Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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sister State?, "that it -was a necessity to preserve the "national life." This is one of those popular phrases which play so important a part in American affairs. Will it bear examination? If the national hie cannot exist unless Texas, California, Oregon, be com? prised in the Union, how did it exist when those regions belonged to a foreign power? How did it exist when North Carolina and Rhode Island were outside of the Union? If anything represents the nation as a whole, it is the Constitution, with? out which wc have no other than separate States. Now, the Constitu? tion, this sacred source of what is called national life, itself provides for a state of things which left one-third of the existing States outside of its pale. It provides that it should come into full force whenever nine out of thirteen States should accept it. Hence a division of the Union, tho separate existence of part of the States, was not only a possibility fore? seen by the framers of the Constitu? tion, but wan calmly provided for in it. It is well known that tho people of the North, having annexed the greater part of the territory of Mexico, look forward to the absorption of thc rest. Will it, then, bc essential to the national life that seven or eight millions of race and creed totally dis? cordant, should form part of it? Is a nation made or preserved "by invi? ting the subjects of other powers, the natives of other countries, German and Irishmen, to cross over and in? habit its territory? The policy pur? sued by those who clamor for nation? ality is directly opposed to the exist? ence of a nation. For a nation can? not be made artificially, by law or by importations from across the seas; it must be nata, born on the soil. Austria is a great political power, but there is no Austrian nation ; it is an aggregate of many nations. So thc United States form a great political power, embracing millions of Irish? men, Germans, negroes; comprising, indeed, the native races of three con tinents. Hence the phrase, "pre serving the national life," realbj means preserving Northern power The Northern States, without the ad mixture of millions of negroes, anc a still larger number of men of tem perament opposed to their own would surely have formed a mor( perfect nationality than that attainet by all this bloodshed. Their teni tory, three hundred miles acioss, ant their population, larger than that o the whole Union was, a few years ago might surely have satisfied a powe: of which living men saw tho birth It is true, wc are told by Mr. Wart Beecher, that we, on this mere speel of ground, have no idea of proper di mensions. Mr. Beecher appears t< havo forgotten that, so far as mere size goes, a space equal to the whob surface of the United States, Nortl and South, might bo removed fron the British Empire without being sc riously missed. The area of th entire Union and its territories i almost exactly 3,000,000 of squor miles; and that of the British Empir is above 8,000,000 of square mile.* Of this Ibero is a section larger thai the Southern States, which we sha' permit peacefully to separate when ever its people, with reasonable uni nimity, express a desire to do s< Hence, wo think it quite possible i this country to form other than pett ideas even on the subject of mugil tude; and AVC do not hesitate to e> press the opinion, that, if thc popr lation of Great Britain were tran; ferred to America, and scattered ovt ?,000,000 of square miles, it woul be but a question of time and growt when a division into separate powe] would occur. It hardly seems in tl: nature of things that New York, o the Atlantic, should be permanent] tho metropolis of great regions on tl Pacific Ocean, 3,500 miles away froi it. And however different may be tl popular feeling of the day, we regal the extent of the Union as a cam that must be fatal in thc end to tl Federation. We have been tol< hitherto, that this danger was com teracted by the division into State each, really governing ib.cif: and th machinery could be adapted to an worked with forty or fifty States, ? well ns thirty. But those State right which really bad much of thisefficac; are now to be obliterated. Wit them will vanish the best argume: for the permanence of the Union. We cannot, however, expect th the Northern people should have I gulated their policy by views of tl future. They seem to have appi hended, indeed, an immediate dangt beyond the separation of the Sont It appears to have been admitted th if the South obtained its indepe dence, the division of the Nor would surely follow. At one time. 1 are told the South and its slave caused the danger of disruption; another, the Sonth appears as the cementing principle, bereft of which the union of the free men of the North must fall to pieces. Strange, that the peonle of the South should be prepared to face thc hazards of a separate nationality, whilst those of the North, twice their number, should consider themselves unable to stand alone. It is difficult to see how a Union, that was not expected to hold good over a homogenous part, is moro likely to endure over a combination of discordant elements. As to the pretence so industriously urged here, that the real object of the North was to abolish slavery, it would be idle to argue with anything so ob? viously insincere. Mr. Lincoln was surely most likely to know why he called out thc 75*000 men, and made a declaration of war ; and he to.d us, not that it was to free the negro, but to save the Union. The true object on cither side is fairly stated in the New York limes, thc organ of thc Federal Government. It speaks thus : "What is the South fighting for? There is a prevalent opinion here in tlie North that it is fighting for slavery. This is erroneous. Though a passion for slavery was the immediate occasion for the war, it does not now sustain the war. Thc South would buy tri? umph to-morroxc', if it could, by s complete sacrifice of slavery. It woidd not yield, though it could take a bond of fate that by yielding it could save slavery. What Jefferson Davis told Colonel Jacques is perfectly true, thal slavery had now nothing to do with the war, and that the only question was that of Southern independence. It is precisely this for which the SoutL is fighting-exactly the converse ol the national principle for which th? North is fighting. We can tell tlu South, in all sincerity, that the North ern people will carry this war to anj extremity rather than let the nation ality be broken." Herc very compe tent authority confirms the assertioi of Earl Bussel, that the North wa: fighting for empire, the South for in dependence. It is true that as tin war went on, the anti-slavery feeling of the North widely extended. Thi has been described as the growth o virtue ; wc should call it the grow tl of passion. Was it love for the negri j that grew, or hate for his master We are told the war had exercised : purifying, elevating effect on tin people of the North. It is ne\ Christian doctrine to claim this as th result of shedding the blood o brothel's. So far as wc can discen the effect, it is precisely the reverse As the war went on, th? Northen people grew more and more indiffereu to their own Constitution, till the; looked with apathy on breaches of i which at one time would have rouse the fiercest indignation. They bc came more and more callous to th destruction of human life, and th infliction of human suffering. Deb ceased to give uneasiness, and th volunteer was exchanged for the cor script Luxury, extravagance, speer lation, grew with rapid strides. W should hardly call this the purifyin of a people. We cannot see that th life of a nation is fostered by tb death of her sons. We distrust th creation of wealth that goes hand i hand with the increase of debt. W doubt the moral growth that produce such men as Butler and Blenke: Turchin andM'Neil, that is illustrate by thc preachings of Brownlow, c the ravings of Anna Dickenson. Nc do we see that the cause of freedoi has gained by the liberation of foi millions of negroes and the reductic of five millions of our own race I bondage. Nothing more deplorable than tl fate of the South can well be i mugil ed; impoverished, desolate, deride? a land of anxiety for the living, ai lamentation for the dead, assailed the same time by all the sufferings defeat and all the dangers of a soci revolution. Its lot is far worse tin that of a conquered country, whi< would be protected in some men.su by the laws of war. In one directic it is visited with the penalties of wa in another with the punishment f treason; in a third with consequenc that neither war nor insurrection pr duce. Its position istbat of a man whom three different instruments tortue are applied at once. 1 c won be difficult to find that either war i insurrection warrants the seizure o{ fourth of all the cotton in the comdr its onl^ available resource. Loyal disloyal, innocent or guilty, all sufi alike. And another measure propos is still more remarkable. Perba at first view no idea more supreme ridiculous could well present itself the mind than that of giving tl suffrage once to all tho negro* Can there a dozen field negroes all thc South who could even pi nomico the word suffrage, or who c; be supposed to have the faintest id what such a -word means? The other day slavery was said to have brutalized the race until nothing was left but the mere shape of humanity. Now tbov suddenlv ftppear gus the roost loyal, intelligent, praiseworthy, love? able of mankind--devoted to consti? tutional principles, admirers of North? ern character, worthy of the fullest privileges of citizenship. The coun? trymen of Washington, Madison, Stonewall Jackson, and Leo, are quite a lower type of beings ; so we aro told I are tho Irish and the Germans. It ! is curious that when the Southern man was to be maligned, he had re? duced the negro to a brute ; but when there is an object to be gained by the discovery, that same negro is found to be an angel. The meaning of all this can easily be discerned. The Repub? lican party have an idea that when the South recovers from its present prostration, it may send members to Congress who may not vote as they wish. Now, in several of the States, the negroes ecpial the white popula? tion in number, and it is assumed they will be entirely controlled by tho Northerners who go down to settle in the country. The latter, with the negro vote in their bauds, of course would carry eve-y election, and pro? duce the same result as if the South? erners were deprived in the future of all representation. This cunning scheme of course is made to wear a virtuous and lofty form ; it is another proof of "moral growthi" But inge? nious as it is, we rather think it assumes what should not be taken for granted. The negro race possesses in a high degree a feeling, well known and ever strong ?rhere it exists, of reverential clinging to the old, tradi? tional, rightful owner, and aversion to the stranger who dispossesses him. Every one in the South knows tho feeling of the negro towards the old family, even in its decay. Hence we think this very ingenious contrivance, fi adopted, will break down in practice. Meantime, it does not appear to have been thought worthy of notice, even by Mr. Chase, that, according to the Constitution of tho United Stillos, neither thc Federal Congress nor its President luis a particle of right to control, direct, or extend the suffrage in any one of the States. Tho amnesty, or what is called am? nesty,, proclaimed by Mr. Johnson, is far beyond'anything yet attempted in Poland, ft is a deliberate scheme for reducing to destitution, for de? stroying, in fact, ail the upper classes of a nation. By what right is every man of substance to hold his properly only if Mr. Johnson so will it *? No conqueror in modern times ever claimed such a right as this, no laws of war grant any such spoliation. Bot then, treason, that "blackest of crimes !" True, but if there bc such a crime it can only be in breach of a Federal law ; and what says the Fed? eral Constitution ? Amendment No. 5 : No person shall "be deprived oi life, liberty, or property, without due process of law. " No. 8 enjoins : "Ex? cessive bail shall not be required, nox excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted." Hence the Confiscation Act passed by the Federal Congress is wholly uncon? stitutional ; there is no particle of law? ful power in the Government to take any man's property until he has been first tried and convicted. Even then, by the express clause already quoted, it can only be taken for his life-time. Hence, the whole policy now adopted towards the South is not only an out? rage onj humanity, but the most fla grant breach of law ever committed bj a Government affecting to rule undei the restraints of law. The property held in the South, in slaves, undo] the laws of the United States, exceed (il, when the war broke out, .?.000, 000,000 sterling in amount. Thi vast stun is swept away by a mer? despotic stroke of the pen, withou compensation, without a thought o consequences, without attempt a provision for the future of either race Surely this is a somewhat "excessivi tine" to inflict. But, even after thi is swept away, whoever has property exceeding ?4,000 in valut? is exclu doti from this amnesty! It is true hi may hope to make his peace by peti tion, by going on his knees to Mr Johnson, of course we-11 bribing hi way through all the officials. Poo Virginia-the spirit of Washingtoi might have looked without ablush O] the deeds of her sons in defence o their soil ; blush it may for those ti whom he, that great Southerner, gav the power they thus use against hi family and bis State. All this, thc unhappy people of tin South have to suffer. There is n< choice but with the fortitude in whicl they have schooled themselves, to liv* through the present into the future It remains, with mutual aid, to re sume, as best they may, the pursuit ' of industry, and perform, as bes they may, their duties as citizens. None here had any part in producing the convulsion. The right of seces? sion, ill understood, was generally resrard?d s*? cbimerical e.nd thc action of the South as void of sufficient cause and ill-advised. As the subject came to be studied, thc sympathy of large numbers was given to the South -in some cases, from conviction that they had right on their side ; in others, from admiration of their gallant spirits and glorious achievements, with many from that feeling which is part of our nature, a leaning to thc other side. But as none endeavored to provoke the catastrophe, so none will attempt hy word or pen to impede ! thc return of concord. This, how I ever, must not prohibit the frank ex? pression of opinion on great public events, whether as regards their past history or their probable influence on the future. In contemplating a Union restored by force, we eau not forget what has been so often exemplified-the power of a people's traditions and their ? tenacity of life. The Union had no stronger bond than its hist )ry. Its progress and renown, its great prcs 1 ent and unbounded future, its prin? ciples and its flag, were common to all, and gloried in alike by North and South. Between the two people there had ever been much discordance, which time had widened; but they had fought on the same fields, shared the same misfortunes, rejoiced in the same triumphs. In the place of this strong connecting link, history for the future will be a centrifugal force. Through all time to come there will be two histories, widely di fi?rent; and if the press of the South be ever free, it will have a literature of its own. It will have its own memories, its own heroes, its own tears, its own dead. Under these traditions, sons will grow to manhood, and lessons sink deep that are learned from widowed mothers. Numbers of Northern people will doubtless settle in the country, but there is a well known tendency in these to becomo acclimated in spirit; nor is it easy to dislodge five minion 61 people. Hence, the prospect most apparent in the future is that of a proud people chafing under the bitter? ness of injustice, and the remem? brance of defeat. . And the extinction of slavery pro? duces a new danger to thc Union. It , enforced that cohesion of the North- ! ern States, which they do not natu? rally possess, and which has given them their present triumph. With the fall of slavery this disappears, and the alliance of the South and West, hitherto superficial, may eventually become thorough. This is the first civil war of the race on the continent. It would be difficult to find an in? stance of a Republic whose first civil war was its last. But thc terrible cost of this struggle will long be re? membered, and, with such experience, if it should prove that any large sec? tion of the American people again desire to exercise Mr. Lincoln's "most valuable and most sacred right"-that of possessing a Government of their own, we trust the spectacle will bc exhibited which Mr. Seward once de? scribed-that of a great people re? arranging its Government to common advantage, peacefully, and with the approval of the world. SECRETARY STANTON'S GUARD.-A Washington correspondent of tho Cincinnati Commercial writes: It is a singular fact that Secretary Stanton cannot so far recover from the belligerent attitude which so well became him while we were at war, as to dismiss the military guard from his own private residence. Passing by No. <S2!) X street, yesterday, about noon-day, I encountered a cha]) in blue regimentals and dirty white gloves, strutting up and down in front of thc "palatial mansion" of the Secretary of War, and in the alley in the rear of the house was plainly audible the tramp, tramp, of another armed patrol, who soou came into view with bayonet on shoulder, keeping guard over bis side of the fortification. Isn't it remarkable, that while the forts around Washing? ton are being dismantled and Lieu? tenant-General Grant conies out and goes everywhere unattended, the Secretary of War should require to bc so constantly hedged in by bayo? nets? Our War Minister seems to be the only man in the country who can afford to keep a private battery on his premises. -? + ? ? In the Harris divorce case at New London, Judge Phelps has rendered a decision granting a divorce to Jona? than N. Harris against Mrs. Jane M. Harris. He gets a complete divorce and the custody of all his children, und she gets no alimony. 13y the laws of Connecticut both can marry if they choose. A Sketch of Karl Ransell. In our eyes it is no recommendation to Lord Bussell for the post of Pre? mier, but quite the contrary, that he .mo? U-n irs ITO", il--*. \.;~ ,.i. o^m i.,-^, uiaii ..?.> carly man? hood was spent in Parliamentary struggles, tho effects of -which we feel, but the details of which have long been forgotten; that he was a Cabinet Minister thirty years ago, and that thirteen years have elapsed since he ceased to bo Prime Minister. Lord Russell was never distinguished by that vigor of body and that exuberant elasticity of animal spirits which dis? tinguished Lord Palmerston. The latter may be truly said to have gone on improving up to within a short time of his decease, while the greatest admirer of Lord Russell will hardly maintain that he has made any pro? gress for the last thirty years, if, in? deed, wo consider him to be now equal to what he was in 1335, when he was certainly the leading spirit in the government of Lord Melbourne. Then again Lord Russell, with all thc instincts of a pure Whig, surrounds himself with an aristocratic clique, and does not obtain the sympathies of the great body of tho people. He consolidates the opposition when he is in power, and does not strengthen his own government. Indeed, the Ministry declines under his guidance. The six years when he was Premier were a period of decadence, and so also was tho time during which he was in Lord Melbourne's government. Well skilled in the dead lore of the English constitution, he fails to grasp the living spirit. His foreign policy is copied from the worst phase of Lord Palmerston's, viz: to persist in offer? ing unwelcome adrice to foreign na? tions, and,after carrying remonstrance to the verge of menace, drawing back when danger is apprehended. His domestic policy is simply reform, and his views on this subject have not hitherto been very acceptable. Be? sides all these objections, are others founded upon Earl Russell's treat? ment of ids colleagues. Sometimes he would take momentous steps with? out consulting them, sometimes sacri? fice them for himself, and sometimes desert them in their hour of need. In 1850 he wrote the famous and abortive Dersham letter without consulting his colleague, or. as Leech rendered it. he chalked "No Popery" on Cardinal Wiseman's door and then ran away. In 1852 he resigned on account of his defeat on the Militia bill, and again without consulting his colleagues. During the Crimean war he seriously impaired the stability of the Aberdeen government by insisting upon his own appointment as President of the Council. In January, 1855, forsee ing that the Aberdeen government would fall, and, hoping to be entrust? ed with the chief office, he abandon? ed his colleagues, and denounced them for proceedings in which he had taken part. Being disappointed of this, he condescended to accept office under Lord Palmerston, but resigned on account of the outcry made against his diplomatic failure at Vienna, although Lord Palmerston was quite willing to have carried him through. In 1857 bc joined the tories and radi? cals, and, without causo of offence against his old colleague, voted against him on the Chinese war, and again on the Conspiracy to Murder bill. Finally, he has the unapproach? able distinction that he, six years the Premier of a Liberal government, v as a principal means ol' throwing out two liberal governments in succession in the course of three years, of caus? ing two dissolutions of Parliament, and of re-uniting the liberal party on the basis of the six-pound franchise, which bas just finally crumbled away beneath his feet, lt is easy at this time, to form a government out of whatever elements the leaders of tho liberal party choose to compound to? gether, but it deserves very serious consideration how far the Premiership of Lord Russell is likely to continue to us the advantages that we have en? joyed under the leadership of Bord Palmerston, who in ver failed a friend or a party, or allowed his ambition for one moment to trangress the limits of propriety. [ London Times, Oct. 23. A police magistrate lined a negro for the violation of a city ordinance, in Cairo, a few days ago. A negro officer visited the magistrate, demand? ed the line to be remitted, and pub? licly threatened, in case his demand was not complied with, that he would have a regiment of negroes quartered in Cairo. His bullying failed to make the justice yield. The Government has discovered that some of their own detectives have been engaged for some 4inie in shoving the new counterfeit fifties. They are safely lodged in the old Capitol Prison.