The daily phoenix. (Columbia, S.C.) 1865-1878, December 09, 1865, Image 2
?titntion of iha United ?tates recognizes
?these diversities when it cn'oinr that, in
-the choice of members of the House of
Representatives of the United States, "the
.electors in eaeh State shall have the quali?
fications requisite for electora of the most
numerous branch' of the State Legisla?
ture." After the formation of the Consti?
tution, it remained, as before, the uniform
visage for each State to enlarge the body of
Ita electors, according to its own judgment;
-and, under this system, one State after
another has proceeded to increase tho
number of its electors, until now universal
suffrage, or something very near it, is the
general ruie. So fixed was this reservation
of power in tho habits of the people, and
?o unquestioned has been the interpreta?
tion of thc Constitution, that during the
civil war the late President never harbored
tho purpose-certainly never avowed tho
purpose-of disregarding it; and in tho
Acts of Congress during that period, no?
thing can be found which, during th? con?
tinuance of hostilities, much less after
their close, would have sanctioned any
departure by the Executive from a policy
which has so uniformly obtained. More?
over, a concession of the electivo franchise
to the freedmen, by act of the President of
the United States, must have been extend?
ed to all colored men, wherever found, and
must so have established a change of suf?
frage in the Northern, Middle and Western
States, not less than in thc Southern and
South-western. Such an act would havo
created a new class of voters, aud would
Miave been an assumption of power by the
President which nothing in the Constitu?
tion or laws of the United States would
have warranted.
On the other hand, every danger of con?
flict is avoided when the settlement of tho
question is referred to thc several States.
They can, each for itself, decide on the
measure, and whether it is to bc adopted
at once and absolutely, or introduced gra?
dually and with conditions. In my judg?
ment, the freedmen, if they show patience
aad manly virtues, will sooner obtain a
participation in the elective franchise
ihrough the States than through the Gene?
ral Government, even if it had power to
intervene. When tho tumult of emotions
that have boen raised by the suddenness
fUf the social change shall have subsided,
it may provo that they will receive the
kindliest usage from some of those on I
whom they have heretofore most closely
.'depended.
But while I have no doubt that now,
.after tho close of the war, it is not compe
itent for tho General Government to extend
*Tne elective franchise in tho several States,
it is equally clear that good faith requires
the security of the freedmen in their
liberty and their property, their right to
labor, and their right to claim tho just
return of their labor. I cannot too strong?
ly urge a dispassionate treatment of this
subject, which should bo carefully kept
.aloof from ail party strife. Wo must
?equally avoid hasty assumptions of any
natural impossibility for tho two races to
live sido by side, in a state of mutual
.benefit and good will. The experiment in?
volves us in no inconsistency; let us, then,
.-go on and make that experiment in good
faith, and not be too easily disheartened.
The country is iu need of labor, and the
freedmen are in need of employment, cul?
ture and protection. While their right of
.voluntary migration and expatriation is
j3ot to bo questioned, I would not advise
their forced removal and colonization. Let
?s rather encourage them to honorable
?ind useful industry, where it may be bene
Jicial to themselves and to the country;
.and, instead of hasty anticipations of the
?cert?inty of failure, let there be nothing
wanting to the fair trial of the experiment.
The change in their condition is the sub?
stitution of labor by contract for the status
of slavery. The freedman cannot fairly
be accused of unwillingness to work, so
long as a doubt remains about his freedom
of choice in his pursuits, and tho certainty
of his recovering his stipulated wages. In
ibis the interests of the employer and the
.employed coincide. The employer desires
in his workmen spirit and alacrity, and
.these eau be permanently secured in no
.i>ther way. And if thc one ought to be
able to enforce the contract, so ought tho
other. The public interest will be best
promoted, if the several States will pro?
vide adequate protection and remedies for
the freedmen. Until this is in some way
accomplished, there is no chance for tho
advantageous use of their labor; and the
.blame of ill-success will not rest ou them.
1 know that sincere philanthropy isearn
'?st for the immediate realization of its
remotest aims; but time is always an ele?
ment in reform. It is on? of the greatest
acts on record to have brought four mil?
lions of people into freedom. The career
of free industry must be fairly opened to
them; and thou their future prosperity and
condition must, after all, rest mainly on
themselves. If they fail, and so perish
away, let us be careful that the failure
shall not bc attributable to any denial of
justice. In all that relates to the destinv
of the freedmen, we need not bo too anx?
ious to read the future; many incidents
which, from a speculative point of view,
might raise alarm, will quietly settle them?
selves.
Now that slavery is at a:i end, or near its
end, the greatness of its evil, in the point
of view of public economy, becomes more
and more apparent. Slavery was essen?
tially a monopoly of labor,"and as such
Jocked the States where it prevailed against
.tho incoming of free industry. Where
labor was tho property of the "capitalist,
the while man was excluded from employ?
ment, or had but tho second best chance
of finding it, and tho foreign emigrant
. turned away from the region where bis
^condition would bc so precarious. With
the destruction of the monopoly, free labor
wUl hasten from all parts of the civilized
?world to assist in developing various and
immeasurable resouces which have hitherto
lain donnant. The eight or nine States
nearest the (iulf of Mexico have a soil of
exuberant fertility, a climate friendly to
long life, and can sustain a denser popula?
tion than is found as yet in any part of our
country. And the future influx of popula?
tion to them will be mainly from the North,
or from the most cultivated nations in
Europe. From the sufferings that have
attended them during our late struggle,
let us look away to the future, which is
sure to be laden for them with greater
prosperity than has ?Ter before been
Known. The removal of the monop*ly
of slave labor ia a piedge that those regions
will be peopled by a numerous and enter
prisingpopulntion, which will vie with any
in the Union in compactness, inventive ge- J
nina, wealth and industry.
Our Government springs from and was
made for the people-not thc people for
tho Government To them it owes allegi?
ance; from them it mast derive its courage,
strength and wisdom. But while the Go?
vernment is thus bound to defer to tho
people, from whom it derives its existence,
it should, from tho very consideration of
its origin, be strong in its power of re?
sistance to tho establishment of inequali?
ties. Monopolies, perpetuities and class
legislation aro contrary to thc genius of
free government, and" ought not to bo
allowed. Here there is no room /or favored
classes or monopolies; the principle of our
Government is that of equal laws and
freedom of industrv Wherever monopoly
attains a foot-hold, it is sure to be a source
of danger, discord and trouble. We shall
but fulfil our duties as legislators by ac?
cording " equal and exact justice to all
men," special privileges to none. Thc
Government is subordinate to the people;
but as tho agent and representative of the
people, it must be held superior to mono?
polies, which, in themselves, ought never
to be granted, and which, where they exist,
must be subordinate and yield to the Go?
vernment.
Thc Constitution confers on Congress
the right to regulate commerce among the
several States. It is of the first necessity,
for the maintenance of the Union, that
that commerce should be freo and unob?
structed. No State can be justified in any
device to tax tho transit of travel and
commerce between States. The position
of many States is such, that if they were
allowed to take advantage of it for purposes
of local revenue, the commerce between
States might bc injuriously burdened, or
even virtually prohib? ' ed. lt is host, while
the country is still young, and while thc ten?
dency to dangerous monopolies of this
kind is still feeble, to uso tho power of
Congress so as to prevent any selfish im?
pediment to the free circulation of men
and merchandize. A tax on travel and
merchandize, in their transit, constitutes
one of the worst forms of monopoly, and
the evil is increased if coupled with a
denial of the choice of route. When tho
vast extent of our country is considered,
it is plain that every obstacle to the free
circulation of co.amerce between the States
ought to bo sternlv guarded against by
appropriate legislations, within the limits
of the Constitution.
The report of the Secretary of the Inte?
rior explains tho condition "of *he public
lands, the transactions of the Patent Office
and the Pension Bureau, the management
of our Indian affairs, tho progress made
in the construction of the Pacific Railroad,
and furnishes information in reference to
matters of local interest in the District of
Columbia. It also presents evidence of
tho successful operation of the Homestoad
Act, under the provisions of which 1,160.
533 acres of the public lands were entered
during the last fiscal year-more than one
fourth of the whole number of acres sold
or otherwise disposed of during that
period. It is estimated that tho receipts
derived from this source '.re sufficient to
cover the expenses incident to the survey
and disposal of the lands entered under
this Act, and that payments in cash to the
extent of from forty to fifty per cent, will
be made hy settlers, who may thus at any?
time acquire title before the expiration of
the period at which it would otherwise
vest. The homestead policy was estab?
lished only after long and earnest resist?
ance; experience proves its wisdom. The
lands, in the hands of industrious settlers,
whose labor ereates wealth and contributes
to the public resources, are worth moro
to the United States, than if they had
been reserved as a solitude for future pur?
chasers.
The lamentable events of the last four
years, and the sacrifices made by tho gal?
lant men of our army and navy, have
swelled the records of the Pension Bureau
to an unprecedented extent. On the 30th
day of June last, the total number of pen?
sioners was 85,986, requiring for their an?
nual pay, exclusive of expenses, the sum
of $8,023,4-15. The number of applications
that have been allowed since that date will
require a large increase of this amount for
the next fiscal year. The means for the
payment of the stipends duo, under exist?
ing laws, to our disabled soldiers and
sailors, and to the families of such as have
perished in thc service of the country, will
no doubt he cheerfully and promptly
granted. A grateful people will not hesi?
tate to sanction any measures having for
their object the relief of soldiers mutilated
and families mado fatherless in the efforts
to preserve our national existence.
The report of the Postmaster-General
presents an encouraging exhibit of the
operations of the Post Office Department
during the year. The revenues of the
past year, from tho loyal States alone,
exceeded the maximum annual receipts
from all the States previous to the rebel?
lion, in the sum of $6,038,091 ; and the
annual average increase of revenue during
tho last four years, compared with tho
revenues of the four years immediately
preceding tho war, was $3,533,845. The
revenues of thc? last fiscal year amounted
to $14,556,158, and the expenditures to
$13,694,728, leaving a surplus of receipts
over expenditures of $861,430. Progress
has been made in restoring th ; portal
service in the Southern States. The .'iews
presented by the Postmaster-General
against the policy of granting subs.dies to
ocean mail steamship lines upon establish?
ed routes, and in favor of continuing tho
present system, which limits the compen?
sation for ocean service to tho postago
earnings, are recommended to the careful
consideration of Congress.
It appears, from the report of the Sec?
retary of the Navy, that while, at thc
commencement of the present year, there
were in commission vessels of all classes
and descriptions, armed with 3,000 guns,
and manned by 51,000 men, tho number of
vessels at present in commission is 117,
with 830 guns and 12,128 mon. By this
prompt reduction of tho naval forces tho
expenses of tho Government have been
largely diminished, and a number of ves?
sels, purchased for naval purposos from
?he merchant marine, have been rota rn od
io the peaceful poxeaifca ef commerce.
Bince the suppression of active hofltilitiea
oar foreign squadrons have been re?
established, and consist of vessels much
more, efficient than those employed on
similar servies previous to the rebellion.
The suggestion for the enlargement of the
navy-yards, and especially for the esta?
blishment of one in fresh water for iron?
clad vessels, is deserving of consederation,
as is also the recommendation for a dif?
ferent location and more ample grounds
for the Naval Academy.
In the report of the Secretary of War, a
general summarv is given of the military
campaigns of 1864 and 1865, ending in tho
suppression of armed resistance to tho
national authority in the insurgent States.
Tho operations of the general administra?
tive bureau of tho War Department during
the last year are detailed, and an estimate
made of the appropriations that will be re?
quired for military purposes in tho fiscal
vear commencing the 30th of June, 1866.
The national military force on the first of
May, 1865, numbered 1,000,516 mon. It is
proposed to reduce tho military establish?
ment to a peace footing, comprehending
50,000 troops of all arms, organized so as
to admit ot an enlargement by filling up
the ranks to 82,600, if the circumstances of
tho country shouid require an augmenta?
tion of tho army. Thc volunteer force has
already been reduced by the dischargo
from service of over 800,000 troops, and tho
Department is proceeding rapidly in the
work of further reduction. Tho war esti?
mates aro reduced from $516,210,131 to
$3:3.814,-101, which amount, in thc opinion
of the Department, ia adequate for a peace
esta blishment. The measures of retrench?
ment in each bureau and branch of tho
service exhibit a diligent economy worthy
of commendation. Reference is also made
in tho report of the necessity of providing
for a uniform militia system, and to tho
propriety of making suitable provision for
wounded and disabled officers and soldiers.
Tho revenue system of tho country is a
subject of vital interest to its honor and
prosperity, and should command the- earn?
est consideration of Congress. The Secre?
tary of tho Treasury will lay before you a
full and detailed report of the receipts and
disbursements of tho last fiscal year, of tho
first quarter of thc present fiscal year, of i
thc probable receipts and expenditures for
tho other three-inarters, and tho estimate
for the year following tho 30th of June,
18C6. I might content myself with a refer?
ence to that report, in which you will find
all the information roquired for your deli?
berations and decision. But tho para?
mount importance of the subject so presses
itself on my own mind, that I cannot but
lay before you my views of the measures
which aro roquired for tho good character,
and I might almost say for tho existence,
of this people. The life of a republic lies
certainly in the energy, virtue and intelli?
gence of its citizens; but it is equally true
that a good revenue system is the lifo of an
organized government. I meat you at a
time when tho nation has voluntarily bur
doned itself with a debt unprecedented in
our annals. Vast as is its amounts, it fades
away into nothing, when compared to tho
countless blessiugs that will be conferred
upon our country and upon mau, by the
preservation of a nation'a hie. Now, on
thc first occasion of tho meeting of Con
gross since the return of peace, it is of tho
utmost importance to inaugurate a just
policy, which shall at once be put in mo?
tion, and which shall commend itself to
those who come after us for its continu- j
ance. We must aim at nothing less than
thc complete effacement of the financial
evils that necessarily followed a state of
civil war. We must endeavor to apply the
earliest remedy to the deranged state of
the currency, and not shrink from devising
a policy which, without being oppressive
ti? the people, shall immediately begin to
effect a reduction of the debt, and, if per?
sisted in, discharge it fully within a defi?
nitely fixed number of years.
It is our first duty to prepare in earnest
for our recovery from the ever-increasing
evils of an irredeemable currency, without
a sudden revulsion, and yet without un?
timely procrastination. For that end wo
must, each in our rospective positions,
prepare tho way. I hold it to bo tho duty
of thc Executive to insist upon frugality
in tho expenditures, and a sparing econo?
my is itself a great national resource. Of
the banks to which authority has been
given to issue notes secured by bonds of
the United States, wc may require the
greatest moderation and prudence, and
the law must be rigidly enforced when its
limits are exceedod. Wo may, oach one of
us, counsel our active and enterprising
countrymen to bo constantly on their
guard, tc liquidate debts contracted in a
paper currency, and, by conducting busi?
ness as nearly as possible on a system
of cash payments or short credits, to hold
themselves prepared to return to tho
standard of gold and silver. To aid our
fellow-citizens in the prudent management
of their monetary affairs, thc duty de?
volves eu us to diminish by law thc amount
of paper money now in circulation. Five
years ago thu bank note circulation of tho
country amounted to not much more than
two hundred millions; now the circulation,
bank and national, exceeds seven hundred
millions. The simple statement of thc
fact recommends more strongly than any
words of mino could do the necessity of
our restraining this expansion. The
gradual reduction of tho currency is the
only measure that can save tho business of
tho" country from disastrous calamities;
and this can be almost imperceptibly ac?
complished by gradually funding tho na?
tional circulation in securities that may be
made redeemable at tho pleasure of the
Government.
Our debt is doubly secure -first in the
actual wealth and still greater undeveloped
resources of tho country; and next in tho
character of our institutions. Tho most
intelligent observers among political ?co?
nomats have not failed to remark, that the
public debt of a country is sate in propor?
tion as its people aro free, that the debt of
a republic is tho safest of all. Our history
continus and establishes the theory, and
is, I firmly believe, destined to givo it a
still moro "signal illustration. Tho secret
of this superiority springs not merely
from the fact that in a republic tho nation?
al obligations are distributed moro widely
I through countless numbers in all classes
of society; it hu ita root in the character
of oar laws. Here all men- contribute to
the public welfare, and bear their fair
share of tho public bardens. Daring the
war, ander the impulses of patriotism, the
men of the great body of the people, with?
out regard to their own comparativo want
of wealth, thronged to oar armies and
filled our fleets of war, and held them?
selves ready to offer their lires for tho
public good. Now, in their turn, the pro?
perty and income of the country should
bear their just proportion of tho burden
of taxation, while in our impost system,
through means of which increased vitality
is incidentally imparted to all thc indus?
trial interests of the nation, the duties
Bhould be so adjusted as to fall most
heavily on articles of luxury, leaving thc
necessaries of life as free from taxation as
the absolute wants of tho Government,
economically administered, will justify.
No favored class should demand freedom I
from assessment, and thc taxes should be
so distributed as not to fall unduly on the I
poor, but rather on the accumulated j
wealth of the country. Wc should look at
the national debt just as it is-not as ana- ]
tional blessing, but as a heavy burden ou |
the industry of the country, to bo dis- |
charged without unnecessary delay.
It is estimated by the Secretary of the
Treasury, that thc. expenditures for tho
fiscal year ending the 30th of June, 18GG,
will exceed the receipts 112,191,497. It is
gratifying, however, to state that it is also
estimatru that the revenue for the year
ending the 30th of June, 1807, will exceed
the expenditures in the sum of $111,682,
818. This amount, or so much as may be
deemed sufficient for the purpose, may be
applied to tho reduction of the public debt,
which, on the 31st day of October, 1805,
was $2,740,854,750. Every reduction will
diminish tho total amount of interest to
be paid, and so enlarge thc moans of still
further reductions, until the whole shall
he Liquidated; and this, as will be seen
from the estimates of the Secretary of the
Treasury, may be accomplished by annual
payments even within a period not exceed?
ing thirty years. 1 have faith that we
shall do all this within a reasonable time;
that, as wc have amazed the world by thc
suppression of a civil war which was
thought to be beyond the control of any
Government, so we shall equally show the
superiority of our institutions by tho
prompt and faithful discharge of our na?
tional obligations.
The Department of Agriculture, under
its present direction, is accomplishing
mach in developing and utilizing the vast
agricultural capabilities of the country,
and for information respecting the details
of its management, reference is made to
the annual report of the Commissioner.
I have dwelt thus fully on our domestic
affairs because of their transcendant im?
portance. Under any circumstances, our
great extent of territory aud variety of
climate, producing almost everything that
is necessary for the wants, and even the
comforts of man, make us singularly in?
dependent of the varying policy of foreign
powers, and protect us against every temp?
tation to "entangling alliances;" while at
the present moment the re-establishment
of harmony, and the strength that comes
from harmony, will be our best security
against "nations who feel power and for?
get right." For myself, it has been and it
will be my constant aim. to promote peace
and aunty with all foreign nations and
p jwers; and I have every reason to believe
that they all, without exception, arc ani?
mated by the same disposition. Our
relations with thc Emperor of China, so
recent in their origin, are most friendly.
Our commerce with his dominions is re?
ceiving new developments: and it is
very pleasing to find that the Go?
vernment of that great Empire mani?
fests satisfaction with our policy, and
reposes just confidence in the fairness
which marks our intercourse. The un?
broken harmony between the United States
and the Emperor of Russia is receiving a
new support from an enterprise designed
to carry telegraphic lines across tho
continent of Asia, through his dominions,
and so to connect us with all Europe by a
new channel of intercourse. Our com?
merce with South America is about to
receive encouragement by a direct lino of
mad steamships to the rising Empire of
Brazil. The distinguished party of men
of science who have recently left our
eonntry to make a scientific exploration of
the natural history and rivers and moun?
tain ranges of that region, have received
from tho Emperor that generous welcome
which was to have been expected from his
constant friendship for tho United States,
and his well known zeal in promoting tho
advancement of knowledge. A hope is
entertained that our commerce willi the
rich and populous countries that border
tho Mediterranean Sea may bo largely in?
creased. Nothing will bo wanting, on tho
part of this Government, to extend the
protection of our fag over the enterprise
of our fellow-citizens. We receive from
the powers in that region assurances of
good will; and it is worthy of note that a
special envoy has brought us messages of
condolence on the death of our late Chief
Magistrate from the Bey of Tunis, whoso
rule includes tho edd dominions of Car?
thage, on the African coast.
Our domestic contest, uow happily ended,
lins left some traces in our relations with
one at least of the great maritime powers.
The formal accordance of belligerent rights
to the insurgent States was unprecedented,
and has not been justified by the issue.
But in the systems of neutrality pursued
by|the powers which made that concession,
there was a marked difference. The mate?
rials of war for the insurgent States wero
furnished, in a great measure, from tho
work-shops of Great Britain; and British
ships, manned by British subjects, and
prepared for receiving british armaments,
sailed from the ports of (?feat Britain, to
make war on American commerce, under
shelter of a commission from thu insur?
gent States. Those ships, having once
escaped from british ports, ever after?
wards entered them in every part of the
world, to refit, and so to renew their de?
predations. The consequences of this con?
duct were most disastrous to the States
then in rebellion, increasing their desola?
tion and misery by the prolongation of our
ci villon test, lt had, moreover, thu effect,
to a good extent, to drive the American
flag from the sea, and to transfer much of
our shipping and our eommeree to th? re ry j
power whose subjects had created the ne?
cessity for such s change. These event*
took place before I was called to tho admi?
nistration of the Government. The sincere
desire for peace by which I am animated,
led me to approve the proposal, already
made, to submit the questions which had
thus arisen between the countries to arbi?
tration. These questions are of such mo?
ment th at "they must have commanded the
attention of tho great powers, and are so
interwoven with the peace and interests of
every one of thom as to have insured an
impartial decision. I regret to inform you
that Great Britian declined thc arbitra?
ment, but on the other hand, invited us to
the formation of a joint commission to
settle mutual claims between tho two
countries, from which those for the depre?
dations before mentioned should he ex?
cluded. Thc proposition, in that very un?
satisfactory form, has been declined.
The United States did not present tho
subject as an impeachment of the good
faith of a power which was professing the
most friendly dispositions, but as involv?
ing questions of public law, of which tho
settlement is essential to the peace of
nations; and though pecuniary reparation
to their injured citizens would have follow?
ed incidentally on a decision against Great
Britain, such compensation was not their
primary object. They had a higher
motive, and it was in tho interests of
peace and justice to establish important
principles of international law. Tho cor?
respondence, will be placed before yon.
The ground on which the British Minister
rests his justification is, substantially,
that the municipal law of a nation, and
the domestic interpretations of that law,
aro thc measure of its duty as a neutral:
and I feel bound to declare my opinion,
before you and bet?re tho world, that that
justification cannot be sustained before
the tribunal of nations. At tho same time,
I do not advise to any present attempt at
redress by acts of legislation. For thc
future, friendship between thc two coun?
tries must rest on thc basis of mutual
justice.
From the moment of the establishment
of our freo Constitution, the civilized
world has been convulsed by revolutions
in the. interest of democracy or of mon?
archy; but through all those- revolutions
the United .States have wisely and firmly
refused to become propagandists or repub?
licanism. It is the only Government suit?
ed to our condition; but we have never
sought to impose it on others; and wo
have consistently followed thc advice of
Washington, to recommend it only by tho
careful prc serration and prudent uso of
the blessing. During all the intervening
period thc- policy of European powers and
of the United States has, on the whole,
been harmonious. Twice, indeed, rumors
of tho invasion of sonia parts of America,
in the interest of monarchy, have prevail?
ed; twice my predecessors have had occa?
sion to announce the views of this nation
in respect to such interference. On both
occasions the remonstrance of the United
States was respected, from a dec]) convic?
tion, on tho part of European Govern?
ments, that tho system of non-interference
and mutual abstinence from propagand
ism was tho true rule for the two hemis?
pheres. Since those times we have ad?
vanced in wealth and power; but we retain
the same purpose to leave the nations of
Europe to choose their own dynasties and
form their own systems of government.
This consistent moderation may justly de?
mand a corresponding moderation. We
should regard it as a great calamity to
ourselves, to the cause of good govern?
ment, and to the peace of the world,
should any European power challenge thc
American people, as it were, to the defence
of republicanism against foreign interfer?
ence. We cannot foresee and are unwil?
ling to consider what opportunities might
present, themselves, what combination
might offer to protect ourselves against
designs inimical to our form of govern?
ment. Thc United States desire to act in
the future as they have ever acted hereto?
fore; they never will be driven from that
course but by thc aggression of European
powers; and we ro'.y.on tho wisdom and
justice of those powers to respect the
system of non-interference which has so
long been sanctioned by time, and which,
by its good results, has approved itself to
both continents.
The correspondence between the United
States and France, in reference to thc
3uestions which have become subjects of
iscussion hotweon tho two Governments,
will, at a proper time, be laid before Con?
gress. When, on the organization of our
Government under the Constitution, tho
President of the United States delivered
his inaugural address to the two Houses of
Congress, ho said to them, and through
them to tho country and to mankind, that
"tho preservation of the sacred tiro of
liberty and tho destiny of thc republican
model of Government arc justly considered
as deeply, perhaps as finally, staked on
tho experiment entrusted to the American
people." And the House of Representa?
tives answered Washington by the voice of
Madison: "Wo adore thc invisible hand
which has led the American people,
through so many difficulties, to cherish a
conscious responsibility for tho destiny of
republican liberty." More than seventy
six vears have glided away since these
words wore spoken; the United States have
passed through severer trials than were
foreseen; and new, at ibis new epoch in
our existence as one nation, with our
Union purified by sorrows nd strengthen?
ed by conflict, and established by thc
virtue of tho people, thc greatness of thc
occasion invites us once more to repeat,
with solemnity, thc pledges of our fathers
to hold ourselves answerable before our
fellow-men for the success of the republi?
can form of Government. Experience has
proved its sufficiency in peace and war; it
lias vindicated its authority through dan?
gers, and afflictions, and sudden and terri?
ble emergencies, which would have crush?
ed any svstom that had bern less firmly
fixed in tho heart of the people. At tho
inauguration of Washington tho foreign
relations of tho country wore few, and its
trade was repressed by hostile regulations;
now all tho civilized nations of tho globe
welcome our commerce, and their Gevern
ments profess towards us amity. Then
our country felt its way hesitatingly along
an untried path, with States so little bound