Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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?with enmity and suspicion, it cannot be expected that he will make your j country the home of himself and his descendants ; and other States,- more sagacious, will derive the benefit of his skill, capital and citizenship. Our last want is capital to develope the great and varied resources of this State. It is to be obtained by labor, and from abroad, by making its profits remunerative to the owner. With these wants supplied, there is no reason to view our future gloomily ; on the contrary, there is muoh to hope for ourselves and our posterity. We have emerged from a long and disastrous war, with our cities and towns burnt, our houses destroyed, our fields and plantations ravaged, and our wealth scattered, but we are in no worse condition than om- fore? fathers when they came out of the revolution. Their virtue and labor and economy soon made them a more prosperous people than cv?r before. Why may not the same qualities work out the same happy result for us ? It is vain to indulge in repinings over the misfortunes o? the past. Our work is with and for the future. If we are to deserve well of the country and of posterity, it must depend on the fidelity with which it is executed. A new Constitution has been adopted, and by it your Government has been liberalized. Every citizen may aspire to its honors; and if esteemed I worthy by his fellows, may occupy its high places. It merits a fair trial Lfrom the people, and will doubtless receive it. The hope is ardently r cherished by me that every change made in the old Constitution may prove a I ment of the criminal law, the evil passions of bad and inconsiderate men f will be restrained, and order soon restored to society. The total destruction of large tracts of country by au invading army, and the exhaustion of tho'entire State, cons?quent upon a long war, inca? pacitates the people from paying thc usual amount of taxes, and it be k hooves all departments of the Government to practice and enforce a rigid economy. The annual appropriations heretofore maje will undergo the closest scrutiny, and whenever a reduction can be made, or the appropria? tion entirely dispensed with, it will be done. All supernumerary offices abolished, and the salaries of those continued reduced whenever it can bc done without detriment to the public service, so that the expenditures for the support of the Government will be reduced to the most frugal standard. I The Executive Department will cordially co-operate with you in all measures to reduce tho expenses of the State to the lowest standard com? patible with its efficient administration. Invoking the blessing of Almighty God on our united efforts to ame? liorate the condition of our desolated and afflicted country, and appealing to Him for wisdom, moderation and fortitude in the discharge of our grave iand arduous labors, I am prepared to take the oath to support the Con? stitution of this State and the United States, and enter upon the dutio3 of Chief Magistrate of South Carolina. , Hon. B. F. Dunkin, Chief Justice of the State of South Carolina, then Idministered to the Governor elect the Constitutional oath of oilier. I The Senate retired to their Chamber. I On motion of Mr. WARLEY, f Ordered, That when this House adjourns, it be adjourned to meet to ?iiorrow at ll o'clock A. M. I On motion of Mr. WARLEY, the House was adjourned at half-past 2 Relock P. M. H Tho West and South. V Before the inauguration of thu late ?var, the intimate commercial and ?political relations between these two Sections was universally recognized. ?The most effective arguments em Bployed in tho North-west against the ?recession of the Southern States, ?.ere based upon these relations. The ?Bouth afforded a mrrkct for a large Kiortion of the surplus products of ?the West. The Mississippi Ri ver was ?he natural highway by means of ?which the corn, the flour and the ?provisions of the West were ex? changed for the sugar and other pro Bluets of the South. So intimate were Bliese commercial relations, so essen |Bal did the one section seem to the ?ther, that there were many states 9ien at tho South who predicted that ?iyen if the war should terminate in [?Amthern independence, but a few Bpars would elapse before the North BP?st would bu part of the same Mundry. There were Western states Bfcn who entertained ii Similar view Sf the question. ?V The political affinities between the HEwo sections, based upon commercial ?interests, were scarcely less decided. ?Both sections were essentially agri ?cultural. Manufactories, it is true, B?xisted in both, but the manufactur? ing interest was subordinate to thc Srreat interests of agriculture. There B?xisted in the whole Mississippi val Wey a strong feeling of hostility to thc ? New England views of a high pro tee ?tive tariff, which taxed heavily th( ?agriculturist for the benefit of th? ? manufacturer. The policy of these ^ectionw was less aggressive to othei Bnterests than the policy of tho New ?England statesmen. It was essen ^?tdly conservative in its character BB sought to prevent their own inte H-sts from being invaded, rather thai ?Bj encroach on the rights and ?ute HB ' of other sections. Tho Wes BBng resisted the spirit of propagand HUm sent forth from New England BLT hey felt that tho conservatism of th ?youth was ?ssential in the Union t< ?Prevent tho continual encroachment ?ff the New England policy. An ??here were multitudes altin- Sont ?kvlio regretted the action of the South H'm States in seceding, because i ?Levered thein from faithful politic: Bailies, who, had they remained in th BUnion, would have continued to roi Bier their powerful aid at tin- bailo Bk beat back the wave of revolutio ?continually rolling from Nev.- En? BS Those conservatives at the We ?Jw i io bad hitherto been disposed I Vprotect tho Constitutional rights i Stjie South were irritated at the a nj ' i secession. They charge ??jb't ii.-y h i-l been abandoned I Br ir al!ies anil left to the mercy i HRm I h.-rn radicalism. They felt th; Bc could not afford to be left tin BL They became at once tl most persistent advocates of coercion. They insisted on following the Missis? sippi to its outlet, and on vindicating their theory that the South could not be dissevered from the West. They fought for the restoration of the Union-not for its destruction. They, moro than any other section, have succeeded in breaking the power of the South. And now, that armed opposition is at an end, it remains for it to be seen whether the West will permit the State organizations of the South to be blotted out of existence, and the country converted into satrapies under military commanders, or whether they will insist on the restoration of the Union for which they so successfully fought. The interests of the West and South are still almost identical. The New England politicians, en? couraged by success, have become more aggressive than ever. Their interests aro set up as a guide for the policy to bo pursued by the Govern? ment. They insist that tho West shall enter into their feelings of vin? dictiveness against the Sou*h, and shall aid them in humiliating still further an unresisting people. Thc Southern States have ceased theil opposition. They have laid dowu their arms. In doing so, it was not to become slaves. They recognized that the struggle would result eithei in independence or in returning t< the Union. The whole North soundec but one war-cry : "The Union as i was, and the Constitution as it is." JJ giving up the contest, the South ac cepted that result. They now clain its fulfillment. They claim a concession by th country of the rights guaranteed b the Constitution. Every State an every citizen is interested in th granting of the claim. The North west, especially, whose prosperit depends so much on that of tb South, is vitally interested in th restoration. If ono State may V blotted out of existence, so ma I another. New England will nev* cease to wield a revolutionary pow? until her policy is effectually checkt in the halls of legislation. For hi own aggrandizement she will encroa< upon any other rights and upon ai Other interests. Will the West saci fice her own interests to kneel at tl throne of New England? Or w she assume the position in tim natioi Councils to which she is entitled, ai restore tin; Union and the Constii tioii as they were before the war, a cause the arbitrary rule of milita authority to yield again to the ; prcmacy of civil law ? ( Nt-ir Orleans ( 'rescent. j Several of tin- prominent dry go houses in New York are having wi : extended from their establishme to the general office of the telegra j company. I Heni?rki .mt Speaker Col Tax ?a ike Admission of Southern S?ombfn. On Saturday last, a large number of the friends of ex-Speaker Colfax complimented him with a serenade by the Marine Band, in Washington city, on which occasion he made a speech. After thanking them for the honor done him, and referring to the condition of the country, now as compared with the time of the closing of the last Congress, he proceeded at length to speak of the probable action of the next Congress, when represen? tatives of the States lately in rebel? lion would be seeking admission tc take part in the legislation of thc country and said : Tho Constitution, which seem; framed for every emergency, gives tc each xlouse the exclusive right tc judge of thc qualifications, clectioi and return of its members, andi ap prebend they will exercise that right Congress, having passed no law 01 reconstruction, President Johnsoi prescribed certain action for thesi States, which he deemed indispensa ble to their restoration to their for mer relations to the Government which T think eminently wise an; patriotic. First -That their conven tions should declare the various ordi nances of secession null and void, no as some have done, merely repealin them, but absolutely, without an; force or effect. Second-That thei Legislatives should adopt the Cor stitutionai amendment abolishin slavery, that this cause of dissensio and rebellion might be utterly extii pated. Third-That they shall foi nially repudiate the rebel debi though, by its terms, it will be a lou while before it fell due, as it was t be payable six months after the recoj nition of the Confederacy by th Uni* d States. Tnis reminds me of an old frien in Indiana, who said he liked to gi\ his notes pavable ten days after coi venience. [Laughter and applausi and cries of "good. '] But there ai other terms on which I think thei is no division among the loyal mc of the Union. First, that the D? claration of Independence must I recognized as the law of the lan< and every man, alien or native, whi or black, protected in the inalienab and God-given rights of life, libert; and the pursuit of happiness. M Lincoln, in that emancipation pr clamatioii, which ia the proude wreath in his chaplet of fame, [a plause,] not only gave freedom to tl .lave, but declared ^hat the Gover ment would maintain that freedoi [Applause.] We cannot abandc them and leave them defenceless the mercy of their former owners. They must be protected in thc right of person and property, ai these freemen must have the right sue in courts of justice for all ju claims, and testify also, so as to ha security against outrage and wron I call them freemen, not freedme The last phrase might have answer before their freedom was fully f cured, but they should be regard now as freemen of tho Republic. Second-Tile amendments of tin State Constitutions, which have be adopted by many of their convc tions-so reluctantly under the pr sure of despatches from the Preside and Secretary of State-should ratified by a majority of their peop We all know that but a very sm portion of their voters particip?t in the election of delegates to th? conventions, and nearly, if not all 1 con ve a tions, have declared them force without any ratification by 1 people. When that crisis has passed, ( they not turn around and say tl these were adopted under duress, delegates elected by a meagre v under provisional governors and n itary authorities, and never ratil by a popular vote ; and could tl not turn anti-Lecompton argnme against us, and insist, as we did, t a Constitution not ratified by people, may have legal effect, but moral effect whatever. Third-The Presiden* can, on occasions, insist that they sho elect Congressmen, who could t the oath prescribed by the Act of li but in defiance of this, and insult to the President and tho country, t have in a large majority of instai voted down mercilessly, Union i who could take thc: oath, and ele< those who boasted that they c not, would not, aye, and would disgraced if they could. Wit! mentioning names, a gentleman el .d in Alabama by a large majoi (leelan d in his address to the pe before this election that the iron i of history would record the ema pation act as the most mons! deed o? cruelly that ever darke the annuls of any nation. And another one, who avowed ho gave all possible aid and con to the rebellion, denounced that Con? gress of 1862, as guilty in enacting such an oath. [A voice-"Put them on probation."] The South is filled with men who can take tho oath ; it declares : "I have not voluntarily taken part in the rebellion." Every conscript in the Southern army can take that oa*h, because he was forced to the ranks by the conscription act, and every man who staid at home and refused to accept civil or military official positions could take that oath. But these were not the choice of the States lately in rebellion. Fourth-While it must be expected that a minority o? these States will cherish, for years, perhaps, their feelings of disloyalty, the country has a right to eipect that before their members are admitted to share in the government of this country, a clear majority of the people of each of these ! States should give evidence of their earnest and cheerful loyalty-not hy speeches, as are so common, "that they submitted the issue to Hie ar? bitrament of war"-but that they are willing to stand by and light for the ' flag of the country against all its j enemies, at home and abroad. The danger is in too much precipitation. Let us, rather, make haste slowly, and we can then hope that the founda? tion of our Government, when thus reconstructed ou the basis of indispu? table loyalty, will be as eternal as the stars. [Applause. ) He then wound up with a laudation of the patriotic course of President Johnson, and a tremendous eulogy on the benefit of free labor and the benefits of the Union. The Washington correspondence of the Baltimore S;ai says, in com? menting on the above speech : The topic of to-day is the speech of Mr. Colfax, at the National Hotel, last evening. He has said that he had only a brief interview with the President, therefore his remarks are not to be regarded as indicating the character of the forthcoming message. But Mr. Colfax has been speaker and is likely to be again. He is demon? strative, as was shown last winter, by descending from the chair to institute proceedings against Mr. Harris, of you i- State. He is ambitious, and therefore has recalled his expressed determinatiou of retiring from Con? gress, and he probably looks higher than to the third office in honor iu the Government. Mr. Colfax, like Mr. Forney, and perhaps a very few others, throws out ideas which he intends shall influence the course of tho President and enlist the support oi the country. These views look to legislation that will dis? turb the South for a decade, if they are not tabooed by a sound public opinion. They as much as desired of the President to make other re? quirements of the South than he has done. Nothing short of that condi? tion that will make tho rebel States what the East Indies are to Great Britain will satisfy the plunderers whoso names are legion. I believe that they will fail in their man if they much depend upon the President for aid and comfort. KcronmriK'tion mid thc Constitution. The letter of Wade Hampton to the people of South Carolina, which we published a few days since, con? tained the following declaration in reference to President Johnson's policy for re-adjusting the Southern States: "The President had no shadow of authority, I admit, under the Constitution of the United States, to order a convention in this or any other State; but as a conqueror ho had the right to offer, if not to dictate, terms." If Wade Hampton intend? ed to convey the idea that the power used by the President, in II?B efforts to re-organize tho South, is extra constitutional, he is right in his inference. The President has no power, according to the letter of the Constitution, to pursue the course which he has adopted in his recon? struction policy. But Wade Hamp? ton and the class of men who look upon our present condition from his stand-point fail to comprehend or understand the expansive power of the Constitution-a power not ex? pressed, but inherent in it as a neces? sity for self-preservation. The framers of our Constitution provided for the suppression* of a rebellion <>r insurrection, and gave to the President and Congress ample authority to adopt measures to ac? complish that purpose and enforc< the laws in every Locality. All this is included in the w ar provisions o the Constitution, and it is here tin we find the expansive power of tha charier. While the authors of tlu Constitution provided for thc sap pression of ti rebellion, they did no incorporate in that instrument explici provisions for reconstructing a State for no such emergency was ever expected by them to arise. But common sense tells us that it was not, therefore, intended that a State was to be left without a local government, and its citizens in an unprotected condition, as they would be, when the rebellion -was put down. It seems to us that the inference is clearly deducible that the power given to the President under the war provisions of the Constitution carries with it, as a necessity, the authority to re? organize those localities which have ' been in rebellion ; that this, in fact, j is a part and parcel of the war power I vested in the President and Con? gress; for the work of enforcing thc laws and suppressing the insurrec? tion is not completed until the machinery of the local or civil government is fully adjusted and placed in efficient working order. There is not to bo found in the Constitution cac word or syllabic authorizing tho President or Congress ! to hold a State which has been in ! rebellion as conquered territory. Any j such attempt ou the part of either ' would be unquestionably a direct violation not only of the letter but j the spirit of that instrument, as well as of fundamental law. It follows, therefore, that tho only course is for the President to adopt such measures as will secure immediate organization* of thc local governments and enforce? ment of the civil laws which existed I in the rebellious States previous to j the insurrection. This is the authority I which the President is now exercising in his efforts tore-organize the South. No person would for a moment claim that a proclamation abolishing slavery, issued in time of peace, would be constitutional; but it is clearly constitutional when promul? gated during a rebellion as a war measure. Thc same rule will apply to tho appointment of Provisional Governors. They come in under the war power and aro part of the machinery used to perfect and complete the Work of suppressing the rebellion. If the framers of tho Constitution intended that an insur? rection should be crushed out, they could not have desired the work to be half completed, but thorough in all respects. Nor was it possible for them to enunciate tho precise mode of proceeding as soon as the organiz? ed resistance had been overcome, for the simple reason that it was beyond their power to tell whare or how a rebellion would rise, and, furthermore, no two cases would require the same treatment in tho final settlement. All this had to be left to the expansive power of tho Constitution and the common sense of those who administered it at the time that the events occurred. It is here that the President obtains the right to demand that each of those States which have been in rebellion shall ratify the constitutional amend? ment abolishing slavery. It is hero that he finds thc power to justify him in insisting that the late slaves shall' bo allowed to testify in courts of justice. It is from this source that he has the authority to declare that the rebel debt shall be repudiated. Unless we deny that the Constitution gives to Congress and the President ample power to suppress insurrec? tion and enforoe the laws in all sections of tho country, it must be admitted that tao authority to set aside the rebellious local governments in the States which have been in rebellion and to re-organize hiern, is also fully inferred and intended, although not explicitly expressed. Any oilier conclusion would plunge us into endless confusion and lead us step by stop until we finally landed in chaos and ruin.-JV. Y. Herald. G?NERAI KILPATRICK.-The dis? tinguished political services of Gen. Kilpatrick in stumping New Jersey are rewarded. He goes to Chili, with twelve thousand dollars per annum in gold, besides his yiay as Major General in the regular army. Tho Worl'l. commenting on this sigrid cant illustration of the ancient adage that "loyalty is the best policy," alludes a's follows to the Secretary's other compliment to Kilpatrick: It is Hither to Mr. Stanton's credit that upon granting Gen. Kilpatrick, in his usual royal style, an "audience of leave," he turned tolas Adjutant and ordered the name of "Fort Runyon," near Washington, to bc changed to "Fort Kilpatrick." (?er. Kilpatrick himself probably failed to feel, as his fellow-soldiers and the country will, thc sarcastic imperti? nence of the compliment by which a fort, baptized throughout the war and omler fire liv the name of ;0 gallant o soldier UH General Runyon, is selected, upon thc return of peace, to commemorate his own achieve? ments on tho safe and profitable "stump. "