Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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COLUMBIA. Friday Morning, October 27,1865. Gen. Jordan and Mr. Davis. One Major-General Thomas Jordan, of the "Confederate Army," has ven? tured into print. We do not remem? ber that this person ever particularly distinguished himself dilling the con? tinuance of the l?te war. It may bo for this reason that lie now enters upon a new field, hoping to gather honors that escaped him in a more equal contest than that which he now seeks. We are glad to rind that his unmanly article in Harpe)''s Magazine, in which he attacks Mr. Jefferson Davis, meets with universal condem? nation North and South. The Balti? more American says of this produc? tion : There are in this country some twelve millions of people who right? eously believe that Mr. Davis was a traitor-a cruel, ambitious, tyrannical man, a scheming despot ; but we ven? ture to affirm that from Penobscot to Fort Leavenworth not?me intelligent person will be found to agree with this impartial historian in thinking him a vain, pig-headed, incapable person, not fit in any way to lead a Government or to command men. General Jordan does not attack Mr. Davis because he was a "rebel," not ona word of blame attaches to him for his political acts against the United States Government. * * * * * * * * ;gut from the rancorous depths of a cowardly personal hatred comes this assassin's blow, aimed at the private character and capacity of the man who incurred Mr. Jordan's displeasure by acts too well known to our readers to render their repetition at all necessary, and not one manly nature in a country whose people are brave and honest will have aught but contempt for the cowardice that prompted the hand that could pen such a villainous effusion. Had General Jordan have made this attack while Mr. Davis was still at the height of his temporary power, we would have had neither the right nor the desire to say one word in objec? tion. We do claim the right now, which every true man has, to express our scorn for an uiimanly course of action. From Thurlow Weed down to the humblest private that has shouldered his musket for the Union, we will en? gage there is not one man bat will feel contempt for the author of the blow in the dark. We will dismiss General Jordan, with the deep hope that his future career may be free from ail moral trials, for those of us who remember his conduct and language at Danville just subsequent to the surrender of Lee's army, well know that his equili? brium is easily disturbed, and that there is neither force, dignity, nor manhood's generosity in his character. The Petersburg Index tims speaks of the same article : Major-General Jordan acts as am? bition, unsupported by intellects gen? erally does-mistakes notoriety for fame-and perpetuates his name by disgracing it. It has been generally esteemed, throughout all time, the most cow? ardly act of poltroonery to strike a fallen foe-General Jordan has refined and improved upon meanness, and climaxes a useless life by insulting a fallen and defenceless/Went// We undertake no defence of Mr. Davis personally, politically or other? wise; it is not our province; we merely wish to parade, for the inspec? tion ol' the public, as the most de? grading spectacle of these degenerate time?, the sentiments and feelings of General Thomas Jordan, a- expressed in this ill-timed, ill-conceived and malignantly executed article. A Richmond paper, discussing the increased mortality of the negroes in a state of freedom, says : "In a Coun? ty of this State, a gentleman, some time during the year 1863, lost ninety eight slaves by flight to the Federal hues. Within two years from the time of the escape of these negroes accurate and reliable information was received, showing that, during the time designated, twenty five out of the ninety-eight negroes had died. Another gentleman, in the same County, lost, about the same time, twenty-six negroes by escape to the free States. When lie heard from them, after a period of thirty-one months, eight of the original number had died. Other similar examples might be given."' GOVERNOR'S MESSAGE. EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT SOCTH CAROLINA, OCTOBER 24, 1865. To the Honorable the Sen-tie and Ho".se of Representatives : GE>TLEMEN : You have convened, in extra session, by order of the late Convention, for the purpose of considering the new and extraordinary condition of our Shite, and providing, by wise and proper legislation, for the welfare and best interests of South Carolina. As Provisional Gow: nor of the Shite, and in the absence of the recently elected constitutions Executive, I consider it my duty to address you on thc present occasion, and recommend for your consideration such measures as, in my judgment, the interest and welfare of the State require. Although I have not the honor of deriving my authority, as Chief Executive of the State, from you. or the people of South Carolina, yet I can assure yon. ia all sincerity, that no constitutional Governor of the State hes ever had your interests, your honor and prosperity more at heart, or has ever devoted his time and energies more exclusively and zealously to what he honestly believed would best promote the welfare and happiness of the State. And I may say, with equal truth, that, although appointed Provisional Governor over South Carolina, no one has felt more respect for the majesty of her laws, or boen more willing to render obedience to the sovereignty of her people. After the termination of our recent disastrous and ruinous struggle with the Federal Government, it pleased the President of the United States to select me, without my knowledge, or any solicitation on the part of my friends, for the high and responsible position which I now hold, to organ? ize a State Government for South Carolina, and have her restored to all her civil and political rights as a member o? the Federal Union. I felt deeply the delicate responsibility of the station to which I had been called, and was fearful that, in obeying the orders and carrying out the policy of the Federal Government. I should not be able to protect the State and save the people from unjust exaction and oppression. But, most fortunately, the wise, generous and magnanimous policy of Presi? dent Johnson towards the Southern States has enabled me to do^ both, and rendered my administration pleasant and gratifying to me. I have been greatly sustained, too, by the honor, patriotism and loyalty of the people. Although I received my appointment several months after other Provi? sional Governors had been commissioned, I have the pleasure of inform? ing you that South Carolina is now as far advanced in her reconstruction as any other Southern State. Instead of wasting time in trying to nil all the civil offices of the State with my personal or political friends and par? tisans. I determined tc restore those who were in office at the suspension of the civil government, and who had been elected by the people or appinted by the Legislature, and were familiar with their official duties. I knew too well 'he character of South Carolina to doubt, for a moment, that her sons would prove loyal and true, after renewing their oaths of allegiance to the United States. In this way, I re-established civil go? vernment at once in South Carolina, and greatly expedited her reconstruc? tion. An election for members of the Convention, to reform our State Constitution, was immediately ordered. Magistrates were authorized to administer the oath of allegiance so as to qualify the voters in time for the election. I also restored civil law throughout the State, and ordered the courts to be opened. These measures were objected to by the military authorities, as transcending my powers as Provisional Governor. But the President sustained me in all that I had done, and ordered the military authorities not to interfere with my policy of reconstruction. Like a wise statesman and patriot, he confides in the people, desires to see them enjoying civil liberty and governing themselves. Washington had the immortal honor of creating the American Republic, and to Andrew John? son will be assigned, in history, the glory of having reconstructed its broken and dismembered fragments without marring ita civil beauties. Like "Washington, too, he is, by his just, wise and magnanimous policy, uniting and consolidating all parties in the support of his administration. The State Convention assembled, and, after a most harmonious session of fifteen days, presented a new Constitution for the future government of South Carolina. This Constitution is moro popular and democratic in all of its features than the old one, adopted in 1790. The Parish system of representation in the Senate, which had become, by the growth of the upper country in wealth and population, unequal and unjust, allowing one Judicial District to have ten Senators, and others of equal extent in territory but one, was abolished, and all were assigned an equal represen? tation in the Senate. Tho just, equal and conservative basis of represen? tation in the House, founded on white population and taxation, was re? tained. The unequal classification of lands has been changed, and taxes aro nov,- to be levied in proportion to the assessed value of all taxable property. A moderate poll tax is provided for, which will cause all to contribute something towards the support of the Government ander which they Uve and are protected. The property qualification of members of the Senate and House of Representatives, which seemed to presume that a man's patriotism depended on Iiis wealth luis been dispensed with. Tho members of the Legislature are required to vote viva voce in all elections, so that their constituents may know for whom they voted. The Chief Magistrate of the State is to be elected by the people for four years, and has a qualified veto on the legislation of the two Houses. Snell, gentlemen, is the new Constitution under which you have assembled, and which, it is hoped, will inspire the people of South Caro? lina with new democratic zeal and energy in developing, intellectually and physically, the talent and resources of the State. It is true that, under the old regime, South Carolina has given thc Republic a bright galloxy of names which she may well be proud of ; but her material prosperity as a State has not kept pace with that other Southern sisters. Her popula? tion has been mering to the South-west till there are, at this time, ;dmost as many native South Carolinians bring in other States as there are in this State. They have drained the State, too, of her wealth and energies. For the last thirty or forty years we have likewise been oblivious ^f all internal improvement in our fruitless and vexatious supervision of the action of the Federal Government. Agriculture has been neglected, manufactures almost ignored, and commerce despised. Foreign immigra? tion, which has filled other States with wealth and population, developed their resources and made them happy, prosperous and powerful, has been discouraged in South Carolina. Her riches have been exhausted by her dependence on others for almost every thing she consumed or needed. J We have been dependent on the Western States for our horses, mules, cattle and hogs, bacon, lard and beef. From the Northern States, we have received the furniture of our houses, and the implements of our farms and plantations, the carriages in which we rode, and the clothes which we wore. This policy must no longer be continued. It should be the pride of every farmer and planter in the State to raise, grow or make every thing which he uses or needs. Slavery has been abolished, and labor made more honorable as well as more necessary. They who have heretofore spent I their lives in ease and idleness will be forced to work. Planting and the learned professions are no longer the only honorable means of livelihood for our young men. They must become tradesmen, manufacturers, artisans and mechanics. Immigration of industrious foreigners must be encouraged. Then manufactures will spring up, commerce will revive, and we shall become an independent people. The emancipation of our slaves will, in all probability, abstract greatly from the active labor of the country. Planters and farmers should dispose of a portion of their lands to immigrants and capitalists from Europe and the North. This will increase the wealth and industry of the State, and render more valuable the lands which remain unsold. It will also have a wholesome check on the colored population, and strengthen our security from insurrections and violence. Three-fourths of the State of South Carolina are uncultivated. Instead of a population of seven hundred thousand, otu- territory is sufficient to support one of seven millions, if properly distributed in manufactures, commerce and agriculture. It becomes your urgent duty, gentlemen, to make immediate provision for the protection and government of the freedmen and colored people who have been so suddenly released from slavery in their ignorance and destitution. This is alike due to humanity and justice, as well as the imperative necessities of society. The negro has lost the protection of his master, and he must now be protected by the law. This is expected of you by the President and the Federal Congress, and will remove all pretence for military ride in the State, as well as facilitate your speedy restoration to the Union and nelf-government. The negro is innocent of all that he has gained and all that you have lost, and he is entitled to your sympathy and kindness, your protection and guidance. The Convention ordered the Provisional Governor to appoint a Commission for the pur? pose of preparing and submitting to the Legislature, for their adoption, a code of laws for the protection and government of the freedmen and col ered persons. In obedience to their order I have appointed Judge Ward law and Mr. Burt, two of the most eminent jurists in the State, to compose this Commission. They will, in due time, report to you the result of their labors. The Convention also authorized the Legislature to establish a Court in each District for the trial of all cases in which freedmen are con? cerned. It becomes your duty to see that these Courts are organized. The election of Presidential electors has heretofore been made by the Legislature of South Carolina, contrary to the true intent and meaning of the Federal Constitution, and against the usage in all the other States. An Ordinance was passed by the Convention, expressive of their judgment in regard to this matter, and directed the Provisional Governor to com? municate this Ordinance to the Legislature nt its first session. In obedience to their order, I herewith send you a copy of the Ordiniince, which you will, at once, carry into e^ect, by prodding a proper mode of electing electors of President and "Vice-President by the people. The election of Members of Congress should be provided for at as early a day as possible. It is a matter of the highest importance that our j Representatives in Congress should be in Washington, ready to take their j seats, on the first Monday in December. By Act of Congress, passed j March, 1863, it is made the duty of the Clerk of the previous House of I Representatives to "make a roll of the Representatives elect, and inaco ; thereon the names of all persons, and such persons only, whose j credentials show that they were regularly elected in accordance with the I laws of their States respectively, or the laws of the United States." It is i therefore the imperative duty of the Clerk to call the roll of the members j of the Southern States, whose credentials have been exhibited to Lura, and ! shown that they were regularly elected. He has no more right, under I this Act, to exclude the members elect from South Carolina than he has to j exclude those from Massachusetts. The Federal authorities have main j fained that the Union never was dissolved, and that the Southern States I have always been, and still are, members of that Union. In July, 1S62, i Congress passed an Act prescribing an oath of office for all persons to take : who were elected or appointed to any office of honor or profit under the ; Government of the United States. This oath requires the party to swear that he has never borne arms against the United States; that he has never held or sought office under any power inimical to the United States; that he lias given no aid, counsel or countenance to persons in hostility to the United States; and that he has not yielded a voluntary support to any authority hostile to the United States. If this oath is io be applied to members of C ingress, it will, of cours-, exclude all from South Carolina. It may, with truth, be said, that no man in South Carolina can take it with? out committing perjury. But the Constitution of tho United States prescribes an oath for members of Congress to take, and they cannot be require.! to take any other oath constitutionally. There may have- been some show oi propriety for exacting this oath when it was enacted, amidst the war between the Southern States and the United States ; but there can be none now. unless it be for the purpose of excluding the Southern people from all office within their respective States, and still holding those States in military subjection. I know that this is not the policy of the j President, and I cannot believe that it will be the avowed policy of the I Federal Congress. If the Southern members are present when the- roll is called by States, they will take a part in the organization of the House, ? and may vote against the oath being tendered to the members when they \ are sworn. j The Convention divided the State into four Congressional Districts, which you will respect and recognize as election Districts. It will be your duty, also, at some convenient and proper time, during your extra session, to elect two United States Senators, to represent the. State of South Caro lina in the Senate of the United States. There are now two vacancies in that body from South Carolina. In the organization of the Senate of the United States into three classes, the Senators from South Carolina were drawn itt the second and third classes. The second-class seat for South Carolin., became vacant on the third of March, 1865, and your election to fill that vacancy .viii be for ?ix years irc-m that dote. The third-class seat