, March 30.-There were some
small sales of cotton in tho morning, at
30c. At noon, despatches from New York,
giving a decline in gold and quoting mid
?lmg"at 40(^lcTn^lHV^epressing effect,
reducing figures from l($2c- Groceries
unchanged. The sales at theC^amherof ,
Commerce was a new feature in ourTMiivT
kot. The attendance was not large, andif"
tho8alos were light. 1,700 sacks of corn
wore sold at 82J@85c. Flour, S7.40@$9.
Th" buying rate ?f gold was about 25.
CINCINNATI, March 29.-Flour dull and
unchanged. Wheat unsettled and excited;
choice should bring $2.30@$2.35. Corn
firm and in good demand, at 52@53e. Oats,
40?44c. Whiskey duh, at $2.23@$2.24.
Mess pork is in good demand, at $25?
$25.25, closing with buyers at the latter
rate and no sellers. Btilk meats duh. at
9.^13c. Lard 18c. Gold 27.
LOUISVILLE, March 28.-There was a
much better feeling in the market to-day
for many of the leading articles, with an
advance obtained on several products
which were actually declining last evening.
Tho improvement in currency and the !
very favorable tenor of the foreign advices, j
have had the influence to enhance prices
and stimulate thc market. Mess pork has
advanced fully SI per bbl. on previous
rates, sales having been made at $24.75,
but most holders ask $25.50@$2G.
RICHMOND, March 29.-The week has
been one of considerable excitement on
the financial question. It has been one of
tightness and apprehension. There is
more steadiness in the market to-day. Dry
goods have declined, but are firm.
AUGUSTA, March 29.-There .^as a toler?
able fair demand for cotton to-day, with
but little offering. A few sales were made
at an advance of l?2c. on yesterday's
prices. The receipts were "44? bales.
Brokers are buying gold at 25@26, and
selling at 28; buying silver at 20, and sell?
ing at 2.").
.BUSINESS IN NHW YORK.-Tho week closes
dull in most departments of trade. lu
cotton, groceries and a few other articles
a moderato activitv is visible, but wftlr
these exceptions, tho business doing ia
far below the expectations entertained in
the earlier part of tho season. The dry
goods trade, within the day or two past,
has Bhown some animation, but the feeling
in regard to values is still so unsettled,
that purchases arc made with extreme
caution. Tho city was rarely so full of
countrv merchants; but under the belief
that gold must further decline and bring
down other values along with it, the most
of thom refrain from mirchasing. Some
fow who cannot stand exorbitant hotel
bills are getting their orders filled and
going home, but the great majority are
staying to look on.
NEW YORK, March 30.-Cotton has a de?
clining tendency. Sales of 900 bales, at
40@41c. Freights lower. Cotton 5-16@*.
Gold, on the street, 27*.
NEW ORLEANS, March 29.-Cotton easier,
sales 3,700 bales; receipts, 340 bales; low
middling 88<g,37c. Sugar, fair to fully fair,
18? 14c. Molasses, prime, 80@82ic. Gold
125.J. Sterling exchange I33j. New York
checks 7-16 discount. Business lively.
Western produce active.
Distress Sale.
WILL tte sold, on SATURDAY, tl
at 10 o'clock, at Durbcc i. \\
mart, th<i following articles, levied
the propart y of Joh.) Warren, at til <
of J.J. Chisolm. (W. K. Bachmau al
for rent: 1 fine IT ANO ;>. TRUNKS 1
PRESS. Ap
A Good Milch Cow W?nte
APPLY t<. HARDY SOLOMO
_April 3 West side Assembl
Special Meeting of City Conn?
COUNCIL CHAMBFI
COLUMBIA, S. C., April 3,
ASPECIAL MEETING of the City C
eil will bo held in tho Council Cl.
ber, THIS MORNING, a 10 o'clock I
old members, as veil as those newly el /
ed, arc requested to attend. I I
By order of tho Mavor: ^
April 3 1 F. H. ELMORE, City Clerk _J2
City Fire Department. I
_?v_ THE REGULAR MONTHLY \
JgMfc MEETING of the City Firo Do- 1
^p?^->.partnient (which was unavoid
-ably postponed from last night i
will bo held THIS EVENING, at 8 oV^ck.
Rv order of thc President:
April 2 1 C. F. HARRISON, Sec y.
True Brotherhood Lodge No. 84.
A A REGULAR communication of
this Lodge will bc held THIS EVEN- -
/V\ING, 3d ?inst-, at 8 o'clock, at Odd I
Fellows' Hall. Bv order of the W. M. I
April 3 p." p. MCDONALD, Sec'y. I
WORMS! PLUMS! WORMS! /
SUGAR PLUMS; for worms, Sugar Plums; /
For worms, take the Sugar Plums;
A safe and sure cure, Plums for wornid. ^
Children take them with delight.
To put tho worms to dreadful fright.
For sale at FISHER <V HEINTTSH'S.
April_3_
White Hair! Red Hair! Brown Hair!
Black Hair!
RING'S AMBROSIA, to make black or
brown; Batchelors Dy^^tt make jet
black; Mrs. Allen's Kcstore^^fcowu, black
or auburn; Turkish lianlol^^^k to dress i
the hair. AU ' ?\WBtm\ \
F IS li El! A iTggPBft?r.S \
April 3 Dru|J|| ""1JB^^^|
ITCH! ITCH! ITCH?
Itch Lrinimq? 1 jigR!
THE great remedy at last ?w^?^?^^SR^
This LINIMENT will curoW"" ! V1*'"
plications. It is perfectly ek^H S|nffl|mBH?
trom offensive and dirty grcasaH- r*-';..' i m
pleasant remedy, and a restor^B wP^5
nappy feelings. All who are an^H ' HUH
this "disease will_use the LingB_ * _
sale on?y ai i- ?SIiEi; A Jn-.l-^i-aMB . i
April "3_DrugJiB
FROM my stab) :s. about^^^i^tj^^
fpffi miles North-east of NewbwSjJ
^Kflt?the nigh* cf the :Ustj two^ |Ofc^p&|&
- one a large black 11oise mnf?BHP\ JBv>i'^?^
spot-^u hi?j rump; the otheiMa mo?BKf^S^^
lored mare raiule, with a i dMpng ^?ly:^^^
her shoulder. v\?.vy iiifonnn9x?xefm^?f^^?
the mules will be t h ti x kt'uH afteacf AW\ '.; ' ,f,is
a libera! reward paid for then jS?wHBl-''Ti-????j?
J. C. s. BROWNT^T^H
April 3 1* Newberry C. H., S.<??*
tr Winnsboro A'ew.s please copy twice, ^
and forward bill to me. 1
Dissolution of Copartnership. I -mm
THE copartnership heretofore exiatifieJM
under the firms of CLARKSON ?TAI^^ffi
LEY ?nd J. H. CLARKSON & CO., arMp|
this day* dissolved bv mutual ccinsent. Jf^^
L THOMAS B. CLA^Ummmr '"Th
mr ra-, OLIN TALL??, .
f .10] frV; T. W'. aTKSOX |^BM
Api TI 3_
Copartnership Notice.
THE undersigned have this day formed
a copartnership, under the firm of T.
B. CLARKSON & SON, for the transaction g
of a general Commission and Wholesale fu
and Retail GRADS BUSINESS. ?J
THOMAS B. CLARKSON, fi
TjggyyS* J0HI* H- CLARKSON. M
S^uthe?SfciMlLj? *\WiSk^nn] m
AFIRST
less tl
on the firs!
and February."
advance; $8.
E. D. FEN?
D. WARRI
C. BEARI
All remittancj
Brickell, Box
All communie
"Southern Jou^
Box 969, Post !
April 3
THEG^H
ni'?
Applie?
bo i II II 11111 ^pjl UJ.>m |||J|WMjL I'M i Vf || Ilii'IWiitf jf ijl j iM
Causes 11 **JMrl 1' ' iiMlj I11 W||ni ^VWL ililli 11 IH'II
peals will bc^H
thereafter cTm^^^f^^^^m^^^^^^
Charleston DOCTM
The Court ?fl|
THURSDAY, loB
By order: JB^iScj^^j^s^^^'gaafe^!
Fashion?|^f^^^^^^^S
MRS. Cr.M^^^?^^^i^^L
Coln?
forming ^'-'O?
the public^p^^^^^^^^s^^^^p?^^
resumed \Wm%^J?^S%^?:^0^^f^^^?^i^'?
receiving Hj
and, frcnijBj
dent of hJH
Hdions : <??
a sHfcte gH
No ri ii-w-t'st^WBBilBBBS^^^tj^^gS^SgiS
bly streets, on" '--IM^^^^^^S^^^^fe^??s
Taylor's resid? n<;TJP^^^^^^^^^^^^^^S
State South Car?h-Tt^.^^~ \
Bj Jacob He1!, (MM
WHEREAS mw^-^M^^LW^^^?
ph ed to iJfc^^|lK|@?r
tr.it ion on al! a : i^^9mjt^^^^^^^?W
chattels, rights and ereTJrIIBBT-?Parih
E . Myers, late of tho DistrienrnTTWS-.d, de
ceasod:
These are, therefore, to cito and admoniah
all and singular the kindred and creditor-?
of the said deceased, to bo and appear
before me, at our next Ordinary's Court foi
the said District, to be holden at Columbi?
on Monday, tho sixteenth day of Api;
noxt, at ton o'clock a. m., to show cause, f
any, why thc said administration should
not be granted.
Given under my hand and seal of the Conn
this thirty-first day of March, in the year
of our Lord one thousand ??gilt huu
u.ed and sixty-six, and in tho ninetieth
vear of American independence,
JACOB BJELL,
Apnl 3 tu2 Ordinary Richlafcd Dist.