The Charleston daily news. (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, November 09, 1867, Image 1

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VOLUME V.NO. 635. CHARLESTON, S. C., MONDAY MORNING. SEPTEMBER 2, 1867. PRICE FIVE CENTS BY TELEGBAPH. dur AVushlngton Dispatches. ORANT IX A FOO-CONTBAWCTOEY REPOET3-WASH BURNE CANED BY QRANT'S CHIEF OF STAFF-THE NEW JESSEY AND NEW YOEE ELECTIONS. WASHINGTON, November 8.-The fog with which General tirant allowa himself to be surrounded ia more dense thau ever. This morning a widely published special dispatch reports him as saying, through a friend who had a long interview with him yesterday, that he has been greatly annoyed that Hon. E. B. Washburne has no authority to speak for bim, ano that for a long time ho has been ineffectually striving to shake Washburne off. On the other hand, there are tho facts that Wash? burne lives with Gra.it, and that yesterday, Gen? eral Rawlings, Grant's Chief of Staff, presented Washburne .vitia a cane made from the tree under whioh Pemberton surrendered to Grant at Vicks? burg. A Radical Senator of the most ultra school declares that Grant Baits him,and it instated that the article in thc Washington Curouicle was only published after a long consultation between Logan, Thayer and Washburne, during part of which Grant was present. . New Jersey gives 12,000 Democratic majority, with a majority in the Legiiature on joint ballot oflC. lu New York it ia conceded that the Dem?crata have a majority iu the Legislature on joint ballot. Their majority in the State is estimated at 35,000. The Democrats are betting on 45,000 majority in New York State. It ia settled that the President will withhold his annual message until the lat Monday in December. "A Havana special says that a mob of G.000 armed men and women surrounded and attacked the house of Assembly. The Assemblymen escaped. The attack was caused by a motion on the part of the Assembly to release Leon Monter. The attack was instigated by Salnave. The Revenue receipts to-day, amount to $317.000. The Herald's special has the following: "I learn to-nisrht that an ex-member of the Cabinet to-day presented to Grant Forney'a doublo-leaded edito? rial ou the Presidency, and asked him if he en? dorsed it. Grant disapproved of some of the ar? ticles, and declared that he had not authorized Forney to speak for him." The Tribune says editorially: "As human life in New York is too short for anybody to read five col umnr of the Press, we have reduced Colonel For? ney's points to these : lat. General Grant succeed? ed Mr. Stanton as Secretary of War, this being an act of rare sagacity and courage. 2d. General Rawlings believes in Grant. 3d. E. B. Waabbuine believes in Grant. 4th. Senator Thayer, of Ne? braska, believes In Grant. 5th. Several gentlemen named in connection with the Presidency have promised to voto for him. What bia principles are is nobody'a business." A canvass of tho Ohio Legislature gives Thur? man tho Senatorship undoubtedly. At Princeton, Illinois, a fire commenced in the depot, which destroyed property to the amount of $250,000. The cause is uuknown. There is $100, 000 insured._ OU Refinery Burned. PrrrsBOBo, PA., November 8.-An Oil Refinery near this city, with 15,00 barrels of oil, was burn? ed to-day. Tho foreman, named Harry Cook, perished in the flames. "The Sober Second Thought" tn Tennessee. NASHVILLE, TENN., November 8.-The Tennes? see Senate has reconsidered the vote prohibiting any distinction on account of color among passen? gers in the railroad cars, and a vote is pending to compel the railroads to provide special cars for the use of the negroes. Affair? In Virginia. RICHMOND, Norember 8.-General Schofield has ordered a new election in tho matter of tho sub? scription to the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad. In order to remove all doubt about tho legality of the election, all quahfledToterw uut?Bi the laws of Vir? ginia and the United States will be allowed to vote. This includes all the disfranchised whites. Official information received at Headquarters shows that 14,0u0 whites failed to register in the State, and only 5500 persons are disfranchised in Virginia. RICHMOND, November 8.-General Schofield re? plies to the protest of the defeated Conservative candidates against extension of the time of voting and fraud on the lalo elections here. As to exten? sion, be says it was clearly the intent of Congress that the polls should bo h?ld open until all the votes were polled, and Ibis finds precedent in the law* of Virginia. With reference to illegal voting, he says he can only investigate that when the reg? istering officers make returns to him. He promi? ses to submit the chums of the defeated candidates to Congress when it meets, and to give both par? ies his assistance in discovering any fraud that may have been perpetrated. As to the polls being kept open longest when the Black vote was heavi, est, be says they were kept open in ail until all the votes were polled. He concludes thus : " That threats of intiaiidation, and actual violence, in more chan ono instance, even, aa you alleged, re? sorted to by Blacks to secure tho vote of persons of their own race, is no doubt true. Whether the effect was to encourage any considerable number of votes, may be difficult to determine, but is certainly a legitimate subject for investigation, and, if it as? peara that such has been the object, it will be just ground for contesting the election." Registration In North Carolina. RALEIGH, November 8.-Official registration re? turns show 103,060 white voters and 71,657 black; white majority 31,403. The Hon. J. Baker, Congressman from Illinois, speaks to- night, by invitation of the citizens, in x ncker's Hall. '_ Alabama Convention. MONTGOMERY, ALA., November 8.-The Recon struct ion Convention, on a test vote, tabled b> forty to 42, a proposition to abolish the present Provisional State Government within tventy days. An Ordinance was introduced to organize a Provi? sional Government for the State, and vacating all the important State offices on the 1st of January next: a Provisional Governor tobe appointed by the Convention, whe shall fill all the offices by men who shall subscribe to the test oath. A resolution was introduced proposing to disfranchise all per? sons implicated in the murder of Union men dur? ing the war. _ ' Our Havana Dispatches. HAVANA, November 7.-Sugar ateady. Sterling exchange, 15$. New York exchange, currency, *rmer* Market Reporta. NOON DISPATCH. NEW YOEE, October 8.-Gold 189. Monev ? a 7. Sterling, long, 109J a 10&i; short, 109$ a 109?. Stocks active; '62 coupons 108}. Flour unchanged. Wheat quiet. Corn 1 a 2 cents better* Pork heavy at $*1 a 21 50. Lard dull at 12| a 134. Cot? ton steadv _t 18$ a 19c. Freights firm. Turpen? tine quiet at 59*. Rosin dull; strained and No. 2. $3 62$ a 3 75. EVENING DISPATCH. Cotton firmer and active. Sales 3800 bales. Middlings I9c. Corn.-A large speculative in? quiry. Mixed Western $1 34 : 1 37. Mess Pork firm at $21. Naval Stores ste_av. Freights firm and stocks steady. BALTIMORE, November 8.-Cotton quiet at 18J. Or&iu unchanged. Provisions flat and nominal. WILMINGTON, November 8.-Turpentine firm at 52. Rosin quiet, at $2 80 for No. 2. Tar firm at $2.70. AUGUSTA, November 8.-Cottou _firm ; sales 568 bales ; receipts, 1062; Middlii ?rs 16a 16*. SAVANNAH, November 8.-Ct ou active, and ad? vanced *c.; Middlings 17$ j _aios in two days. 1800 bales. Receipts, S8o2; for tho week 22 237- ex? ports, 9228. Stock. 37,386. ' * MOBILE, November 8.-Cotton closed firm at 164c. for Middlings. Sales to-dav 1000 bales Sales of week 7750. Receipts of week II 226 To dav 1758. Exports 8443. Stock 21,542. ' * NEW ORLEANS, November 8.- Sales to-dav 2?00 bales. Sales of week 10,550. Demand active. Prices firmer. Middling Orleans 18ic. Receipts to-dav 7037. Receipts of week 15,U62.p Exports to-day 1040. Exports of week 18.562. Stock on hand and on shipboard 41,097. Commercial ster? ling 47 a 48. Bank sterling nominal, no transac? tions. Sight exchange on New York J per cent, discount. -The Gazette of Florence says that Garibala was arrested by tho Italian Government, and tha the vote in the towns of the provinces of Rome is in favor of a union with Italy. The Italian troopi have been recalled from the Pontifical territory, It is also announced at Paris that the Fren?l troops will retire from Rome to Ervieta pending negoriations between Franco, Italy and Rome ot the Roman question. Garibaldi and his two som are said to be prisoners at Varignana. Tin French troops are oeing withdrawn from Rome but they will be halted at Civita Vecchia to awai the action of Italy. A call tor a general Confer ence of the European Powers is about to be issuet bv the French Government. The Emperor Fran eis Joseph left Paris on Tuesday on his return ti Vienna. Garibaldi, it is reported, now claims ti be an American citizen, and demands his rights ai auch under the law. Mr. Marsh, the America! Minister at Florence, left that city on Wedneeda.1 for Piedmont, where Garibaldi is imprisoned. THE CONSERVATIVE STATE CONVENTION. ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF SOUTH CARO LIX A. HIGHLY INTERESTING DEBATE. SPEECHES OF GENERAL OHESNTJT, EX-GOVERNOR PERRY, JTIXiE ALDRICH. JTTDOE INGLIS, COLONEL BLANDON}, GEN. WADE HAMPTON, AND OTHERS. SECOND DAY'S PROCEEDINGS. [REPORTED SPECIALLY FOR THE CHABLESTON DAILT. N"EWS.J COLUMBIA, S. C., Thursday, November 7. The Convention assembled, pursuant to adjourn? ment, at 12 o'clock. Thc President, Hon. James Chesnut, in the chair. Jud^c John J. Inglis, from thc Standing Com? mittee on Business-a Committee of Twenty-re? ported two papers for consideration : one an ad? dress to tho people of the State, but intended ao an address to the civilized world. Tho other was a remonstrance, sotting forth tho great wrongs suffered by the people of both races, especially the white, by reason of the great chango which has taken place. Tbe first was read by Hon. Joseph Daniel l'ope, the author; thc last by F. W. Ficklin, Esq. On motion of A. A. Gilbert, Esq., the papers were considered in tho order in which the\ were read. THE ADDRESS. TO THE PEOPLE OF SOu'TH CAROLINA. FELLOW-CITIZESS : In times of great public dan? ger, the instinct of self-preservation prompts a people to assemble and confer together upon the issues that the stern lo^ic of events lorceB upon their attention. Tho citizens of South Carolina stand to-day in this position. It becomes our duty, therefore, to tako' counsel together, and tj announce our conclusions temperately, but firmly and fearlessly, to the public. In pcrfcrraing this duty, we shall avoid all terms of animadversion upon men, parties or sections. The vice of mis? representation and detraction has become the or? der of the day, and both North and South have suffered from" the evila which had their origin in this fruitful source of mischief. The Northern people, flushed with victory, have not been solici? tous to ascertain the temper of tho Southern mind; and the Southern people, crushed by the loss of their cause and their most cherished hopes, have been alike indifferent to events for which they do not feel themselves responsible, and over which they have not the power of control. In the meantime, wicked and designing men, both at the North and at the South, have not been wanting, to keep alive the fires of sectional hate, until now they threaten to involve the wholo country in mis? rule and anarchy. Ot the late war, it is not our purpose now to speak-tho sanguinary fact will stand forth forever in the history of these American States. Our duty now is with present evils, and their future conse? quences. The emancipation policy of tho Govern? ment was and ?B the great fountain-head from which springs, and wdl continue to spring, the thousand evils by which we are environed. What but disaster could follow in the footsteps of the hasty and inconsiderate policy, by which 4,000,000 of slaves, without education," and without the least preparation for the change, were turno.i adrift from the disc' liro and interested care of the master to provide for themselves ? Must it not be self-evident to any thinking man, no mat? ter what his prejudices, that nothing he can now propoae will be able to convert an idle, roving, thriftless free negro population into tho steady, healthy, laboring population that we formerly em? ployed in our fields at the South. But, gloomy as the prospect may be, the people at the South must regard this disastrous result as now fixed and set? tled beyond recall. Slavery is at an en ;. We do not propose that what has been done should be undone ; but we do propose to show that, with tho present free negro labor, the industrial resources of the South are in no condition to contribute to the prosper liv of the country. It is the part of wisdom to look our misfortunes in the face. We should not deceive ourselves, either at the North or at tho South. Three years of experience, by both Northern and Southern men, attest the fact that tho cultivation of both rice and cotton-tbe great staples of the South-is, under the present system of free negro labor, the most uncertain, the least remunerative, and the most harrassing em? ployment in the world. Had a gradual system of emancipation been adopted, men would] by de? grees, have accommodated them selves to the grad? ual change, and the industry of the country would have received no such shock as now prostrates the South and overwhelms her in despair. Upon the agriculture of the country mainly depend the wealth and prosperity of the country. But a few years ago, the cotton exported from tho United States controlled foreign exchange, and held the monopoly in foreign markets. How is it to-day, and how will it be in tho future ? Instead of 5,000,000 of bales, sent forward to exercise the former influence upon trade, we have not more than one-third of the crop of 1860, coming into market, and that at a price per pound, in cur? rone v-the revenue tax considered-verv little, if anything, in advance of what was realized per pound tor the large crops of former years, paid in gold. Why is this ? it may be asked. The lands are the same-the seasons are the same-the cli? mate is the same-why, then, the difference ? We answer, the labor is not the same. Instead of in? dustry, we have idleness; instead of system, we have disorder; and instead of profits we have losses. Shall we be able to drive out competition in the future as we have in the past? Surely not. But a few years before the war. ono of our most intelligent planters represented this State at the World's Exhibition, in Paris; and, upon his return, reported that he saw upon exhibition there the cottons from Algiers and from the East, which were in even' way equal to the finest productions of the United States. He asked wuv cannot those cottons compete with the American cottons ? The answer was, because we cannot produce the article for tho same price; we are compelled to hire the labor which you own-ours is unreliable, idle and costly, while yours is under control, steady and cheap. For these reasons, you will always be able to drive us out of the market. But what now is the condition of the Southern planter? His labor is much more costly than that of Algiers or the East, equally unsteady, and, probably, loss under his control; and he finds himself now, after au ex? hausting war, driven from the market by prices which his former competitors can afford to toke. The present low price of cotton is but the evidence of the causes already stated. And it may be that, in a few years, we shall be importing cotton and rice into the United States, instead of exporting these great commodities. We are now eating, in the interior of South Carolina, nee imported from China, and we have been credibly informed that East Indian cotton bas been imported into Now York. How soon the State-craft of Great Britain may find it expedient to impose an import duty upon American cottons, who can toll ? But it may be asked, is there no remedy for these calamities to the Southern people? We answer, most probably no immediate remedy. Time is the great master of the situation. If our people will give up the delusive hope of growing rich by the cultivation of ootton-thereby proba? bly working their utter ruin-if they will cultivate less cotton and more breadstu?s, raiso for thoir own use, and for Bale, horses, mules and stock of all kinds; cure their own hay, make their own butter, and sell the surplus-if' they will labor to fill th.' land with plenty, they will, in a short time, realize a chango for the better in their own condi? tion and the condition of the South-at least they shall not have debts and disappointments added to theil other calamities. Ano in raising our own food sud supplies at the South, wo should also manufacture our own cloths and implements upon our own soil. There can be no more auspicious moment than the present to begin at the South the manufacture of goods from our o?n raw mate? rial. This w*s done lo a great estent during the war. No matter on how small a scale, let the' work begin. To be successful we must begin at the be? ginning and work np ward, as our population and wealth increase. We repeat, that we would not now, reestablish shivery at the South. It is too late to correct the error of its sudden extinction. It is to our interest to niakotue most of the cir? cumstances by which we are surrounded. We cannot recall the past. "Let the dead past bury its dead. But lot us not be entirely hopeless of the future. Little more than half a century ago tbe great commodity exported from this State was indigo. It ceased to bo profitable here, because it could bo more cheaply cultivated elsewhere. Cotton wis 1 introduced in its stead, and was cultivated with unparalleled success. Tobacco and rice contrib? uted to increase the wealth of the South. If these staples cease to be as remunerative in the future as they have been in the past, we still have a great country left to us, and, with something like good government, our necessities will give rise to now expedients. To conquer our difficulties, we must meet them with patience, fortitude and courage But shall we have good government ? That is tho great question presented in the next point that we propose to consider. To admit as a fact, as han been assumed to be the result of the war, that the Government of the United States ?B supreme, and that thc States have no rights; or if they have rights, that they are subordinato to the' Government of the United otates; or, which is the same thing, subordinate to the will of a majoritv having control of the Government, is to admit" the abrogation of tho Constitution, and to ignore the facts of history. In other words, it<s to acknowledge that wo have a Government or absolute powers, instead of a Government of limited and delegated powers. It is admitted, thal auv Government, however limited, may for a time' usurp all power. A sin? glo man may rise up and sav, "1 am the State." Any assembly of men may", for a season, ar? rogate to theiuselve? all power-executive. legis? lative and judicial. But the question recurs, is this law, or is this usurpation ? Is tuis good gov? ernment, or ra it, revolution ? Mero phvsical loree is not law. It may compel obedience/but it can? not give to its acts the sanction or law; unless it be m those countries where tho will o?an absolute despot is the re cognized law of the land. To ad? mit that the war has established auch a'powor In the United Statea, ia to admit that all constitu? tional government is at an end, and that aa States or individuals, wp hold our lift*, liberty and prof pity at tho will and pleasure of any majorit; which, for tho time being, may hold 'the powe Such, to-day, may bc practically thc condition < ten States of the American Union. But arc wo prt pared to endorse theo proceedings and engraft s monstrous a proposition into our governmenti policy ? That is the question that ihc peoplo < the North, as well as 01 tho South, arc called upo to consider. The great object of laws, of const tutions, and of government, ia to protect the wea against the strone;- to shield miuoritics agains the encroach in en ts of majorities. It is a politic! aphorism that a majority con protect itself. A< tiutr by the sheer exercise of arbitrary poner, majority may. for a tune, set at naught all law witniu these States-it mav entorce obedience t military decrees, from which there is no nppeal it may administer a purely military governmer according to its own will, and as such it must b obeved. But when we ?re called upou to sanctioi such government as being in accordance with th constitution and thc laws, we have a right to tes the question according to the rule proposed and t withuold our assent. We admit the fact that mai tial law exists in South Carolina, but wc do not ad mit the principle that martial law has the rieht t impose a civil government upon us without ou consent. Far be it from us to raise a factious op position to the Reconstruct ion Acts of Congress We believe that those acts and the measures the propose are destructive, not only to our const itu tional rights, hut t<> our social ppace. With us i is not a question of party, nor of political powei We caro nothing for th?se things. We are quit willing that others should enjoy all the hon ors; all the emoluments of "office, all th pomp and eireuni-tiucc ol' place. What w dc6ire is peace-not the pcinblauce of peace but the substance of peace-peace al on own fire-sides and t hroughout all our borders. W desiro peaco to enable us to build up oui- wast places, our temples of worship, our sacked nm ruined cities now lying in ashes, our disniantlei dwellings and our prostrate credit. Wc desiri pe: ce for its own sake; for its holy Chnsiian in fluencc, and for Ibo civilization and reftnemen which spring up in its path. Do the roconstruc tion acts of Congress propose to give us thii peace ? No, they give us war and anarchy, rather They s.w the seeds of discord :u our midst, ant place the best interests of society into tho hand: of an ignorant mob. They disfranchise thc whit< citizen and enfranchise tho newly emancipate! slave. The slave of yesterday, who knew no law but the will of the master, is to-day abont to bo in voated with the control of the government. In al popular governments, the two great sources o power may lie traced : 1st. To the exorcise of th< ballot. 2d. To the franchise of the jury box. In vest any people with these two great powers, ant they have at onco the government of the countn in their hands. By the reconstruction acts of Con gress, these powers arc conferred upon the negro ho can make and unmake the Constitution and Hu laws, which he will administer according to thc dictates of others, or his own caprice. We are not unlriendly to the negro; on the con? trary, we know that wo are his best triends. While he occupied the position of a slave, ho was pro? tected by tho laws, according to his condition in life. And now that he has been made freo, wo are not only willing to conter upon him every civil right, but to protect him in tho full and freo en i'oynient of those rights, lu his proporty, in Iiis ito, and in his person, wo are willing that thc blaek man and tho whit" man shall stand togethei upon tho same platform, and be shielded by thc sanio equal laws. Wo vtvturo tho opinion that tho poople of South Carolina aro prepared to adopt as their own the Constitution of any New England or other Northern State, wherein it ia supposed that the civil rights of the negro arc moBt fully and amply secured. But upon a ques? tion involving such gravo and momentous issues, we should b_> untrue to ourselves, and ut fair to our opponent, were wo to withhold the frank and full expression of our opinions. Wo, therofore, feeling tho responsibility of tho subject and the occasion, enter" our most solemn protest against tho policv of investing tho negro with political rights. Tho black man is what God and nature aud circumstances havo made him. That he is not fit to be invested with these important rights may be no fault of his. But the fact is patont to all "thal the negro is utterly unfitted to exercise the highest functions of tho citizen. Tho govern? ment of tho country should not bo permitted to Eass from tho bands of the white man into the ands of the negro. The enforcement of the Re? construction Acts by military power, under the guise of negro voters" and negro conventions, can? not lawfully re-establish civil government in South Carolina. It may for a time hold us in subjection to a o asi civil" government, backed by military torc? but it can do no more. As citizens of the United States, we should not consent to hvo uuder negro supremacy, nor should we acquiesce in ne? gro equality. Not for ourselves only, but on be? half of the Anglo-Saxon raco and blood in this country, do we protest against this subversion of of the" great social law, whereby an ignorant and depraved race is placod in power and influence above the virtuous, the educated and tho refined. By these Acts of Congress, intelligence and virtue aro put under foot, while ignorance, and vico oro lifted into power. In South Carolina, the negro majority, undor tho Reconstruction Acts, is much moro than two to one. In most of tho other Southern States, the negro majorities, if not so great, are almost as decided. lu those States where the white vote is in the ascendant, thc election districts havo boen so arranged, as to take tho political power from the white veto and cast it in favor of tho negro vote. What, then, is the Inevitable result V It in? vests the negro with absoluto political power in each of thc ten Southern States, and at the same timo invests him with tho balance of power in the United States. Nor is this all-the reconstruc? tion scheme closes the ballot box against the best informod and educated classes in tho community, and opens it to tho negro, ol whom not more than one in a hundred can read a word, and not more than ono in fivo hundred can write his name ; and multitudes ol' w hom are so profoundly ignorant, as to bo unable to remember the names by which they have been registered. Verily tr-ia seems to be converting a popular CovcrnLio'.:, of which we have been so justly proud, into a popular farce ; and wo would bo content so to consider it, if it did not involve the issue of life and death to tho form of Government established by our fathers for tho benefit of themselves and their posterity. If the object of the framers of tho Reconstruction Acts was to degrado tho Southern people, it is time for them to consider whether tho degradation may not bo brought to their own doors-whether the poisoned cup may not be roturnod to their own lips. Eut it may be asked, why do not tho Southern peoplo accept tho situa? tion and control the negro element ? This question is much more easily asked than an? swered. In ibo first place, it may ho said that the influence of tho corrupt and intriguing demagogue, who will appeal to passion and prejudice, has always boen found to bo moro powerful with tho excited and ignorant mob, than tho wisest counsols ot the best friends. Besides, tho foun? dation stone upon whioh Republican Govern? ment rost? is, that tho olecti ve frrnchiao is to be exorcised by a free, intelligent and unbiassed judgment ; rmi whenever it is admitted that thia franchise is to be controlled, or, in other words, to bo made the subject of undue influence aud of bribes, thou, too, it must be admitted that Repub? lican Government is at an end, and must, sooner or later, give way to such othor Government as mav bo forced upon a depraved and already corrupted people. But if it is proposed in advance to place the enfranchised negro under control, why confer the franchise at aili Surely, thc part of wiso gov? ernment ia to prevent tho evil, and not open the door t ; thc uiischiof which others are admonished thev must be prepared, by trick or management, to avert. But why press the subject further? It is enough tor us "to know that thia wild and reck? less experiment comes homo to the hearth-stone of every citizen, and mvolvc3 family ana propertv, society", liberty, and oven life itself."Nor is this ail. Tho courts of justice aro dragged into tho mire from their high posi.ion ; our most intoiligont whito citi? zens are excluded from the jury, whiio the ignorant negro is elevated to thai responsible position; the jury lists are made up from the fists of registered voters, which, aa we have said, aro moro tlfan two to one in fa\*or of tho uogro. Not only, bo it re? membered, is the negro admitted to Mi? j?.rv-b02, but the wfiito man is excluded thorefron?. Think you that who* tho great malters of tho common law ot Fngund pronounced their enoomiuin upon tho trial by jury, that they contemplated for a mo? ment auch an instrument as an ignorant negro panel ? Think you that when thc framers ol' the Constitution or the United States incorpoiated into that instrument tho provision that tho trial by jury should always be held inviolate, that they int?u?ep io engraft upon it such an euorroitv as negro jurymen, fresh from thc cotton and rico fields of the South 3 Think you that when Johu Rutledge aud his illustrious cbuipeors signed that instrument on the part of South Carolina, that they intended to forgo a chain which, in a period no longer than an ordinary life-time, would drag their grand-children ?who wero then playing around their knees, and some of whom aro now living), for ti ial before a j ry ol their own slaves ? Talk of additional humiliation, mik of confisca? tion, complain of clemency to rebels, after Hus! God forbid! The Government of tho United States has enforced against thc Southern people thc mort stupendous act ol conilscation that has ever been enforced in the history ol' nations; their property in slaves has been coiitis ated to the amount of three thousand millions of dollars; other personal property, in4he sl?upo ol cotton, provisions, stock, plato and money, has been captured or destroyed, to the value (it one thousand millions of dollars; and from these causes their land has deteriorated to the extent of one thousand millions of dollars-making in the aggregate tho enormous sum of fire thousand mil? lions of dol?ais. Those overwhelming pecuniary lesses fail exclusively upon the Southern people. The political evils complained of will, ol' course, fall chiefly upon Hie people ol tho South, but no', exclusively upon them. Fasten negro supremacy upon the South, and it must ho felt through all of her relations with the North whether commer? cial, political or social. Should a Northern man-and how often must such necessarily be? the case-bo brought to trial in the State or Federal Courts at Hu- .South, his life or liberty must ho passed upon by ignorant negro jurors. Should tho most difficult ami complica? ted questions ol' property arise in Southern Courts- -and how often must such bo tho case, arising from intermarriage, inheritance or traci ? the cause of tho Northern mun must be decided by tho same ignorant tribunal. Nor is this yet ali. Tho highest prerogative of Government is Hie taxing power; and tiio efforts ol tho wisest states? men have been expended lo guard this great power against almac. No power has been more jclously watched than this. No power has given rise to so much bliife and bloodshed in the history of the world. Tho contest between the mother countrv ar.d the colonies originated inherassump tim: of" thc right to lax without representation. By the Reconstruction Acts of Congress, the tax? ing power is placed in thc hands of those who J own no property, and is taken awiV from who hold tue property and must pay tho I The war that has always exited between c and labor ia decided in favor of the latter, the wealth of the country is prostrate' the feet of those who have nothing at but their daily wages and their daily bread, will tins power bo exercised? Can it be sup) for a moment that it will be exercised in anv i way than to impose such burdens upon the payers as will amount, in the end, to pia confiscation of tho small remaining snbstan our people? But wc must forbear. Nuc? some of thc immediate consequences of the Iii struction Acts upon the people of thc South upon tho whole country. We have said, and wo repeat, that we cl peace; but thc policy now proposed cannot us peace. It is contrary to the voice of reasoi the law of nature. Instead of peace, under th constructor Acts, we shall have strife and b: ness. Instead of the South recovering from poverty, and contributing her share to the con wealth and prosperity of tho country, she wi come more and more impoverished". Thc b of misrule will cut short her harvests and dr ber resources. Tho law nf violence, which" prevailed for more thau two years in reconstra Tennessee, will extend its sway throughout outire South, and wo shall reap, like her, the vest of crime and blood multiplied two-fold. We have shown that free negio labor, undo] midden emancipation policy of the Qovernn is a disaster from which, under the most bi bio circumstances, it will require years to rec* Add to this thc policy which the Keconstruc Acts proposo to enforce, and you place the Bo politically and socially, under the heel of UM ero; these influences combined would dra hopeless min the nic6t prosperous coniniuiiil the world. What do these Reconstruction . propose? Not negro equality, merely, balm supremacy. lu thc uame. then, ol 'humanil both races-in the name ef citizenship under Constitution -in the name of a common his in the past-in Ihe name of our Atrglo-Saxon I and blood-in the name of the civilization of nineteenth century-in the name of mat-nanii and tho noble instincts of manhood- in the n of God and nature, we protest against these A as destructive to tho poace of society, the p perily of the country and the greatness grandeur of our common future. Tho people of tho South are powerless to a1 Hie impondiug ruin. Wo have been overborne; the responsibility to posterity and to the wi has passed into other bauds. Ex-Governor Perry moved that Ihe addl es the people of the State be adopted. PROTEST OF GENERAI. CHEBNTT. Hon. James Chesnut, resigning the chair Hon. W. F. Dessaussure, addressed the Coin tion as follows : Gentlemen of the Convention : I very much boped that sonio member of 1 body would rise and express his objection to adoption of the paper under consideration. I finding that no ono ha? thought fit to take t course, reluctantly and with great cmbnrrassni 1 feel it my duty, on grounds of-expediency, ant a representative of tho people of Kershaw Distri to raise my voice in solemn protfeet against adoption. I am a practical man, and, while knowledging tho force of the truths so eloquer utterod in this paper, I am compelled to enqt what good is expected from jts publication by t body? I concedo that it is a recilal of cnorinit which have seldom found parallel in the aunah a civilized people, but is this tito time to rep these thiugs ? If truth or reason could have fluonced tho public mind surely tho eloquence our great men, whoso voices have beon hoard "words that burn" year after yoar in tho hall* legislation and UDOti tho floor of Congress, woi have turned asido the desolating current of < structior. of which wc have boen the uuhappy v tims. Wo exhausted avgument. Nothing mi could be said. When wo coasod to talk, wc str ped ourselves tor tho fight. We fought a gc fight, and, thanks bc to God, although we lost but honor, wo have come forth from tho strugg thus far, not a self-degraded people. (Applaus Now, gen'.lemen, when you como to review cri cally the effect of this paper upon tho condition South Carolina, what che but fiann can you expi irom it? Filled with adjectives and" epithel which can only increase animosity, we shall wi it put a weapon into thc bands of our cnemi which, to the extout that it strengthens the: weakens ourselves. I say more; I do not rega it as dignified, honorable or proper to appear the attitude of suppliants, much less to exhibit spirit of defiance. The utterances ol a people this timo should go forth with more than ordina care. We cannot bo too circumspect in word ai deed. To do a futile thing now, is to do a wroi thing; for it is to bring upon UB additional humi atiou, and perhaps profounder contempt- a co tempt which thus far wo have not deserved or 1 ceived. I have made those remarks, h iping they nu evoke from members of this body who ontorta opinions similar to my own, airank expression the same. I have made thon., too, in a spirit courtesy-for wo are all bnkod together by a cor mon misfortune-and trust that such action mav follow will bo ibo remit ot the gravest co sideration and most deliberate investigation. SPEECU OF GOVERNOR PERr,X, EX-GOVERNO? PERRY-Mr. President: I fe quite sure that f the paper referred to bad bet moro carefully considered by my honored frienc we should not bave heard tho objections ho ht urged. I concur with him entirely in the opmir that it would be improper to show any defianco i tho powers that be. I navo an abiding hopo tha bv patience and forbearance, tho groat masi i Northern people who have been hostile t j us wi como to their sensen, and that, after a reaetioi wo shall be restored to our rieht?, and the countt lo its prospo.ity. 1 made this prediction man months ago, and I now read every day, signs ( the times, in the chang.ng curront of publi thought at the North which give us assurance tht there will soon bo a settlement of the difficulties b which we are besot. I would bc the last man o this flo. r disposed tn say one word that would e: cite anger at the North, or create animosities thn would stay the tide of reaction now taking platt I have read this addrcas twice carefully, ever word and passage, and tbero is not un cxpressioi in it ihat can be construed into a throat, or con strued as defiant. It is possible that nr. gren good can suddenly oome from Its adoption, yet think it right and proper that, taking counsel tc gother, we should set forth tho evils of norir supremacy and a negro govornuent, and temper atoly admonish tho world of the abyss upon th edge ot which we stand, I may mention that six pages of that documon havo been stricken out because they contained i review of tho results of the war. Tho same cours was taken nt the Philadelphia Convention with i carefully prepared paper submitted by Hon. Hen ry J. Raymond, which contained a hi?lorv id' tin war, and which, on motion of Reverdy .folmson was stricken out. Tho gentleman has said : tho paper can do nt good.. 1 think it can do no'harra. \Vhon publish cd, as it will be, throughout the North, facts am views concerning our condition wall bo prosentet to that community, perhaps more clearly thai they have over had thom presented. There ia i great deal of. wholesome advico in it to om' owr people, as well as to those abroad, and hann? passed the criticism of men of judgment and de? li Deration, I soc no reason why it should not bc adopted and sent forth to the country. Mr. A. A. GILBERT, of Snmtor, said be belicvcc that the contemplated publication of the address would do no good. Occupying tho position of s conquered people, poworloss and prostrate, its language might prejudice our cause, and check tho tide of revulsion now moving in the North, which, if not disturbed, would accomplish all foi which we pray. He, therefore, dosircd to ehtei his protest aganist thc adoption of the pepcr. Dr. MARK REYNOLDS, Q? Sumter, said his sole object in coming to Columbia was to contribute his mito to the prevention of evil, and he cuuld not imagine a greater evil than tho ad?-x)tion ol tho address. Silent processes were goiug un at tho North frc m which wo might expect ?ood, and ho believed iu letting vrell enough alone. He, IhSrefore, also desired to enter his protest usin?t thc document, H. W. ADDISON, Esq., of Edgefiold, thought that if wo had arrived nt that pitiable condition in which wo dared not in a manly way exprese uar views, we woro slaves indeed. He saw nothing in either of the documents that a freeman mi^ht not express with thc utmost propriety. Thc one under consideration was simply a strong, but re? spectful protest. If there was any expression in it that breathed of passion, ho had failed as a member of the committee to seo it. Both docu? ments ought to bo adopted, that the world might be told si uno what of thc wrongs we endure, and the rights we ask. MAJOUS. P. HAMILTON, ol Chaster, was sorry to enter his protest against thc paper under consid? eration. HIM objection to it was that it was too controversial concerning mattera on which argu? ment bad boen, exhausted. Tho address which ought to be made should bo addressed lo tho whit? people of the United States, and contain n plain narration ol facts, which would appeal to their nature as fellowmen. Du. A. P. WYLIE, ol' Chester, Favored the adop? tion of thc paper, lt was exactly what was wanted a calm, dispassioneie review ol' the condi? tion ol the State since thc war, and of the misfor? tunes incident to tho perpetuation of the policy w hich had been begun. SPEECH OF HUN. J. D. porE. Hon. .los. DANIEL POPE-TIIO question before this Convention is, shall we do something or nothing? It should have boen considered before wo assembeld. Was there propriety in holding this Convention at all? Hoing here, what shall w\> do ? In answering thal inquiry we have to meei the graver question now upon tho public tongue and stirring the public heart thioughcnt thia great country- shall lhere be negro equality and uogro supremacy in this land? The Northern people with a voice ot thunder have responded- -No! Ohio, who can bold in thc palm ol her hand every negro upon her soil, dolares that the Caucasian race must rule in Amin..?; and shall wo, because unfor? tunate lie down ami nug the chains to our bosom, although they may envelope our limbs, is it not asking too much that wo shall kiss thc shack] s? Sir ir there ia it word in that address objection? able to thc people of this country, lay your finger upon it and it shall be expunged. Objectiona? ble! Why ? Because it bears upon its face the great logic of facts. The simp!c narration appals the ininti, because before God and the world those, facts are true. Rhetoric, sir! lht>re is no more rhetoric m Ute address luau there is in thc multi? plication table. Twelve times twelve are one hundred and forty four. Language cannot be more plain, specific, ami truthful. In tho name ot Heaven, arc wo so utterly enslaved, that when tho voice of thc North ia raised, and in .ii .-tami up at the bullo! box in behalf ol' their race and color, wo must bind ourselves hand aud loot, lay our ^ head upon the block and call upon the knife I fall ? Tili? address is to tho people of South Cacolin and --ve simply appeal to them not to put the se of their consent upon any illegal act. We coona moderation. VVe make no factious opposition those in power. Wo go on to show that tl emancipation was a great error in a material sens and prostrated the commerce of thc country; ar tlicn set forth tho evils that exist. Sir, I beliei there would not be one thousand votes in Sout Carolina to-day in favor of re-enslaving tho colore race. They ai o free, and freo they will remaii now and forever. The Radicals go a step furthe and claim that they are dorn? better than ever bi fore, that they are making thc 1 ind to blossoi like thc rose. ' May we not by a presentation c fact, brand that UH'a falsehood'!1 May wo not ii troduce figures to show that only two million bales of cjtton now grow where five used to grow May we not p oint out the consequences to tb >?ofth of this great depreciation, and solemnly d< claro to the pr.-oplo that if they persist in fasteniu upon tho colored race tho right of franchise an ot the jury box, wo aro politically, commercial Iv, morally, religiously, and socially ruined? At I told that in South Carolina I cannot express thos opinions, and sav to my master, Your punishmen is beyond what flesh and blood ian bear? Mr. President, disguise the matteras you wi] the great issue now to be met by tho people North and South, is the question of negro rul and negro supremacy. L'pon this will turn tb next Presidentiarcontest. Theten reconstroctet Southern States may carry the election. In i question of morals br ethics you may be relined ni o question ot law you may he siibtlc; but ii great questions before the public mind you mus make thc issues broadly, 'Ihey make themsclvei sn. Tbc peuple care not for lefineiiicnt or subtlety Therefore the palpable issue of the approaching Presidential election will bc. shall the negro rule ' Upon one side or tho other of :hat question Soutl Carolina must register her vote, and I ask you shall we quietly fold our hands now and here, anc allow this monstrous proposition to pass without even a protest ? If that be the spirit of this body, I am mistaken in my estimate of thc character bl these gentlemen around me. BEPLT OF OE?EBAL CHESXTTT. Hon. JAMES CHEBNUT O?r. DeSanssure in the Chair). Mr. Chairman : 1 think my friend hat stated with great accuracy thc real question tie fore tho (''invention- Had we better adopt this ad? dress or do nothing ? I am clearly ot the opinion that wo should do nothing. \Ve weto brought here hy the invitation of otu !ricn?6 to counsel with thom on public affairs, and it is my deliberate judgment that we should remain silent. But if, on the other hand, it should bc determined that souioMiing must be done, then it is true that thc publication of this paper wo..ld bo legitimate and proper. 1 still contend, however, that it is no! expedient. 1 do not object to tho principles an? nounced. Wo fought for them, and that is our protest. It stands upo i the record, and the peo? ple of tho country will not for one moment be mis? led by any want of verbal action on the part of thia Convention. I think my friend from Beaufort (MY. Tope) has shown, in the clearest possible manner, tho futili? ty of putting forth that paper. Does ho believe it accessary to announce our degradation and then acquiesce in it? Is it requisite that a declaration of our wrongs shall bo followed by our acquies? cence in them? Why then the uso of such tacts? If it would Bubeervo any cud, or if there was oven a probability that good would result. I would not. object to the courso proposed; but I am still un? convinced that this address is not ill-timed and inexpedient. Wo had better do nothing-express no opinion -take no action in any form. Lot tho torrent sweep on. Let us stand aloof. The North? ern mind will spurn, as it bas ever Bpurncd, ail your offorts. If I were to propose a resolution it would bc of this character- "Resolved, That this Convention, having considered all the matters which have been placed before it, deem it inex? pedient to lake an} action." Such is tho courso which 1 recommend, and hopo will prevail. To appeal to these people is to be humiliated. To ask, ia to be rejected with scorn. MB. G. lr. TOWNES, of Greenville, then addressed tho Convention at gre it length, in support of tne motion to adopt the addross. Ho reviewed the arguments of previous speakers, and strongly urged the importance of doing something, and doing it promptly aud well. SPEECH OF JUD JE ALDBlCn. HON. A. P. ALDISICH-Mr. Presidont : Thus far no authoritative utterance has been given to the people of thc North concerning the condition of this Sonthlind. What they know ol' us has Leen communicated to thora by the agents of tho Freed mena Bureau, Military Commanders, and tho army of teachers in colored schools-all of whom are strangers to our soil. Here and thoro a citi? zen of South Carolina has raised his voice, but t his is the first assembly of weight-the first repre? sentative body that has convoued in this State to dwell upon, and, if necessary, to set forth the ter? rible condition of atlairs to which wo have been obliged to succumb. What harm then can there be in thc publication of this address ? The Nonh is just recovering from the frenzv of war. Time was when tho people of that eoction refused to listen to the counsels nt wisdom and of truth; but recently wo. have received intelligence which bidB us hope; we liavo heard that the great heart of the people is moving and reason re-asserting its sway. It may be that this is tho very time we should go forth and, with subdm d manhood, tell tho story of our wrongs. It may bo that such a calm, dig? nified and respectful statement as is contained in that paper will find listening ears and sympathi? zing hearts. Mr. President. What we now need is faith and confidence. I have never lost my faith in thia American people. They have been led astray from the Constitution ; in the frenzy of war, they have forgotten ail tho s?curit?s embracod in that sacred instrument ; but 1 have ever behoved the timo would como when they would return within its shelter, and submit again to tis control. I believe, sir, that a people constituted as are these Uni? ted States-a nation who aro descendants of the men of the revolution, and composed of those who have fled from the monarchies of the old world to seek an asylum and refuge in the now-will nevar surrender all th: y have brought and proteotod to the despotism "f a mere party. And the question presented to the American people to-day, is whoth er they will live undor a party despotism, or return 11 the Constitution. One of the great obstados which prevents such a return, however, is raising up its hideous head here in this bleeding South, in the shame of a proposition to negroize-if I may use the expression-these ten States so as to pre? vent their sister States af the North freon enjoying tho privilege that would otherwieo bo aocured by the white man's vote. Can it be> impolitic, in a calm and deliberate manner, and with dignified humility, to admonish tho Northern people of a fact so startling, and inform them of our true con? dition ? It i.s tho only way in which we can impress th" public mind of that section ; the only ray in which we eau destroy tho influence of papers sent out from the various irresponsible sources of our country ; and, if we continue to denman ourselves in the future os ti e have done in tho past, the day will quickly dawn when tho intelligence, virtue, and courage of the people will bo aroused in our behalf. HEM AB KS OF COLONEL MC MASTER. Colonel P, W .Mcmaster, of Columbia, opposed the adoption ol' thc addross, on tho ground tuat it was not expedient at this timo to take any action. He argued that, being a conquered people, how? ever carefully language might bo gunrdod and ex? pressed, it would bo consiruoil as covering a feel? ing of revenge- an impression which would Strengthen the party now holding the reins of gov? ernment. He sympathized with every word that hud been written in the address. The facts were all true as atafecl. It wai unquestionably temper? ate and dispassionate, nut under the present cir? cumstances ho felt, t hat nothing in tho shape of a prolest would bo ol' much avail. It migbt not bo wiso, having assembled ho.o, to depart without adopt ing a r?solution in some form, and he oTered as a substitute the following, as one, which, accord? ing to bis judgment, would accomplish all the good that could DO Hoped from the longer and more care? fully prepared address that had beenivad to tho Convention, jfcfC'l'ecd, That it ia tho opinion o? this Conven? tion that the white population of this Stato will boat express 'ucic opposition to tho scheme of negro doiniiiPtion and supremacy involved in the Reconstruction Acts of Congress, and their ad? ministration by mditary authority, by abstaining entirely from voting ia those Districts where the election of Conservative men is hopeless, aud by not voting at all on the question of a Convention in any District. BcsiAnd, thal wo congratulate thc white peo plo of this State, and the friouds of good govern? ment ami ci vilization in every State ol' the 'United States, upon the great unanimity now prevailing amongst us in opposition to the call of a Conven? tion to establish universal negro auftrage and negro Rorernmenl m S ?nth Carolina. L>. w. RAY. Esq., of fairfield District, briefly ex? pressed bis unqualified approval ot the address. A moro magnificent document, in bis opinion, could not einai.ato fruin a subjugated pooplo. It waa ;i St:iu- poper worthy of the race and he hoped that it would be unanimously adopted, il ho had imagined that nothing was to bp done ho would not havo lett Fairfield m attend this Convention, and if nothing was done he wt nhl be ashamed lo go back. SPEF.cn OF COL. BLAXPrtfO. Colonel .1. 1?. BLANDIXO ol Sumter. As an hum? ble member of the Committee which reported these papers. 1 feel called upon to give thc rea? sons winch induced me to vole in favor of both being presented to tho Convention, although I en? tertain th.-opinion thai but one is necessary. It* thc course suggested by toe President ol' thc Con? vention he followed out, it will doubtless bc an ''inactivity"process but not the "masterly ' one. flic imbalance of these papers is already before tbe world, and you cannot withdraw them. If you do nothing nioie than say " we will do nothing," by your B lieut acquiesenco you will have done that whir?i will create tenfold more harm than if both of these papers lind been published to thc world. Refuse to adopt this address alter the debate that bas taken place and you will lend your best sup? port to the Republican Party : for they will claim thai this paper '.vas presented in the capital of South Carolina to a body of ?ta rep? resentative men and could not he passed. What use will they make of thia fact? Why Sir, they '.ill give yon. or rather give it to the masses at tbe North, as their argument, that South Carolina has been radicalized. Is there nothing in our midst to ind.cate thal a change in public sentiment has takcu place ' A slight one it is trau but nevertheless sufficient for these Radical orators to base any statement upon concerning the silence of thia" Convention which they seo lit to make. If I undciatand the position of affairs, there aro now two partie at the North the Radicals ?'.?id the Conservatives, who have united with thc De? mocracy. We must look to thc latter for safety. We can do nothing at home; but we may confi? dently appeal to them. Unfortunately for the State! South Carolina had one high in position who over bia own seal aa a representativo of tho South, and as Governor of South Carolina, said we need not go back to the Democratic party. Now I want this Convention to do something to prove that we will go back to the Democratic party of the North (applause)-that our only salvation "rests with that party, and unless we repudiate this action of the Executive, the truth will go unrebuked that the men of South Carolina have become Radical. 8ir, tho North do not know the position in which we stand. What is tho argument ? In my owu town a Union League met. There were whites 3mong them. They rt ported a tioket with one white man al the head, another at tho foot, and two negroes between. This ticket goes to the North. The'1 census book will show that the population is about j equally composed of whites and blacks, and it J will be immediately claimed, our sentiments being f unknown, that tho ticket truthfully represents the principles of Sumter District. ?B?t.we know it to bo false, and it is our duty to tell the Democratic party at the North on all occasions that tho whites of South Carolina do not concur in tho Radical policy, will not take part in the Radical programme, and nave no faith in Radical dominion. But there is a stronger artra nent than this. Gentlemen say that in this address we are simply repeating the same old story. I deny that it has been repeated. Tho effect of emancipation has never b"en told. While we touched upon the sub? ject in the course of former discussions, we failed ourselves to realize the full results of negro supre? macy. It is only within the last few weeks that tho prospect has como home to my own mind in all ita dreadful shapes. In the name of God, what we have to say upon this subject let it be said. Let us show what we feel. Let us ask tho North to look at what they have done; where they are driving us, and ti what the ovil tends. It does strike mo that no harm can possibly come from sn -'h an exhibition of our condition, and that por? trayal is embraced in the address under conside? ration. There is not a word in the paper that ought to be erased. No white man can be respect? ed in South Carolina who stands on any other plat? form than that which is embodied in this docu? ment, and we desire it to go forth to the world, that it is only upon such principles the people of the North can expect to save us, thc Saxon race, or themselves. (Applause.) Mr. (j IL BEET again opposed the adoption of the address. While he believed every word of it he '. still deemed it inexpedient to send forth such a : paper. He thought, however, that something i should be said, but it should be in the shape of a i plain, frank, manly protest, and there we ought to Btop. Two things he desired to guard against-in? temperate utterance and a disposition to compro? mise. SPEECH OF JUDGE INGLIS. Iiis Honor Judge JOHN J. INGLIS-Mr. President: I caunot even think about this subject without feeling my heart beat more rapidly: and it is of such transcendant importance, and the occasion on which we have assembled is so solemn in char? acter, that I shall endeavor neither by word, tone or manner to quicken tho pulses of any member ot this Convention. I propose to say but little; as the Chairman of tho Business Committee, it does not become me to permit the vote to bc taken without one word. Thc question has been made whether it is wise i for this Convention to act at all. If this bu the prevailing opinion, it is rutile to discuBs any par- i ticular form of action. I enter upon tho considera? tion of this point with the most profound depres? sion 1 ever felt in my lifo. The discovery that here., in a bodv composed of representatives from tho various Districts of South Carolina, there exists such extensive and powerful opposition to '. any action at all, is of itself a roason that tuero i should be action. It bas been woll said that, un? less tho action of this Convention can be unani? mous-unless the preconceived impressions and prejudices of individuals can be yielded to tho general sentiment ol',th? body, it is better to go home. Speak with one" voice, or be silent. At such a crisis as this, let us speak not with a double tongue in South Carolina. Mr. President, it is not enough that this Con? vention should do something that will do no harm. We came hore for a positive purpose. We aro not here to issue mere idle thoughts to tho Northern oar. Ought the State of South Carolina-I shall always call her a State-stand with her hands hanging and her tonguo dumb. In the presence of what Fact does she stand? A fact without a parallel in the history of the world. For scarcely before the ink with which it is recorded is dry, the Government of South Carolina will pass from Hie white man into the hands cf the negro race. I will not insult your intelligence, by asking if you take in the full import of that Fact. Mr. President; it ie within ten years of a century since South Carolina assumed to herself, as a por htical community, the crown of sovereignty. Du? ring that time the Anglo Saxon has ruled her des? unios, shaped ber fate, made her honorable, and clothed her with majesty. Now that race is to be as effectually blotted out as if every individual whoso skin is white was murdered and hid from v;ea. Sir, is there a corporate town in South Carolina in which the negro will not hive it in his power to elect a municipal government-the In? tendant and Wardens? How many Districts are thore in the State in which every officer of th*; District Police- tho Sheriffs, Clerks and Tax Col? lector-: may not be negroes? That is not all. In twenty-four ont of thirty-one Districts, the Legis? lature* will bo in the hands of the blacK race. They can elect their own men, and will they not do it? What people ever had power and did not use it? What follows? They will mako your laws, or trans? form those already existing to suit their interests or their whims. Nor is that all. The Legislature of South Carolina is a great (electoral body. It chooses your Judger; and wdl a negro legislator choose a* white Judge if he can find a black one to answer his purpose? Will he choose white Sena? tors and members of Congress? Will he choose a white Governor and Lieutenant-Govornor? I am stating thc fact in the presence of which we stand-the fact that the voters are two to one, and that tho whole power of the Government, ex? ecutive, legislative and judicial, will, in two or three months, pass into the hands of the negro race. This is the fact which confronts us. Wo have come together for conference and consulta? tion , and, in thc presence of the appalling tact, of that repulsivo fact, at which ali tnat is white in tho skin, manly in nature and pure in blood recoils, shall we do nothing? After a century of glory, after a century of fame, when tho name of South Carolina bas become a synonym of honor in the ear of the world, she stands in the presence of ibis tact-Degradation ! And shall sho not lift up hor voice in protest against tho mighty wrong t (Great applause.) Does not an individual assert bis manhood by protesting against wrong? And if it ?B becoming to tho self-rcsp<ect of tho man, is it not equahy due to the ae-f-reapect; ol tho State? If it is tnc natural utterance, the outpouring of o.ie'a manhood, the very thing is good. It cannot be othorwiae thau good. When, therefore you Rfc up your vjico wdl it do no moral good. Will it do no practical good? Yes, it will do justice to your past history, and it will du justice to those kings of men to whom the State gave birth ! "I Here ia a tido in the a flairs of mon which, taken at ita flood, leads on to fortune." Is there no tide setting in now ? Is tho paasion excited by war subsiding ? Are the enormities ot which the Radical party have been guilty, beginning to be realized ? Are tba pooplo coming to their sober second thought, and starting back at the reality which their imagination had before only* pictured ? If these things be, is there no "tide in tho affairs of men ?" Is it no time to step in with a calm and patient address to reason and understanding ? Is it no timo to say, ' let us, who witness the racts, testify of the condition to which our ooun try has been redaced-for wo speak of what we have seen and do know." Think you, they are not in a condition of mind to listen to that ? Why is it-can you explain it-that in every State "in which elections have taken place, the evi? dence is overwhelming that the people are return? ing to reason, sense, fraternal feeling and affec? tion. Even Vermont ! Vermont 1 ! vermont 11 ! in ber election thia FaU showed, manifestly, that the domination of the Radical party was shakon ! How is it with Now Jeraly, Massachusetts, Kan? sas, Minnesota, and Montana-those children of the West, whore one would :hink tho tide of fanat? icism had flowed out? Aro not men coming to their senses ? Is this no tido m tho affairs of men to bo taken at its flood? Is it not true, then, that thia stalemont of tacts will do us good? If we raise our voice in wisdom, moderation and truth, it will assist those who are our friends, and put arguments into their mouths; for we testify of the condition of tilings among us. as tho necessary result of the policy which has been pursued. Therefore, this protest will do moral good, and practical good. It will do justice to ourselves, and render aid to those who are oui- friends. Having settled that something must be done, I remark lirst that that paper was submitted to a committee of twenty. By that committee it was carefully, slowly and distinctly read. It was re? ferred to a sub-committee of seven, which this morning spent two hours in considering the ad? dress in detail, sentence by sentence, and in chang? ing every phrase that seemed to imply a threat for lamer words suited to these times ..When men must speak with bated breath," until they believed every man North and South, or anywhere in the world, could accept it. Ii there is "in it a word of threat, of compromise, or acqui? escence, it is there by mistake. If there is an enunciation of wrong followed by a declaration of acquiescence, it escaped attention, lt is truel And that is always offensive to somebody or other. It is manly. There is nothing cowardly about it. And what is its structure ? Tho particular fact with which it has to deal ie, that the State is about to be subjected to negro domination, and this is 'sot forth iu a clear and forcible manner. But it has been observed, "'You must say nothing controversial." Then why speak ? Nothing can be said here that will not give rise to controversy. Remain silent; your silence will be perverted,"and while our fnencla elsewhere are describing in burning words the wrongs we suffer, thev will be met with a reply like this : ''Il it is auch "a monstrous wrong, why is it that tho people affected bv it have had nothing to say ? They appear to like it. We hear no clamor, no voice or expostulation, nor do they testify to the truth of your representations.' W hat answer shall we make"? ........ I said that the people dealt with the Tact of ne? gro domination. We ure told these arguments have been repeated over and over again. I beg leave to differ with this statement. Them ia not an argument in ii over made before, ior the simple reason that tho argument is in the facts. It is further said that these things aro all well known. Rut this is uot truo. The merchants of New York mav have become acquainted with thom through their contact or correspondence w t a tho Southern planter or business rn n. bu? .?o mass of testi? mony which the mass ol tl. -Northern people pot* seas, is, as ia well known, tho testimony received fi oin others, not from us. And the facts on which reliance is placed by that people are false ! Now, what are you going to do ? Let rn? carrv you to an incorporated town where tho election is just over. A negro who, pera .pe, tho other day was your slave, is the Mayor. A few other negroes are the wardens; they have just gotten their newlv acquired power. You know how it ia with white people wno have power. Thero is pleasure at first in the mere exercise of authority. Th? streets, perhaps, are to be worked upon, and the white man, the gentleman, the proud chivalry of South Carolina, with a negro marshal near him, whip in hand, is driven to the task. What will be thc result ? Somebody will begin, "Behold, what a gi eat fire a little matter kindleth." What will be the end ? It must not come if wo can prevent it. Let us, if possible, arrest these evils before thov reach the threshold. With great deference to your judgment, Hr. President, iud that of others, it seems to me that it may be done. Let us, in any event, solemnly protest against this great wrong. At the same time, I come back to the point I started with: Un? less what we do is of one voice and one accord, we had better cover our faces with our hands and re? turn to our constituencies in grief and shame. (Applause.) Colonel McMaster said that, after hearing the. eloquent address of Judge Inglis, he for one felt constrained to withdraw all opposition to the pub? lication of the paper. SPEECH OF GENERAL WADE LAMPTON. General WADE HAMPTON. I do not propose to detain the Convention but a few minutes. It was not my intention to say one word upon the ques? tion now before it. I was afraid that an unpardon? ed and perhaps it would be frank to say an im? penitent rebel, would do more harm than good. But it has been suggested that my opinions were not known ; but whatever these opinions have been and are, I think no one acquainted with me can lay to my charge, that they have ever been concealed. I only risa to s ay, that although I was staggered by your opposition to this measure, yielding to your tudgment as I always have done and placing implicit reliance upon it, that after an examination of this address, I found that there was not one word of objection in it, and conse? quently was desirous that it should go forth to the world as an expression of the people of South Carolina. Though we are powerless, it does nut follow we can do no good. I remember years ago, an incident which illustrates this point. A com? pany of British soldiers were being transported to India, when the vessel sprung aleak. The captain announced the fact that there vu no hope, and only the women and children could be saved. Th? captain of the company called upon his men to protect the boats while they were being freighted with the women and children to be sent away. When the task was accomplished, he stood in front of his company, and as the vessel was going down, with the waves lashing their feet, gave the order to his men, " present amis." It was an instance of the sublimest heroism, fortitude, and discipline. Bo, if our vessel must go down, let us at least H tan il true to our principles, and do nothing to de? serve reproach. Let us sink, if not with arms In our hands, true to the past and to all the instincts of our nature as Carolinians. The question was then taken, OD the motion of Governor Perry, to adopt the address, and lt waa agroed to. On motion of Governor Perry, the second paper, or remonstrance, was laid upon the table. Governor PEBBX then moved that tho adoptiva of the address should be declared unanimous. Hon. JAMES CHESNUT-The Chair desires to say that he was opposed to the policy of issuing this paper, not on account of the principles therein announced, but of the inexpediency of presenting the question in that form. I cannot but feel that I am still right, and I must stand by my own colors. General Wade Hampton in the Chair. D. B. DeSaussure, Esq., offered the. following resolution : Resolved, That the thanks of the Convention ara due to the Honorable James Chesnut, President of this Convention, for the able, fair, and impar? tial manner in which he has presided over the de? liberations of this body. Tho resolution was adopted unanimously, on. JAMES CHZSNUT. Gentlemen of the 'Con \ ion : I beg leave to tender you my heartfelt gratitude for this complimentary resolution. I sincerely trust that the results of this important meeting may redound to the good of the people of South Carolina, and those who have her interest at heart. I regret to have found it to be my duty to differ with any gentlemen in opinion, and from the bottom of my heart I hope my opinions may prove incorrect; that what has been done will tend to promote the welfare of our people and that that Providence to whom alone ve can look fox a speedy deliverance, will smile upon and bless us. I trust when you take your departure [rom this place you may severally reach your fami? lies in peace and safety, and in the future, should we ever be called together again may it be to rep? resent a free, disenthrallrd and prosperous people. On motion of Governor Parry, the Convention then adjourned sine die. Tho following is a copy of the order of the Pres? ident for suppressing armed organizations io th? District of Columbia. It is addressed to General Grant: "I am reliably advised that there are within the District of Columbia a number of armed organizations, formed without authority of law and for purposes which have not been communi? cated to the Government. Being at the present time unnecessary for the preservation of order or the protection of the civil authority, they have excited serious apprehensions as to their real de? sign. You therefore take official steps for prompt? ly disbanding and suppressing au such illegal organizations." This order is dated last Monday the 4th inst., and applies, to all armed military organizations, whether composed of negroes or white men. General Grant reports that beside the companies composed ot colored men there are four companies of white citizens whose organiza? tions are likewise unauthorized. CLOTHING. WE HIVE MARKED DOWN Our Entire Stock or FALL AND WINTER ! CLOTHING. IN CONSEQUENCE OF THE DECLINE IN THE prices of Woolens in the Northern markets, we have MARKED DOWN oar entire Slock. TO SUCH FIGURES AS WTJIX GIVE PURCHASERS an opportunity that ls rarely offered to procure REALLY GOOD CLOTHING, AT LESS THAN THE USUAL PfUOES FOR INFBRIOB ARTICLES. AND INVITE ALL TO INSPECT THE GOODS ANjar" Prices. Below is a list of a few of the arMclea^-rjur Stock, showing the former and presentirle j: rf 300 SACKS B ild at S12 to 930, VOW...J,.$10 00 300 Panta sold at $6 to S12, now.. .J, . 6 00 300 Vesta sold at $4 to $7. now....'.. 2 00 Lot fine French Coating Sacio sold at S20, now.... 15 00 Lot French Bockhacker .-?atis sold at $28, now.... 20 00 Lot fine German Tricot Sacks sold at $28, now.. 22 00 ONE PRICE. MAGULLAR, WILLIAMS k MO, 27o Bziisra-, CORNER OF HASEL STREET, CHARLESTON, S. C. November 1 AFFLICTED ! SUFFER NO MOKE! When by the use of DB. 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