Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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VOLUME VT.-NUMBER 940.] CHARLESTON, S. C., THURSDAY MORMNG, SEPTEMBER '?t 1868. EIGHTEEN CENTS A WEEK BY TELEGBAPF. JOHN QUI SCI ADAMS. BOSTON TO SOUTH CAROLINA. A GREAT SPEECH. [SPECIAL TELEGRAM TO THE DAILY NEWS.] COLUMBIA, October 12.-Tho event so ea? gerly anticipated and BO often deferred-the address of the Hon. John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, to the people of South Caro? lina-took place to-night. Tho throng in front of Carolina Hall, whore the speech was deliv? ered, was simply immense; and the utmost good order prevailed throughout the proceed? ings. Mr. Adams appeared soon after seven o'clock, and spoke as follows : THE SPEECH. My Feliovc-citizens of South Carotina: I have come to speak to you here to-day, from my na? tive home in Massachusetts, at the earnest re? quest of your State Central Executive Com? mittee, to consult with you upon the living principles of our ti ce institutions, and that our meeting may in some degree, however small, tend to promote a hotter understanding, a kinder feeling, and ultimate harmony between the mass of white people here and a very large portion 0/ the people of the North, and espe? cially from my State. And I am here a'.so to learn from your own lips your wishes and in? tentions upon questions of public policy which must nearly affect you. You have, perhaps, been told that I am a grandson of one of the earliest opponents of jour peculiar institution. I will tell you that I was an ardent though humble supporter ol Hr. Lincoln, a hearty friend of bis administra? tion, and al way a in favor of au energetic prose? cution of the war while it lasted, and that I hailed with profound gratitude tho abolition of da very. I had lone; regarded it as a most dangerous elemoat in our federal policy, and certain, at sometime or other, to jeopardize the existence of the Union and the authority of the constitution. Sooner or later the conflict be? tween the two systems of labor-the free labor of the North and the slave labor of the South was sure to come. It did come, and has pass? ed away with terrible sufferings and convul? sions; and now the South, cast down, bleeding, faint, and almost despairing, looks vainly for the sign of promise in her dark hour. You ask each other m vain what shall we do; where can we go; whence cometh our salvation ? I will tell you frankly, my friends, at the outset, that I behove that your redemption must be by your own aot; that your fate is in your own hands at last. I do not mean to deny that your condition from time to timo may be favor? ably or injuriously influenced by the fluctua? tions of tbe heated political light at the North, but I suspect that your permanent welfare will mainly, depend upon the power you may develope now to grasp firmly and em? brace sincerely the fundamental principles of our government as Battled by the war-a Con? stitutional Democracy. That principio seems to me a recoguization of the equal rights of all men under the law, or, stated as broadly as possible, tho right of every man to think, speak and act as he wishes, provided ho does not by so doing infringe the equal right of his neighbor. I do not regard political privileges as rights in this sense at all. The general wol? lare of the community must regulate their dis? tribution. This is all very well, you will say, but it offers no present and perpetual solution of our difficulties. It is very mnch like telling a man who is suffering terribly from intempe? rance that his only permanent cm o must coma from an adherence to the laws of health. And I agree to that riaw of it. We are suffering DOW terribly, both North and South, from po? litical intemperance. You were guilty of it when you did all in your power to rup? ture the Uoion by force, bacause you would Dot trust the question of slavery to the people under the constitution, and we aro gvJiy of it now when we will not restore the Union under the constitution, because we dis? trust the people. What is needed in the first place is moderation, calmness and habit of pa? tience in politics. We are inclined to be im? pulsive, headlong and desperate in our devices. Waiting and watching, relying upon slow but sure processes, has never been very popular with any people of our race, and is peculiarly distasteful to na. But, my fellow-citizens, this disagreeable discipline is, in my judgment, precisely the training we are, all of us, most in need of; and I think it essential to your happy deliverance. Let ns come down to the actual facts of your case, and try to look at them together calmly, dispassionately, and without prejudice. It is always foolish to deceive ourselves, and in your case to mislead you knowingly would b? a crime. I shall, therefore, speak with perfect frankness and plainness. You began the war down below here at Sum? ter, under a claim of right to defend yourselves ao an independent State which had exercised a reserved right to secede from the Union, and I knew it; but no one denies that the causo of that 'action was the apprehended danger to slavery from the result of the election of 1860. You fought for your side of the con? troversy for four years with a desperate determination of courage, until at last you were compelbd by the fate of battle to surren? der. You had allied yourselves with other se? ceded State.. and formed a confederacy which claimed an equal rank among the nations. You proclaimed slavery its corner-stone. In the Btress of conflict, as a war measuie justi? fied by the emergency and as a means of dis? tressing you, your slaves were proclaimed free, and the North insisted that no State could se? cede under the constitution, and that tho whole proceeding on the part of the South was an insurrection of a portion of the people of the seceding States. It is lar from my intention to review old controversies cr reopen settled disputes, but I must state the facts to bring .ns to our present position. You claimed to bo a sovereign State, and, on your own showing, were, by the laws of war, subject to any terms the victor might impose. It did not he in our mouthe, therefore, to demand any rights in the Union you had broken, or any immuni tyfrom the consequences of your own acts un? der the constitution you had renounced. If we were to accept your own theory of action, you were alien enemies and your land conquered territory, and so subject to the naked laws of war alone. But the North had always denied every one of your positions, and insisted that you were never out of the Union; that your re? solutions of secession were simply void; that yon could not cesse to bo citizens ot the Unit? ed StateB by any such process, and that, of .course, you were hablo, when taken, to the pains and penalties of perjury. To be sure thin theory was a necessary inference, as little in practico as in respect to the exchange of prisoners and the observance of the same laws of warfare that obtain between independent States, thia was the accepted fact. The war v subdue an insurrection, nob to conquer tion. You were defeated rebels, not vanq ed alien onemius, and the Union was re-( lished, not extended, over your territor; waB upon this theory that the Governun tho United States proceeded at first to i what were called thc practical relatio the States to the Union, and yon p accepted this view of th 3 case r.nd all in your power to resuaie your cant place. Now, it has always see nie me that you, by your acts at that time, all the pro;if in your power that you aban ed the principles for which you fought, ace ed the decision of yonr wager of battle, bo.ved to the supremacy of the constitu You were offered, and you ratified, an am ment to that instrument, absolutely and over abolishing slavery. You manifeste i far as I Lave ever been able to see, a die tion to take us on our own terms, ant nounco all you had fought for, ing in full the stake for which had played and lost. To be sure you ha choice, and you could not thon have compla if you had been treated for what you clai to be-alien enemies. But you might been sullen and refused to do anything, did the best you could do, as I have al thought, and ? think the North would ] done the very best that she could have doi have taken you back in the fino tempe which General Grant reported he found yo that time. I do not know. Your people here, be,are different from any people 1 have ever i or knew or road of; but I think it would 1 been best to have then taken you cordially bj hand, told you that wc believed your promi accepted your word of honor, and that gonea should bo by-gones. Besides, I tl wo were in good faith bound, after you had cepted otu* own teims and acted upon th when offered by an authority which you lieved and ? still believe was adequate to bindingly in the premises, to complete transaction. Much as you were interests out doing so, I think the North was even m so. I think it would have restored Union with tho least shock to its frai work and with the least possiblo str to the constitution. Congress, howei interposed to rend asunder once more knitting fracture, because they averred cure would never be fair and sound by t process, and adopted another. Their first tempt was the Fourteenth Amendment, wh they offered yon as a dose preparatory to re justment; but it was not stated to be final, i there is ma^ controversy at the North as your reasons for rejecting il. If it was I suffrage clause which decided your action think, looking at it from your position, you wi wrong. If you could not swallow the clause quiring you to disqualify your leaders, : heart tells me you were right. 1 h< I shall never hap any word of lepros against any man who refused to back from his chosen foremost men such a time. But, at any rate, its subm 6ion to you at all showed that thus far Cc gress stuck to tho Northern theory of tho cc test. But next came an entire change of bai and Congress abandoned tho JS orthern vie ?v matters entirely, and thus late in the doy cai over to tho camp you had been beaten out i as tho more tenable position of thc two. Th took up your old ground and insisted that y woro after all an alien enemy, yoar count conquered territory, yourselves prison? of war, a id your rights of every kii forfeited. This is, al the bottom, the meanii of the Reconstruction acts under which y< now live. They are based on conquest ai the right of the victor in international wa fare. I do not think that this was, upon comprehensive view of tho goneral and perm nent welfare of the whole people, a generou wiso, or a coostatutional course to take; but has been taken, and now wo como to the dif caltiea of our position, as tilings do in ia stand. What is it best for us to do ? He can we bese moldy or remedy existing evils The case would bo puzz'.iag enough i best, but the addition of the olemcnt universal negro suffrage porplexos ten fold. There it is, complicated by multitude of conflicting theories, prejudice and passions hore as well as at tho North, an the circumstances of peculiar political excit ment attending a Presidential election, wilie this very question of your propor status is tl vital issue, renders it well nigh impossible I arrivo at satisfactory conclusions. The ba consideration, however, which 1 have been ab to give to the subject has led me to son; conclusions, which I offer with great dif?denc but in entire good laith. I proposo to try t escapo from our difficulties by reversing th process that brought us into them when yo appealed to arms to decide a disputed questio of constitutional construction and sot the fat of slavery upon tho ordeal of battle. You took, a it seems to mo, the first irreversible false stor You refused to abide by the decision of tho tri bunal provided by tho constitution; and yoi would not accept the verdict of tho people, ren dered uudertho constitutional form, when ad verso to you. Tho barriers which had beei provided for just such au emergency you ii heat and impatience threw down. No writtei constitution can possibly be made stron; enough in itself to restrain the people unies.1 they themselves axe calm and wise enough t< see, even in their hottest moments, even wber the temptation to grasp a coveted object oi secure a threatened end is most overwhelm? ing, that in the long run, and upon abalance of contingencies, they wil[ be hap? pier by observing, scrrpulously, their self-im? posed limitB. They may have to lose or defer a cherished hope, that they may not by and by be obliged to suffer a degraded ill; but tho pas? sions which the slavery agitation aroused were too fierce for argument, too impatient for the tedious processes of the law. The ee*ond step was taken by us when we broko from Pres? ident Lincoln's calm, peaceful and constitu? tional way, and dashed our mad course in our turn through the organic law. Mr. Lincoln's uind was legal and moderate, and he moved carefully in a well-considered way. Mr. Sumner's mind is theoretical and extreme, and very impatient of any restraints. He must leap instantly to his end even if the heavens fall, and upon him eventually fell the mantle ol' leader of Ihe Republi? can party, and to his inspiration, more than any other man, is due the Reconstruction acts. The same measures ruled the hour which had already wrought your ruin. Your leaders could not brook their threatened fate in the Union: ours could -ot postpone for a moment their promised fortune. It seems to me that if you trace out the process it is ultimately the same in the ono case and in the other. It was in both casc3 what I have oalled political intem? perance. Neither party had faith enough in their cause ? or their Mlow-citizens, or patience enough in natural and regr.hr me? thods, or confidence enouph in tho supreme law which our fathers gave us, to bide their time in the assured conviction that the great? est good for all must eventually result. You have suffered the penalty of your intemperu and you are feeling its effects bitterly to TVe, too, if I am not very much mistaken, a day of reckoning in store for us-a p ii sobering from our debauch. If wepersif is impossible for any tolerable governi to continue long, for it will deg rate into a mere squabble of tending factions for a chance to opp for a time their less active or less nume opponents. Now, you can see clearly enc to-day where your interest lies, if you iw the constitution. It is not hard to find reason. You need most terribly just that; tecting medium interposed between you the govermug majority. A constitntioi meant for just that-to mitigate and distril the blows of majorities. Some day, I havi doubt, we shall sec in Massachusetts the m of its operation as clearly as you do now, b fear that it will not be until we are in a min ty, andlook in vain for the shield wo th away to ward somo threatening b But to you, my friends, this necessity pressiug, is overbearing. Something you rx have, you think, or perish. Now, with going so far as that, I believe that the v best thing for you to try to get back is Constitution of the United States. Now; are substantially prisoners of war, held military force, and liable at any time to fart orders from the majority. 1 do not intent speak disrespectfully of your State gove mcnt, and I would especially urge the utm ob.dienco to your de fado rulers; but I tak that it would not be long insisted upon here i was understood that the North took no man of interest in it. You want the original prii pies of union restore 1; thc right of the State; manage their own domestic affaira, without I interference of the general government; f the manifold checks and balances and distril tion of powors, which our ancestors devif and adjusted; and I agree with you that it your only practicable escape from your j? which Radicalism, North and South, has ms of your good old State, so far as you are c< cerned. And this bring3 us to the key of c discussion. How can this be done? Why h did it happen to need to be done? I mean t last and proximate cause of your present unpi tected position. It was, os I think, mail because the extreme, impatient and fanatx portion of tho governing party wore enable partly in consequence of Mr. Lincoln's deat and partly by tho indiscretion of the South, overpower the calmer and more moderate mi in the party, and wield its whole force agair you. Now, I know that it is likely that mat of you may feel a general and indiscriraina detestation of the Republican party, involvi the whole array in the denunciations wh i you would liko to launch at their i credited leaders. Now, gentlemen, this fee ing ia not unnatural; and it is ono of t worst results ol' the bad government you suffi that it makes men feel BO. It fosters a blin indiscriminating enmity to its rulers among i subjects; but in your caso it is very unwise indulge it, and it is very unjust to a large 6c tion of that party. There are hosts of wig calm, kind and moderate men in that part There are multitudes who fool no more ui kindness to yon than I do. There are mai thousands who deplore and deprecate t] course which has been taken in dealing wit you. A majority of that party, as I hope an pray, lovo the constitution as well as I do, ar regret ite infraction as deeply as I do; yet th? can see no alternative but to go with it to-da; The fact is that distrust, suspicion and fe? has more to do with your sorry plight ilia anger or malice. I have not always thought si out I have thought so of late. There was ce tainly a feeling of soteneis arising of th gorge, at the thought of the rcappoarauco c your old leaders in conspicuous pinces; but th strongest cords which the Radical leaders bel wore disbeliof in your views of allegiance want of confidence in your professions respcci ing slavery, fear for the future of t he freedmen and a deop distrust of your patience and goo conduct in such matters as free iliscnasior forbearance wi th difference of opinion,,md til right of unmolested travel orscntimeut anion you. Perhaps you arc a ware how gravely HU c doubts and tears have compromised your casi but it may bo wholesome, if distasteful, to rc view these widespread suspicions and opin ions a little in detail. Of course nothing coul tend more strongly to justify the severe mee sures of the Republican porty towards you, o secure for them moro hurely nu indefinite cs tension of political power, than to bc able t persuade the North, which in the early days o peace was inclined to place a generous couti dence in your professions of a ainccrc and ah solute acquiescence in the events of lb war and your purpose to abide in goo; fai h by tho decision, that you wire Wire dis semblera and dishonorable perjurers: Hut you purpose was to redeem l>y hard shearing wha you lost by hard fighting; and you yourselves in many cases, furnished the mate-rial for mak ing evidence against yourselves. Part of ii was legitimate and part was very unfair; bu it all was eagerly caught up and unsparing!;, used. If you had been a dangerous foreigr foe, whose utter destruction was necessary tc our safety, greater pains could hardly have been taken to inflame thc people against you and to close their hearts to yo ni appeal. I doubt if Cato took more trouble to Bhow tho Roman people that Car? thage must be destroyed. And Punic faith must have boen very bad indeed if it was re? presented to be worse than your own. Every hasty word, every natural roeret, every expres? sion of pride in the memories of thc old cam I paign joys, every ebullition of heat, were care? fully remembered and spread before tho North. If an irresponsible newspaper editor or report? er published a foolish and inflammatory article, it was instantly pounced upon and scattered all over the North, to show that tho mass of Southern feeling was as rebellious as ever. If you mado any attempt to take part in politics, you were "bent on revolution." If you refrain? ed, you were "sullenly plotting a new insurrection." The peaceful presence of dele? gates at the convention in New York was 1 a plot," and tho resolutions were "dictated" by you, and your only object waa to seduce tho Democratic party into a new war. These de? vices and a thousand more have been used so long and so well, that it is no wonder that they have produced a very great effect. Thc person or the paper cited against you may Lave been so obscure as not to have reached your notice bec, or so low as to preclude serious attention on your part, or the writer or spenker may have garblod or falsified. It made no difference. The contradiction or disproof came after the damage waa done, and was not published to thc samo audience which bad seen or heard thc charges made. The antidote was powerless to reach the poison. Nor were your intentions respect? ing slavery satisfactory. It was urged that it had become so ingrained that voa could not of yourselves refrain from a longing for ;t, and the wish would reopen it with deeds if the chance was offered. It was useless to urge your consent to thc thirteenth amendment. It you ever had thc power you would surely dc nonnce your action therein as done under duress and void. If one asked to be shown some ceivable method by which under the cir stances such f; consummation could he pra< bly arrived at, tho only answer was,where I is a will there is a way. It was useless to that if slavery was at best an expensive c hsbment, it now would be worse than vi less. Nor could the very men who hal cl proved this very fact, and declared, fur that you were sitting ou a powder maga; even when your slaves were most isolated, i ignorant, more guarded, and absolutely aimed, sec that now, when they had ta freedom, been stuffed with new ideas of rights, unwatched and bristling with weaj. any attempt to re-enslave them would b< act of a madman who plunges a flar torch into the black grains of powder ben him. The distrust upon this head "-as mo ' fostered by intrepid statement, and supp ed by vague and passionate declamation, i On another cognate subject, your own pie furnished weapons which were used i disastrous effect against you. I thick universal suffrage was probably forced on when it was, and as it was, by tho vagi laws which eeveral of your SJutherti Legi tures passed soon after the war closed. Tl were instantly caught up at the North, constantly paraded to prove that you v determined to restore slavery in the ] son of her sister, ''enforced servitude,'' poverty; or if not that, yet it showed t you wera unfit to be left in charge of freedmen. Now, there are, doubtless, gi difficulties in the problem which this vast, norant and, from want ol' education anti tn ing, frequently thriftless and vagrant popi tion presented to you for solution. Thc < barrassments are als i more apparent to you thc spot than to those unfamiliar with the s rounding and preceding circumstances, admitting, for the sake of my argument, t tho laws were needful, humane and wisc, tl were exceedingly inopportune and unfortun for you. Thc North was naturally exceedin sensitivo ou this point. The slaves had bi manumitted by us for our own ends.and if we i them exposed to your anger or caprice or v geance, it would indeed be an indelible st upon our shield. We had become guordiant thc freedmen, and wo must be faithful to < trust. The most calm and moderate men wi as clear as the loudest and most noisy, thai was an undoubted obligation on our part to cure by all means in our power their secur and happiness. It had loug been urged tba; was impossible to insure this safety for t black among ycu except by arming him wi the franchise, and your vagrant laws ac ed the practical proof which was ak needed to clearly decide the theorctii deduction. Aeain, it was vehemently assc rated, and shown by innumerable letters frc all kinds of people, that, in their opinion, would be impossible for a man holding siro Northern opinions about slavery and the w I to como down hero and speak fi eely, travel without molestation and annoyance, settle here with salety. It was said that fr speech was dangerous, open discussion pt hibitcd, or allowed only under protest, a; persecution for political opinion, universal, is very generally believe:! by UM that if you b your own way yon would endure no contrad; tion and tolerate no dissent ; and it is publish I every ?ay that even now the negro is fre? coerced by you to vote against his convictior My purpose is not to discuss the justice these charges, or their validity; but to sta them to you clearly, to show thc process whit has aided iu fixing your present conditio Whether they woro Into or false, thc fact that they were used as thc most potent engin to build up and sustain a public opinion whit could sanction and supporc tho Rcjonstructic acts. Discover at once ?hat a Ronera 1 belief ; their truth was at all events considered by tl Radical loaders essential to their purpose, determination never to yield us peaceab possession of the fruits of the war is tl crime for which you are suffering polit cally. This is the persuasion which "C must overcome before you can have peace, fi tho North is determined, ai I believe, to ri tain and establish all the legitimate results i the war. l'hcso general positions, with all th logical consequences necessary foi their coi venient enjoyment arc: First, thc utter ronni elation of thc doctrine of secession; sccoud, th entiie extirpation of slavery and all ita fomih third, a fair and unhampered career for th freedmen; fourth, tho equal right of ever citizen of the United States to travel, spca ar.dlivein any State so lons as he does not in i'ringo the right of others. Ido not believe that any considerable po: tion of thc people would be willing to sacrifi^ any part of th^sc acquisitions, tho most cf lectivo argument against tho Democratic part; to-day is that they are willing to abandon ti you sonic or all of these trophies. LT it wen conceded on all banda that you were faithfull! and unalterably determined never again tc struggle by force or fraud for their restoration and the bare question waa whether the consti tutiou should bc restored or reconetructior maintained. I think the result would never bc in doubt. Thc great desideratum, therefore, for your restoration to constitutional privileges *secms to me to be. firat to deserve and then to obtain the confidence of our Northern commu? nities in your acquiescence in good faith in these resu.ts of the war. But you will doubtless say we have deserved it, and wc have done our best to obtain it, but we have failed, we are growing careless and desperate of ever Beciirinn. it, do what we will. My friends, you must remem? ber that confidence is at best a plant of very slow growth, and when surrounded by an at? mosphere so hostile as ours, the only wonder is that it ia not utterly killed. You must not forget that wc aro in tho midst of the most ex? citing election ever held, and il is the passion of a few, the interest of many, and tho business of a multitude, to defeat the Democratic porty. ?ou must bear in mind that you yourselves, by your exertions in favor of that party which seems to you, not unnaturally, just now your only means of escape from misery, encourage misunder? standing and inflamo suspicion. In view of all these facts, I do not think you can look for a candid and tolerably dispassionate review of your unhappy case until alter tho Presidential election at least, and probably not until some time has elapsed after it, to allow the fermen? tation iuscparablo from it to subside. Tho gravest misfortune which I apprehend from delay arises from thc tendency of misgovern? ment to harden discontent into disaffection and exasperate injury into a sentiment of ect tied resentment. This deplorable result is likely to happen-nay, it is almost sure to lol low, if you do not summon your utmost pa? tience and fortitude. I pray you, my friends, to struggle with your might against the inroads of discouragement and the temptations of du apair. If you can muster the endurance to wait calmly, and labor honestly and heartily for your redemption, your reward, if late, will bc rich and aDundant. I cannot bc'icve that a people whicn has ehown such power of intense and prolonged exertion as yours did in the war Will prove lacking in the higher qualityof patient self-command, especially when your wu ture depeuds upon it. What else can ye I The idea of a second appeal to arms is nesa. It is the dream of tho suicide could alone induce you to take arms aira sea of troubles, and by opposing end thoi any of you, in the inmost recesses o heart, has ever harbored such a thougl hun banish it at once and forever. Bette thousand times better, for yourselves, wives, your daughters and for your count bear tho ills you havo than fly to c that you know not of. As your coma truly and wisely say in their letter of invil to me : " Tho policy of the South is peace her only hope." You will see this with eyes and hear it with your cars, that the] right; and I have caen it with my eye heard it with my ears, and I am persuad?e all this people know that they are right, i feel aa they do upon this point. I fear, that thc admission of all the negroes in I States to suffrage, and the exclusion of etantially all of the leading men of the ? from a share in shaping your constitution laws, coming when it did, and as it will seriously aggravate tho diffict which beset your way bae'e to a cl ral and peaceful re-establishment of tually satisfactory relations. Taken bj self, I think you might render it tolerable universal amnesty. I imagine that mai its more alarming features would disappea be very much ameliorated. The tendent this portion of the reconstruction policy tc courage a class of political demagogues to up strife and ill-feeling between whites blacks here, upon which to found their own litical fortunes, ia undoubtedly ono of gravest defects of tho system. In its pracl wording ft embitters relations which mus cordial and m nat be friendly if you ar< dwell together in peace and prosperity. And there again I must urge you to be tient, and, difficult though it be, to call a 1: philosophy to your aid. Such a convulaioi you have experienced must needs leave a r titude of lesser ruptures in its train, which quire time moro than anything else to rt just them. With a return to constitute government I think that even universal frage, supposing it waa found necessary to it stf.nd as il ?8. as a choice of evils-for 11 tainly regard it as an evil at this time place-might bo made compatible with gi order, good government and good feeling, c sidoring the relations which formerly exh between the two races and the great advanta which tho wealthy, educated and intellie, landowner is always found to possess in a i cultural communities. I think you can har deprecato or dread competition with advent otis strangers upon a '.'air field of rivalry. Y legitimate and proper influence, fairly oxert must prove in tho long run more persuaf than that of strangers or others, who aro la lng in those advantages. At least this 1 been thc general experience in our countri But in order to securo a fdr opportunity, e' to try the oxperimont, it is essen that thc dangerous clement of hosti! of race should bo kept out of calculation. If that power once fastens Arr upon your vitals, your political futuro is d perato, or curable only by an antidoto whic cannot contemplate with calmness. Ne then, to peace, I think you aro bound to cu vate friendly relations with the negroes arno you. Your true interests arc identical, a thou' identity muslin time become as apparc as it is demonstrable. You should spare efforts and no practical measures in yo po;ver to show tb ts clearly, both by words a: dend, to tho frecdineu. You have no right forego this exertion. An honest and mani attempt now may save you incalculable m chief by and by. I do not soe, nor hav been able to discover, during my stay arno you, that you do as yet cherish any ill will the negro. I have found but one sentiment kindness expressed towards him. And w should it bo otherwise? Ho was faithful you in four years of ttruggle. He never, wh he might, roso upon your defenceless hom when you were at tho front. He dui not fr himself. If he is ignoraut it it by no fault his, and it should be your care, as cortainly is your intero3t, to instruct hil If from ignorance and inexoerionce bo liable to bs abused and misled, it is yoi place to protect and direct him. If co is po? and distressed, it is your duty to heip him you are able. And all this yon know and fe as wed as I do; and on tho other hand, I woul say to the colored men here at the South, th I entortaba tho kindest fae!inga towards thor and feel a very deep solicitude for their perm nent welfare and happiness. In all sincerity would tell them that [ fear that their prosci importance in politics is likely to bo usc for purposes which are clangorous to tho ultimate well-being. As they aro situated, condition of permanent alienation and hostilit between them and the whites can only issuo i disastrous results to their evontual prospcrit and progresa to both whitos and blacks, would counsel the most forbearing and paticn consideration for oach other. Your cases ar difficult enough at best. For God's sake, d not moke them hopeless by needless misuuder standing, or anger, or ill blood. I think tba evon if you wero freo to do as you like that o wiso policy would dictate tho cducatioi and gradual enfranchisement of thc negroo; as fast as they wcro fit for it. No free people can afford to perpetuate ignoraucc among its people, for ignorance is its interne? cine enemy. Nor do I think that any states? manlike policy in a republic can suffer any per? manent exolusion of any class of its citizens from a share in the government of tho com? monwealth. I know we havo had movoments at the North looking to some such policy in re? gard to foreigners, as many sincere men now are urging upon you in reference to the colorod people. The cry of "America for Americans" has been as loud and moro popular than the shout thal this is a white man's government. I can adopt neither, and I beg you not to be tempted by your present evils to make the latter your po? litical shiboleth. Bo farseeing and gcucroua enough to take a loftier stand, and soe thia broad land the refuge of tho oppressed of all nations and of all raco3 and colors, whero tho civil rights arc respected and an interest in the common government is conceded as aoou as a due regard to the safety and good ordor of all will permit. Nothing can bc a more fruitful sourco or dis? content and disturbance than the existence among you ot a caste hopelessly excluded from political privileges. My friends, I am trespassing upon your kindnoss; but upon a subject so great as the ono wc arc considering to-day it is iniposaible to be concise. Your relations to tho political parties of tho North havo a very importai.t bearing upon your iale, at all events just now. and demand careful meditation. Most of jon doubtless regard thc success of tho D?mocrate party as essential to your release from your present situation; but it is my duty to remind you that men iu your position have no right to ? >e bigoted partisans. You must, of course, ieei a ueep interest ui tue ?UIU-K U< ? espouse your cause, and you may proper all legitimate influence to promote th< cess, but yon ought not to shut tho dooi from any source. I have already dep: unreasonable and undistingnishing ty to the Republican party. I wonl warn you against an absolute and ex devotion to any party. If the Den succeed in electing their candidate! will bo subjected to temptations as as the demand upon your sufferance may in case General Grant is chosen. Has considered, passionate or violent action, event of Democratic Buccess, would be i sure in the end to turn to your discom and render your last estate worse than the And yet it will require a good deal of eel maud to control the reaction from this d sion. But the country,eveain that event,v so evenly divided and so greatly excited a small thing may induce a terrible trophe. On thc other hand, in case of C al Grant's election, you will be called on I erciso a while longer your patience an bearnnce. I am sure it will bo rewarded end. I do not believe that General Gra your enemy. I feel sure he means kin? you, and will try to do his best for you show mercy in his course to you. A large of Republicans will help you if you w your best to help yourselves. A great moil nil the North only wait to be sure it is si take you cordially by the hand once more Bide, thon, your time. In either event seas your souls in patience. Call to you: that grandest of human qualities-self trol-and all will yet bs well. This natior had too much of violence and headlong h You in particular have had a terrible war against heat and passion. Keep cool, watch your chance, come whence it will. A all things do nothing to render it more i cult than it now is for either party to retui a constitutional system. If you favor h and passion in the Democratic party, or bj patience strengthen the hands of the ex tr men in the Republican party, you equal!' tard tho coming of your only euro rebe re-establishment upon safe and lasting ( dations of the temple of constitutional bb which our fathers reared. Heep your steadily upon this as the pole star of vom* tical course, by stopping your ears to the 1 dishmentsof the temptation of imm?diat lief on the ono hand, or that seduction of tided passion on the other. Summon all : self-resolution and manhood, and you t sail safe between the Scylla and Chary which perplex your way. My friends, I have almost done, and I detain you but a moment longer, to sug< some thoughts which,as a citizon of Massae setts and a native of New England, have 1 occupied my mind, and seem to mo appropi to this meeting, on the soil of South Carol Separated as our States have been for m years in sontimont, their substantial inter are very similar. Their national wants products aro correlative; their political in esta are likely to bo identical, and their po lar characteristics are counterparts. I do moan bv counterpart that they are aliko, that one is tho supplement of tho other. r. ono cold, cautious and thoughtful; the ot wann, impulsive and impetuous. Corni these qualities and you double their powei regulating and reorganizing their force. '. need wc look far to foresee thoir political i liation. In thc future, if all goes well,the poi of tho seaboard States in reforence to the gi questions of ind t tri il.financial andcommer interests mus . < vitably replace tho incide left by the war. As soon as they arc dispo of wc can hardly fail to bo nearly related. 'J next great political division promises to b< < of watersheds rather than of sections, great interior basin can and will, if abe lib repair to the inter-slopes of the mountai and they will nopd a good understanding arno themselves and a pretty cordial co-operati of measures, too, and a go-id strong consti tion to retain and uphold their present ph in tho genoral policy. Look, too. for a n mont at their industry and products. We, I Now England, are naturally, and I ho,;e shall always be, a -?hip-building, sea-goii commercial people, carrying, and fishing, a toning everywhere upon the face of tho wate You produce tho cotton and rico and timi and turpentine which we carry and consun We aro tleeply interested in the manufactui which you desire, while we work up your r materials with our largo spindles. I cinn dwell upon details; but it I am at all right my ideas, we can be mutually useful to ea other. But whether this be BO or not, thc has long been enmity betweon na. Let it be no longer. Wo hav?chorished our dislike, ma nificd our causas of complaint,and brooded OT I our wrongs. Let us forgive and forget. Wi slavery, its causo. let all ill-feelings cease. L us be friends and brothers, and move as 01 forefathers in tho crand old days of thc revol tion were before us. In tho namo of that cor mon heroic ancestry-by the memories every battle-field of tho war of independe! douce-let our dissensions cease; let good wi and brotherly lovo cast out the old bitterncs and lot us all hasten the day when Massachi setts and South Carolin? may stand once mon hand warmly grasped in hand, under the ol ancestral roof, and beneath the old flag. My fellow-citizens of South Carolina, I than you for tho attentive audionce you have give to me, although I fear I have beon tcdiouf and perhaps some of my views are distastef' to you. I have carefully avoided any attemp to stir your feelings or arouse your minds. I did not seem to me an occasion for eloquence if I had it, or for humor, if I felt it. I an deeply and seriously impressed with the diffi culties under which you labor, and thc dangen which throaton our system of government; ant I hope I havo spoken serious, because I fell ecriously. Whatever may erne of it, I abai feel amply rewarded if by any chance 1 may have turned one heart to a calm, patient, ear? nest, honest effort to forward, BO far as in it lies, tho restoration of the Constitution and the Union. fApplauso.] HEM AHES OF GEN. HAMPTON. At thc conclusion of Mr. Adam's speech Gen. Hampton arose and said that ho congratulated Jua fellow-citizens on having heard a voice from tho other end of tho Union. Your com mittoe, he said, as instructed, havo done all in their power to obta.n Northern orators and statesmen to come and speak among you, but all our efforts were of no avail. At last, how? ever, one has como who bears thc name ot the man whom Thomas Jefferson styled "the great defender and pillar of thc Declaration of Independence." Ho has Miked to you calmly and conaidcratcly. I would say a w.ird or two ni response, not fer all South Carolina, but for a part. I wish him to carry back tho assurance that our people are a unit on the subjec; of secession and slavery, and acknowledge them to be settled forever. General Hampton then went on to explain his Own position as having been one of the first to recogmzo tho results ot the war. Ho explained his assertion that tba "anti-reconstruction" plank in thc Democratic platform waa bia the plank of every Sonthern man. He called the attention of Mr. Adams to the pro ceedings of the Democratic Convention held tn Columbia on April 21st last, when twenty-one districts of the State declared their willingness to give the negroes the suffrage with the same qualification os in Massachusetts. He said that Mr. Adams would tell his people that he believed tba!., although we might be mistaken we were truthful, sincere and honorable, and when he told them that he would accomplish much of his mission of harmony and peace, a. J. D. Pope, Esq. in a few appropnateremarks suggested that all the audience who desired be introduced by the President to Mr. Adams. A large number of gentlemen were then intro? duced. Notwithstanding the inclemency of the weather, the enthusiastic Democracy of Colum - bia filled the Carolina Hall to suffocation. The Hon. W. F. DeSaussure presided a the meeting. Et HOPE. MADBID. October 12.-The United States was tho first government to recognize the Provis - ional Junta. The Junta has declared additional reforms, among which are the abolition of the death penalty and the sanctity of private letters an d domicils. The Junta has ordered the restora? tion of the bark Tornado to England with dam? ages for her wrongful detention. PABIS, October 12.-The Journal des D?bats says that Lersundi, the Captain-Genera! o Cuba, has given in his adherence to the Pro? visional Goveruinent. The Cubans in Spain are to be permitted to chose two members o the Junta. LONDON, October 12.-The cable of 1866 haa been repaired and is now working perfectly. WASHINGTON. MUTTABY INTEBFEBENCE WITH ELFCTIONS. WASHINGTON, October 12.-The following order was issued to-day : HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY. ADJUTANT GENERAL'S OFFICE, October 10, 1868.-[Gene? ral Orders 2Vo. 82.]-The following provisions from the constitution and laws of the United States, in relation to tbe election of a President and vice-President of the United 8tates. to? gether with an act of Congress prohibiting all persons engaged in the military and naval services from interfering in any genera: or special election in any State, are published for the information aud government of ail con? cerned. The following aro the authorities quoted Article 2, Section 1 of the constitution; Ar? ticle 12 of the amendments to the constitution, and the Act of Congress approved March 1, 1792; an act to establish a uniform time tor tho election of Presidential electors, approved January 28,1843; an ac', compensating persons appointed as electors, approved February ll... 1825. The order concludes as follows : An act to prevent officers of .lie army and navy, and other persons engaged iu the "mili? tary and naval service of tho United States from interfering in elections in tho State! ia as follows t'Be it enacted, That it shall not be lawful for any military or naval officer ot' the Uuited States, or other persons engaged in the civil, military or naval service of thc United States to order, bring, keep or have under bis authority or control, any troops or armed men at tho place where any general or special elec? tion is held in any State of the Unite ! Srates, unless it shall bc necessary to repel armed ene? mies of the United States, or to keep peace at the polls; and that it shall not bc lawful for any officer of the army or navy of the United States to proscribe or fix, or attempt to pre I scribe or fix, by proclamation, order or other? wise, qualifications of voters in any of the Uni? ted States, or in any manner to interfere with freemon, at any election in any State, or with the exercise of the right of auftrage in any o t tho States. Any officer of tho army or navy of the United States, or other persons engaged in the civil, military or naval service of the Uni? ted States who violates this section sbal I for every such offence, be hable to in? dictment for misdemeanor in any Court of the United States having jurisdiction to hear, try and determine cases ot misdemeanor, and on conviction shall pay a fino not exceeding five thousand dollars ind suffer imprsonmen in the penitentiary for not les-? t.ian thre e months nor moro than five years, at the dis? ci etion of the court trying tbe same; and any person convicted as aforesaid shall, moreover,, be disqualified from holding any office of honor, profit or trust under tho Governmont of tho United States. Provided, that nothing herein contained snail be construed so as to prevent any officers, soldiers, marines or sailors from exercising the right of suffrage in any election district to which he may belong, if otherwise qualified, according to the laws of the State in which he shall offer to vote. Section 2. Be it further enacted, that any officer or person in the military or naval ser? vice of tho United States, who shall order or advise, or who shall directly or indirectly, by force, threat, menace, intimidation or other? wise, prevent or attempt to provont any quali? fied voter, of any State of the United States, from freely exercising tho right of suffrage at any general or special election in any State o the United States, or who shat] in like man? ner compel, or attempt to compel, anv officer of an election in any such Sta e. to receive a vote from a person not legally qualified to vote, or who shall impose, or attempt to impose, any rules or regulations tor conducting an election different from thoao prescribed by law, or in? teriore ir. any manner with any officer ot said election in the discharge of his duties, shall, for anv such offence be liable for indictment for misdemeanor in a court of tho United c tates having jurisdiction to hear, try and de? termine cases of misdemeanor, and on convic? tion thereof shall pay a fino not exceeding $5000, and suffer imprisonment in the peniten? tiary for not exceeding five years, at the dis? cretion of tho court trying the same; and any person convicted, as aforesaid, shall moreover be disfranchised from holding any office o f honor, profit or trust under tho government o f the United States. Approved February 25.1865. By command of General GBANT. E. D. TOWNSEND, A. it. G. Governor Bowman, of West Virginia, 'n here. He wonts troops for the elections, and thinks ! the moral effect of a few companies will an? swer his purpose. In i elation to the President's order of to-day, prohibiting any military interference with civi elections, the Star says : " In republican quar? ters it seems to be apprehended that in the un? reconstructed States the Conservati.ves will now make arrangements to choose Presidentia electors, and that President Johnson will de? mand that their votes be counted.'' In a telegram dated the 4th instant, Minister Hale applied for instructions in view of the politi tal situation at Madrid. The instructions were given through the same medium on the 5th instant. Mr. Hale now telegraphs that, in compliance with these instructions, he has re? cognized the new government at Madrid. His action has been approved. The Elections. PHILADELPHIA, October 12,-Business is al? most suspended. Both parties aro parading the streets with bands of music, urging their friends to vote early. Thc Mayor, who is a Re? publican, has sworn in a thousind extra po? licemen for to-morrow. The Sheriff, who ia a Democrat, Ins sworn in a thousand deputies. A week ago the Sheriff ordered t thousand hickory clubs for his deputies. The house where the clubs were stored was burnt last night. _t_ Condensed newt toy Telegraph. A procession of the "white boy.- ta bi ie," at Indianapolis, was fired into from a dark alley by a gun loaded with small shoL. Five or six persons were seriously though not dangerously wounded.