University of South Carolina Libraries
Daily Paper $L0 a Montbr) .' "Let oar just centre v J Tri-Woekly $10 a MOD th. ' Payr.!:! J ?n Advance. j" ' Attend the .true event."-Sh?kspcare. ^ { Payable ia Advance. BY J. A. SELBY COLUMBIA, S. C., JONDAY, APRIL IO, 1865. VOL. 1.-NO. IO. xnj? uULiUMUIA FHONIX, PUBLISHED DAILT, EXCEPT SUNDAY, BY JULIAN A. SELBY. TERMS (?PECIE)-IN AD VANCE. SUBSCRIPTION. . Six months, $5 One month, .... 1 ADVERTISING. One square, (ten lines,) one time, 60 cts Subsequent insertions, - 35 cts General Leo's Views. From the New York Herald of the ?29th ult., we extract the following in? teresting account of an interview between Gen. Robert E. Lee and a Mr. Thomas M. Cook, the special cor? respondent of the Herald: In order, if possible, to get some c'ear light for the solution of the new complications growing out of the murder of President Lincoln, I yester? day sought and obtained an interview with that distinguished soldier and leader of the rebel army, Gen. Rnberl E. Lee, and was permitted to draw out his views on the very importan' question suggested. It is proper t< say that my reception was ever) tiling that could be expected from n gentle man who has always been consid?r?e a type of the once famous chivalry and, I had almost said, nobility o Virginia. Pen and ink sketches o Gen. Lee have been so numerously made of late by newspaper writers that any attempt at this time by nj in that directiou, would be a work c supererogation. I may simply say that the finn step, the clear voice, th bright, beaming countenance, th quick intelligence, the upright fonr aud the active manner of the Genera very strongly belie the portraitures c him wbich are so common. AM th vigor, animation and ability of rip raanhc.rid are prominently conspicuou in his Lea ri ncr. His venerable" whit hair and beard simply inspire respe< for the mature ideas and delibera! expressions that come from this coi spicuotis rebel leader, but in no wis convey an impression ot decay or o: ac?. Il was-certainly embarrassing to m on introducing the object of my visi to say that I IM tended to lay his pi lilical views before the public, as b military career had already been. H replv-'I am a paroled prisoner' once appealed to my sympathy, frank, generous man, ho*v far may properly question him without touc ing upoh his views of honor in reft ence to his parole? But when I added, 'I have never been a politicia and know but little of political lendt -I am a soldier'-felt easier. I $ sured him that I had nd desire offend Iiis sensibility, or tempt him violate any presumable oMigaii under his parole; hut that, bei prominently identified with the rob lion, his views on the questions arisi out of that rebellion would he of gr? interest at tie present moment, a doub'.less of great importance and i ?lueiiCe in the settlement of the tn bles agitating the country, and w this view only I called upon him. replied, that the prominence he h was unsought bv Himself ana* distas ful to him. That he preferred rel: ment and reclusion. But was rer to mate any sacrifices or perform ii bonorabie act that would lend to restoration of peace and tranquility the country. The General's attention was direc to his written and spoken de ter.mi tion to draw his sword in defence o o? his native State, and the inqi was raised as to what he considi the defence of Virginia, and vt degree of deliberation he had give that expression, lie stated that, ; firm and honest believer in the < trine of State rights, he had consich Iiis allegiance due primarily to State in which he was born, and wi ho had alwavs reside^. And, altho fee was not an advocate o? accessio the outset, when Virginia seeeded he honestly believed it his duty to abide her fortune. He opposed secession to the last, foreseeing the ruin it was sure to entail. But when the Slate withdrew from the Union he liad uo recourse, in his views of honor ?nd patriotism, but to abide her fortunes. He went with her, intending to remain merely a private citizen. When he reigned his commission in the United Slates army, he had no intention of taking up arms in any other?6ervice antagonistic to the United States. His State, however, called for him, and, entertaining the fixed prin? ciples lie did of State sovereignty, he had no alternative but to. accept the service to which he was called. When he made uee of the declarations that have been so extensively quoted of late, he had accepted only a commission from Virginia. Subsequently, when Virginia attached herself to the South? ern Confederacy, the same political impressions impelled him to follow her, and when he accepted serviere under the rebd Government, he did so on the principle that he was defending his native'State. And yet, by the act of accepting such serviere, he was bound in honor to serve in any part of the Confederacy where he might be called, without reference to tte lines; and the reconciliation with his former avowal, if any were necessary, were found in the fact that Virginia, stand? ing or falling with the other Southern Slates, in defending them all lie was defending the one to which he consiJs cred hi* allegiance primarily due. As to the effect of his surrender, he was free to say it was a severe blow to the South, hut not a crushing blow. It was of military, not political signi? ficance. 1 asked, was not thal surren? der a virtual surrender of the doctrine of State rights? By no means, lhe General replied. When the South shall be wholly subdued there will then undeniably he a surrender of that doctrine. But the surrender of a single army is simply a military neces? sity. The army of Northern Virginia was surrendered because further re sistance on its part would only entail a useless sacrifice of life. But that army was merely a part of the force of the South. When the South shall be forced to surrender ai; its forces and return ?to- the Union, it. undisputably, by that act., surrenders its favorite doctrine of secession. That principle will then be settled by military power. On the question of State sovereignty the General contends that there exists a legitimate casus belli. In the con? vention that formed the organic law of the land, the question of defining the relative powers of the States, and their relation to the General Government, was raised, but after much discussion was dropped and left unsettled. It has remaioed so unsettled until the present time. This war is destined to set it at rest. It was unfortunate that it was not settled at the outset; but as it was not settled then, and had to be settled at some time, the war raised on this issue cannot be considered treason. If the South is forced to submission in this contest, iL of course can only be looked upon as the triumph of Fede? ral power over S.ate rights, and the for-'eci annihilation of the latter. With relerence to the war in th? abstract, the General declared it as his honest belief that peace was practica? ble two years ago, and has been prac ticabie from that time to the present dav, whenever the General Govern meut should see fit to seek it, giving any reasonable chance lor the counuj, to escape the consequences which th? exasperated North seemed d?termin?e to impose. The S-iuth has, durim tins time, been ready and anxious lo pence. Tiicy have been looking fo some wold or expressive of compro miso or conciliation from the North upon which they might base a returi to the Uni?>n. They were not pre pared, nor are they yet, to come am beg for term*; but -wore ready t accept any fair and honorable terms, their own political views being consid? ered. The question of slavery did not. |ny in the way at all. The best men of the South have long been anxious to do away with this institution, and wore quite willing to-day to see it I abolished. They consider slavery forever dead. Rut with them, in relation to this sub? ject, the question has ever been, 'What .will you do with the freed people?' That is the serious question to-day, and one that cannot be winked it. It must be met practically and treated in? telligently. The negroes must be disposed of, and if their disposition can be marked out, the matter of free* ing them is at once settled. But unless some humane courre is adopted, based on wisdom and Christian prin? ciples you do a gross wrong and in? justice to the whole negro race(. in setting ?hem free. And it is only this consideration that has led the wisdom, intelligence and Christianity of the South to support and defend the insti? tution up to this time. The conversation then turned into other channels, and finally tcuch?d upon the prospect , for peace. And here a veiy noticeable form of expres? sion was used by the General. Tn speaking of the probable course of the Admitdstration towards the South, the Gene.J.1 remarked that 'if we do' so and so. I immediately called his at? tention to the expression, and sought an explanation of the sense in which he used the pronoun 'we,-1 but obtained none other than a marked repetition of it. It was noticeable throughout the entire interview that in no sinele in? stance did he speak of the Southern Confederacy, nor of the, Yankees nor the rebjs. He frequently alluded to the couotry, and expressed most earn? estly hi? solicitude for its restoration to peace arid tranquility, cautiously avoiding any expression that would imply the possibility of its disinte? gration. Throughout all the conversation, he manifested an earnest desire that such counsels should prevail and such policies be pursued as would cominee to au immediate peace, implying in his remarks that peace was now at our option. But he was particular to say that, should arbitrary or vindictive or revengeful policies be adopted, the end was not yet. Thero yet remained a great deal of vitality and strength, which harsh measures on our part would call into action; and that the South could protract the. struggle for an indefinite period. We might, it was true, destroy all that remained of the country East of the Mississippi river by a lavish expenditure of men and means; but then we would be re? quired to fight on the other side of that river, And, after subduing them there, we would be compelled to follow them into Mexico, and thus the strug? gle would be prolonged until the whole country would be impoverished and ruined. And this we would be compelled to do if extermination, cou fi?cation. and general annihilation and destruction are to be our policy. For if a people are to be destroyed, they will sell their lives as dearly as po3 sible. The assassination of the President was then spoken o?. The General considtreJ this event in itself one of the most deplorable that could have occurred. Aa a crime it was unexam pied and beyond execration. It was a crime that no good man could approve from any conceivable motive. Un? doubtedly the effort would be made to fasten the responsibility of it upon th? South; but from his-intimate acquaint? ance with the leading men of the South, he was confident there was no! one of them who would sanction 01 approve it. The scheme was wholly unknown ir tho South, before its execution, anc would never hive received the slight est encouragement had it been known but, or. the contrary, the most ae7ert execration. I called the Geu?ral's at- j tention, at this1 point, lo a notice, that j had been printed in- the Northern papers, purporting to have been taken | from a paper published in ibe,intdior j South, proposing, for the sum of one million dollars, to undertake the assas? sination of the President and his Cabinet. The General affirmed that he had rever seen nor heard of such a proposition, nor did he believe it had. ever been printed in the South; though if it had, it had been permitted merely as the whim of sortie crazy person that could possibly amount to nothing. Such a crime was an anomaly in the history of our country, and we had yet to learn that it was possible of either*" earnest conception or actual execution. It was a most* singular and remark? able expression to escape the lips of such a man as General .Lee, that 'the South was never half in earnest in this wai.' I cannot attempt to translate this remark or elucidatc?it. Its utter? ance conveyed to me the impression that the South was most heartily sick of war, and anxious to get back into th-i Union and to peace. The General added that they went off nfter political leaders in a moment of passion and und'^r the excitement of fancied wrongs, honestly believing that they were en tering a struggle for an inalienable, right and ft fundamental principle of their political creed. A man should not be judged harshly for contending for that which he honestly believes to be right. Such was tbe position of the vast majority of the people now". And now that they are defeated, they con sider that they have lost everything that is worth contending for in the Government. They have sacrificed home, friends, property, health, all on this issue. Men do rot make such sacrifices for nothing. Thev have made the sacrifice from honest con? victions. And now that thej have lost in the i->sue they feel that they have no interest left in this country. It is the spinion of Gen. Lee that unless mode 'ation and liberality he exercised to wards them, the country will lose its bent people. Already, he says, they ire seekhig to expatriate themselves, md numerous s-hemes are started to 50 to Mexico, Brazil, Canada, France >r elsewhere. He is called upon Vequently to discountenance and sup? press such undertakings. The country leeds these young men. They are its jone and sinew, its intelligence and mterprise, its hope for the tuture, and wisdom demands that no effort be ;pared to keep them in the country md pacify them. It was a most noticeable feature of he conversation,that Gen. Lee, strange LS may appear, talked throughout as i citizen of the United ' States. He teemed to plant himself on the na ional platform, and take his coser? vation* from that stand point. He an .wered calmly and deliberately, earnest y but with no show of interest, other >r different from what might be ixpected from au honest believer in lis peculiar opinion?. The conversation, which had been jreatly protracted, so much so that I >ecame uneasy for fear of trespassing m time that I had no right to claim, er ruinated with some allusions to the erms of peace. Here there was, lerhaps naturally and properly, more .eticence that on any other topic. But t was plain from what transpired that he only question in the way of im nediate peacq was the treatment to >e accorded the vanquished. Every hing else, by implication, seems to be urrendered. Slavery, States rights, he doctrine of sectisiion, and what ?ver eke of political policy may be nvolved in the strife, i?i abandoned, the >nly barrier to an immediate and iniversal suspension of hostilities and eturn toi the Union, being the treat nent the national authorities may promise those who have been resisting ts power and paramount authority. It is p'oper 'o s*v that th's wa* ne$ so stated bj Gen. L"'e. bat is snnp.y ari inference from the conversationalist took place on that topic On the contrary, tho General seemed very cautions in regard to term ?-. In order to get at bis views, if possible, I sug? gested the conservative sentiment of the North, which proposed a general amnesty to al! soldiers and military officers, hut that the .political leaders ol the South be heh) to a strict ac ;ountabi!ity. "Would that be just? he asked. 'What has Mr. Davis don? aiore than any other Southerner, that de should be punished? It is true he lias occupied a prominent position as the sgent o? a whole people, but rhat made bim no more nor less a rebel than tho rest. His act; were the acts of the whole people and the acts of the whoie peo? ple were his acts. . He was not ac? countable for the' commencement of .he struggle. On the contrarv, he was one of the last to give in his idberence to the secession move? ment, having strenuously oppored it; rom the outset, and p .rayed its ?uinous consequences in his speeches md by his writings. Whv, therefore, diould he suffer morn ?han others?' Df course it was not my province to lisctiss these que*!.ious, and as thia il? ustraron disclosed .he* bent of the jleneral's mind, it was all that I de? sired to know. In taking leave of the General I ;ook occasion to say that he was greatly espected hy a large body of good and rue men at the North, and that as a loldier he was universallv admired, md that it was earnestly hoped tha? ?e would yet lead an army of United >;ates troops in the enforcement of he Monroe doctrine. He thanked ne for the expression of Northern entiment towards himself, but as for nore fighting, he felt that he was get? ing too o?d ; his only .desire now bo? ng to be permitted to retire to private ife aid end his days in seclusion. It vas, I thought, an evidence of painful adness at heart that prompted the tdded expression, that he w-^uld have teen plea-ed hal his life been takeu n any' of the numerous battle fields on phtc.h he had fought during this war. While talking on the subject of the bolition of slavery, I remarked that it lad lately been charged in some of he newspapers of the Nortli that the Justis slaves, some two hundred in lumber, had been left in Gea. jee's custody for emancipation. The xeaeral said this was a mistake. As xecutor of the will he was required 0 emancipate these slaves at a certain irae. That time had not arrived wheo he war broke out. It did arrive oue r two years afterwards. At that irae he could not get to the' courts of ha county io which Arlington 13 lo? afed, to take out the .emancipation apers as prescribed by law. But ho id take out papers from the Supremo Jourt of the State in this city, liberal ng them all, and they are so recorded 1 the records of that court. He sent *ord of their freedom tc the negroes t Arlington, and the necessary paper-? ?ere sent to those at the White House, nd to all others that could be reached, nd they were all thus liberated, ogether with a nnmber who wem ither the General's or Mrs. Lee's t i vate property. . Bakery and Confectionery. [" SHOD VI lc and W. STIEG LI ?Z L.Jm have re opened their BAKERY, ION FECTTO N Ii RY and CRACKER MA IUFACTORY. Also, "on bund a fine, ssortmentof CHEWING and SMOKING' 'ORACCO. SCOTCH and MACCABDY NU FF, GIG AI?S.. PIPES, Ac, at Messrs. looper A Gnither's old stard. may 23 T> House to Bent. 4 COMFORTABLE and eor?e?:?ico? f\ DWELLING, delightfully siuiatcd. nd contiining six rooms, ex :hisive-of ihn itchen. Apply in Winn street, North ot? be Charlotte Railroad Depot, may 24 f2? WM. SHEPHERD. ?0 Wrapping Paper. 40 nw LD NEWSPAPERS for salo et thii office Price 20 sod 40 c?nt# a 10)