Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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STJPPLEMB1TT TO B. B. MURRAY, Editor and Proprietor.} ANDERSON C. H~ S. C, THURSDAY, APRIL 8, 1880. _{TERMS, $1.50 PER ANNUM. To? the People op Anderson County: In October, 1872, at a time of great excitement, anxiety and fear in political affairs, you deemed it proper to elect* me a member of the House of Representatives of this State; and when my term expired in 1874 you still further promoted me by electing me to the Senate for a term of four years. During my canvasses I made certain pledges looking to a reform in the adminis? tration of our State, government; sod I now propose as briefly as pos? sible to render an account of my stewardship, that you may determine how far and in what manner I carried nut and redeemed those pledges. ' I feel it due myself and ray family, and the voters of both parties who supported me, and es? pecially those who voted for me notwithstanding they differed from me politically, to make this exposi? tion. The delay in issuing; this ad? dress can be readily and satisfactorily explained. Up to the expiration of my term as Senator I was constantly and actively engaged in performing duties assigned me as Chairman of the Committee to Investigate Frauds against the State. I felt some deli? cacy in addressing you immediately preceding the election in 1878, as . Vit might have been charged that I desired re-election to the Senate or some farther promotion. After that election and before I could have prepared this paper a resolution was introduced in the Senate by one of h e Republican Senators,and adopted by that body, appointing'a Commit? tee to investigate the aots and con? duct of the previous Investigating Committee, of which I had been Chairman. To have published any communication personal to myself in advance of their investigations and conclusions would have been premature -and indelicate. This Committee, after continuing in ex? istence for more than twelve months, made their report some three months since, vindicating my acts and con? duct in the fullest and most satisfac? tory manr.er; and the time has now arrived when I can properly spread before the people in the most public manner my acts and efforts to secure an honest and economical adminis? tration of affairs in South Carolina. At the outset, permit me to declare that my object is not political, or for the purpose of soliciting votes; ?s I am not, and will not be under any cir? cumstances, a candidate for your suffrages at the coming election. To explain my public acts for the term of six years, even as briefly as possible, will necessarily occupy much space, and must needs have reference to the general legislation before and daring that period, and the effects and results thereof upon the political and financial condition of the State. That I may be fully and fairly understood, I shall refer to the Acta and Journals of the General Assembly, giving dates and pages, and with some confidence trust that the Dem? ocratic clubs of this County?who in 1876 censured me without a hear? ing, and condemned me unjustly by refusing to investigate my acts through their own representatives when demanded by me?will, at their leisure, compare my state? ments and pledges made whilst a candidate with the Acts and Jour? nals herein referred to, and decide whether I have been true and faith? ful to the trusts imposed and prom? ises made. I take great pleasure in acknowl? edging that efficient assistance was rendered me by men of both politi? cal parties; and, ere I close, I shall endeavor to give full credit to all who aided me, for I feel deeply grateful to them for their counsel, t votes and assistance, which en? couraged me to persist in efforts at times when it seemed impossible to succeed. ? My first and great object was the restoration of the State from a con? dition of anarchy, confusion and distress, arising from bad, reckless and corrupt legislation, to one of corresponding peace, economy and prosperity. I confess that I hon? estly desired to accomplish this through the instrumentality of the Republican party. This was but natural, and will be understood aud appreciated, I trust, before the close of this address. A brief reference will be made to some of the evils and corruptions which existed in the State govern? ment, destroying her character, credit and resources, and endanger? ing the supremacy of the Republi? can party in this State. I think it proper at this place to refer to the pledges and platform announced by me when a candidate: That I would stand by every principle and act of the great National Republican farty, and, in order that all might understand, pledged myself to work for and rote for the perpetuity of the great principles laid down in tbo platform of the National Republican party. That the legislative attachees should be reduced to the smallest number necessary for the proper conduct of business. Advocated that all legislative expenses should be paid only upon appropriations, Bet? ting forth the amount, to whom to bo paid, and for what purpose. That large appropriations should not be made for contingent expenses of the Senate and House, and that all such accounts should be printed and laid on the desks of the Sena ton and members before being considered oi ordered paid. The abolishment of several offices, and blending the duties of two or more into one, whenever practical, and that they should not be allowed to contract in excess of amounts levied and appropriated. That tho public printing should be given ? to the lowest responsible bidder, and both houses should take immediate steps to secure this, and no longer allow two men to contract with themselves for any amount they choso and audit and approve their own accounts. A radical chango in the manner of levying the taxes, stating that if the then mode was persisted in our people would be >' iven from their homes to another country. I favored free schools ai?u the education of the masses, and advocated the establishment of a thorough and efficient system of public instruction that would enable evory child in the State to attend school. I opposed the payment of the interest on the State debt in gold. I took the position that the Acts increasing the State debt had been passed by fraud and for fraudulent purposes, and favored the debt being scaled to tho amount recognized by tho Taxpayers' Convention, but, if the contingency should arise, would vote for the total repudi? ation of the fraudulent debt. Favored minority representation. I favored tho publication of tho receipts and disbursements of the State Treasurer as often as necessary for the proper information of tho people. " I advocated the utilization of the convict la rbor on public enterprises, convicts to be care? fully guarded by such necessary laws and strin? gent rules and regulations as would be condu? cive to their rctormation, good health and humane treatment. ; , Opposed the organization and arming of the militia, for the reason that it had proved to bo one of the prime causes of trouble in the up? per Counties. . ? ? That although I was interested in Blue Ridge scrip, I was willing to abide the decision of the Courts. But should it come before the Legislature, I would be found representing the interests of the people against its payment. The law should forbid any officer from de? positing BchooL County or Court funds outside the County to which tney belong, unless thore be no bank of good standing in such County. Should also require the State Treasurer to de? posit all tax money to the specific account for which it was levied and collected, tho same to he drawn upon only in payment of specific appropriations. Should provide that no State officer should servo on any Board, Committee or Commission. County Commissioners should be required to apportion the tax levied and collected for County purposes before the same is collected, which shall oonstitnte a specific fund for various County and Court purposes. That all State and County officers should be elected by the people. That Commissioners of Election should be elected by the General As? sembly. Should require State officers to make their reports within throe days after the Gen? eral Assembly shall have met, on pain of in? stant removal from office. Provide that no Governor, State officer or Judge shall be ab? sent from his post, except in very few and spe? cial cases, or by leave of the Legislature. I also favored the following amend? ments being made to the Constitu? tion : "Constitution should dofine more clearly the powers and duties of Lieutenant Governor. ? "Obtaining one office for the purpose of com? manding the approach to the other should be discouraged. It should bo provided that no person holding office shall be eligible for any other office during the term for which he was elected. "Provide that the Governor may veto certain Sections of any Bill for the expenditure of money or the creation of a debt while approv? ing the rest "* Prevent the General Assembly from pass? ing any local or special law that can be provided for by a general law or where the Courts are competent to grant tho relief asked for. "Require that taxes shall be uniform upon the same class of property or subject, hut al? low the Legislature to authorizo a tax by li? cense on peddlers, auctioneers, brokers, mer? chants, professions, showmen, liquor dealers, toll bridges and ferries, insurance companies, telegraph and express offices, railroad interest or business, traveling agents or vendors, and all persona or corporations owning or using franchises, etc. "Tho right of suffrage should be adequately protected. Provide that each County shall be represented in proportion to the ratio of votes actually polled at its elections; but in no case should representation be allowed for any n um? her of votes in exoess ofthat shown by its cen? sus to be qualified to vote. Thon if, from in? timidation or other cause, the people shall fail to exercise their duty or right to vote, tho County will lose representation, cud unjust representation will be impossible. Restrict the Court to two terms for each County annually, reserving to the Judges the right to call special terms for Sessions business only. ? "Make the legislative sessions biennial, and change tho day of meeting to the second Tues? day in January," To make myself intelligible, I shall be obliged to take up these various subjects seriatim and to re? fer to the measures I introduced and the legislation on each. I ha'', scarcely been sworn in as a me?iber of the House of Represent? atives when I was impelled by a sense of duty to commence a line of opposition to the extravagant and reckless expenditure of the public money. On the first day of my first term a resolution was intro? duced fixing the number of at tachees beyond what I deemed es? sential for the business of the House. I offered an amendment reducing the number to fifteen. [See House Journal 1872-73, page 8.] After discussion the subject was post? poned. A majority of the Repub? lican members held a caucus, but could not agree. When the sub? ject was recurred to, a substitute was offered for the original resolu? tion, which was tabled. "Mr. Thomp? son moved to amend by striking out the word 'fifteen' and inserting 1 twenty-four.' This amendment was accepted by Mr. Cochran and then adopted." It soon became manifest that a simple resolution would not effect the retrenchment so much needed and called for in the interests of the peo: pie. The Senate con tin ued,thro ugh its officers, to issue pay certificates to a large number of employees, and in like manner joint certificates were issued to persons who performed no service. The House of Representa? tives, by the close vote of 49 to 47, increased the number of theso em? ployees, but had up to that time dur? ing the session refused to accede to the demands of the Sergeant-at-Arms, who was continually calling for an increase of force. Much time was consumed in the consideration of ? such demands, annoying to all con? scientious members and to the great expense and detriment of the tax? payers. To do the subject partial justice, I give a specimen of the resolutions introduced providing for an increase of the number of em? ployees of the House, which, to a casual observer, seemed on its face to be innocent and harmless, but was in reality full of danger and in? viting corruption: "Jtemlved, That the Speaker of this House is horeby authorized and required to issue pay certificates in amounts of SlOu each to tho i persons who performed labor in the House." ' Phis resolution was passed on the : day of adjournment, amidst the ' haste and confusion incident thereto. I Under this resolution, certificates : were issued in the names of more than one hundred persons. My first effort in this direction was not entirely successful. The General Assembly was con? vened in extra session October 21st, 1873. Soon after assembling I pre? sented "A Bill to regulate the num? ber of subordinate officers, attachees, <&c." [See House Journal, page 71.] This Bill was defeated by the oppo? nents of honest government and true reform. Not discouraged thereby, when the Legislature con? vened in regular session immedi? ately following the extra session, I introduced a second " Bill to regu Ifi.te the number and pay of officers,, attachees, clerks and laborers of the General Assembly, and to provide the manner of electing, appointing and paying the same." ? [See House Journal 1873-74, page 233.] To facilitate the consideration and pas? sage of this Bill I managed to have it referred to a Committee of which I was a member; and in a few days it was reported on favorably, and finally passed both houses, and was approved by Govern or Moses, March 17th, 1874. The beneficial results of this Act will appear forcibly by refereuce to its provisions. The number of officers, clerks, attachees, &c, was fixed; their duties and pay prescribed; that such number should never be increased except by Act or Joint Resolution; that a list of all such persons should be furnished the State Treasurer, that their names and the amount due each should appear in the appropriation bills; and that no pay certificate should be paid by the State Treasurer ex? cept issued in conformity with the provisions of this Act. This Act was continued in force until a sub? sequent Act was passed in 1877, and was never in any manner evaded or violated by the legislative officers daring the administration of Gover? nor Chamberlain, which succeeded its passage. To show the practical benefits effected by this measure I submit the following facts ajd figures. For four years previous to 1 its passage the sessions averaged about one hundred days each. Avc rage expense incurred each ses? sion for attachees..-...8170.000 00 Average amount incurred each ses? sion under new Act,. 29,200 00 I ArnouatBaved annually to the State.$140,800 00 1 To further illustrate: For four terms previous to tho ap? proval of this Act the expenses incurred per day for attachees 1 averaged the enormous amount of. 11,700 00 i Undor new Act per day. 292 00 ; Amount saved to tho State por day.. S1.40S 00 The records prove that for several years previous to the enactment of ' this law, certificates were issued on an average in the name of six nun- ' dred and twenty-five persons as at- ? tachees of the General Assembly; : under this Act, and whilst the Re? publicans had control after its pas? sage, the number ,was reduced to fifty-seven persons, showing a de? crease in number and consequent ' expense of five hundred and sixty nine persons per session. Governor Chamberlain in his first inaugural address, December 1st, 1874, refers to this Act as follows: "The second measure of retrenchment in legislative expenses which I urge is a reduc? tion of the number of subordinate officers and attachees of tho General Assembly. Upon this point I urn happy to speak in commenda? tion of an Act passed by the last General As? sembly. By that Act the total number of subordinate officers and attachees in both branches of the General Assembly is limited to ?riy-8cven. I trust your attention will be given to this subject, and that if, upon exanii natior. the number therein provided for is found to be the lowest number consistent with the proper transaction of business, the law will re main undisturbed." After my election to the Senate, I felt convinced that the expenses incurred for attachees were still too large and should be reduced. As shown by Senate Journal, session 1876, page 46,1 introduced "A Bill to further reduce the number of attachees, &c, of the General As? sembly." This Bill not having been reported upon, I offered still another, entitled "A Bill to further reduce the number and regulate the pay of officers, attachees, clerks and laborers of the General Assembly, and to provide the manner of elect? ing, appointing and paying the same." [See Senate Journal extra session 1877, page 13.] This Bill was referred to the Committee on Reform and Retrenchments, of which I was Chairman. It was re? ported back favorably, received three readings in each house, and was approved by Governor Hamp? ton, June 9th, 1877. This Act re? duced, the number from fifty-seven to thirty-seven. It also reduced the daily expenses for attachees from 8292 to less than 8125, thus saving more than $150 per day during the time the General Assembly was in session. To further illustrate: The coe t per session under tho Act of 1874 was.?29,200 00 Cost pur session under Act of 1877. 7,185 00 Amount saved permission.$22.015 00 I do not claim that the Act alone brought about the full reduction of 822,015; the Democracy since their advent into power aided materially in this reform by adhering to short sessions?although at the session of 1879 it was found necessary on this account to iucrease the number of attaches five. LEGISLATIVE EXPENSES. As following appropriately the legislation in regard to the pay of attachees, employees and clerks, &c, I will briefly allude to my action in regard to other expenses of the Gen? eral Assembly. I shall only refer to a few instances where, in the die ! charge of my duty, I opposed ex? travagant legislation, deeming it unnecessary to cite all such acts; and shall quote from the Journals: first, (House Journal, page 179, ses? sion 1873,) which shows in what estimation! held the then prevalent system of granting a gratuity to the Speaker: On the vote of thanks to the Speaker of the House of Representatives we voted 'no.' on account of the extra pay contained in tho reso? lution. Wo favor tho romaindcr of the reso? lution, and join with the Houso in thanking the Speaker for the courteous manner in which he has discharged tho arduous duties of his office. (Signed) JOHN R. COCHRAN, "HENRY A. MEETZE, "J.P.MOORE. "D. C. WOLFE. "JNO. VANDERPOOL, "J.W. LOWMAN." On a resolution to pay Rev. David Harris a gratuity of $500 as Chap? lain of the Senate, session 1874-75, [Senate Journal, page 769,] I moved to strike out the resolving clause, and called for the yeas and nays, and succeeded in defeating the reso? lution. Although under the specific levy incidental legislative expenses had been reduced to a small sum in com? parison with amounts so expended in previous years, nevertheless I in? sisted on having that amount hon? estly applied and accounted for; and for that purpose [Senate Journal, Session 1874-75, page 107,] I offered the following amendment to the ap? propriation Bill, which was adopted, the accounts referred to in amend? ment being Senate and House con? tingent expenses: " Mr. COCHRAN moved that Section 1 be fur? ther amended, in lino 59, printed Hill, by in letting* after the word 'body,' tho words 'all iccounts, after being so audited, shal I be item? ized, printed and laid on the desks of the members of the Senate for inspection and ap? proval.' " DISBURSEMENT OF PUBLIC FUNDS. There is no principle in the man? agement of public affairs more vital ind important than that there should be a proper and just levy of taxes, und certainly an honest and faithful iisbursement of the same under the laws. The gross departure from these principles perhaps occasioned is much discontent, alarm and pro? test on the part of the taxpayers of the State as any other of the many ibuses 'perpetrated. The utter care? lessness and recklessness of State jfficers contracting in many ways jbligations in excess of appropria? tions, County Commissioners incur? ring expenses and debts beyond the imounts levied and collected for Oounty purposes, became evils call? ing loudly for redress. By these means the floating debts of the State ind of many of the Counties were largely increased, and the good name ind credit of the State much impaired ind bid fair to become totally ruined. For instance, the General Assembly In one year incurred a liability of nearly one quarter of a million of lollars for incidental expenses in ex? cess of current appropriations for such purpose. Many of the Coun? ties became involved far beyond their ability to pay. Just and legal claims against the State and Coun? ties were hawked about and sold ?hamefully below their face value, to the great detriment of public credit and entailing serious loss upon many officers who were endeavoring to clo their duty faithfully. Agents of State and County officials were in the market purchasing the most doubtful and worthless of these claims, because they could buy them at the lowest prices and have them immediately paid at their face value by State and County Treasurers in? terested in the spoils, leaving unpaid lawful and meritorious claims which the taxes had been levied and col? lected for the purpose of paying, in order to buy them at ruinous dis? counts in the future. Special taxes were being levied in a large number of Counties and absorbed in like manner. To suppress and remedy these glariug irregularities, frauds and acts of injustice, I sub? mitted "A Bill [See House Journal 1873-74, page 240,] to regulate the manner in which public funds shall be disbursed by public officers." This Bill became an Act and was approved by Governor Moses, March 17, 1874. It provides " that it shall be unlawful for any public officer, State or County, authorized by law so to contract, to euter into or con? tract for any purpose whatsoever in a sum in excess of the tax levied or the amount appropriated for the ac? complishment of such purpose;" also "that it shall be unlawful for any public officer, State or County, to divert or appropriate the funds arieing from any tax levied and col? lected for any one fiscal year to the payment of any indebtedness con? tracted for any previous fiscal year." The violation of any of the pro? visions of this Act was made a felony, punishable by heavy fine aud im? prisonment in the Penitentiary. The adoption of this Act effectually checked the substitution of old claims in place of those incurred for the legitimate expense of the fiscal year in which the tax was collected, pre? vented generally the Counties from being further involved in unneces? sary debt, and to a great t xtent sup? pressed and stopped the speculation in State and County claims by of? ficials and their miserable agents and uuderlings, and very materially, in. connection with other Acts suggested and introduced by me, aided in com? ing back to an honest administration of our public financial affairs. One comparison relative to this legisla? tion will suffice. For four years previous to the passage of this Act the General Assembly appropriated, as near as can be ascertained, (after deducting the amounts due members and attachees from the amount ap? propriated) two hundred thousand dollars for incidental expenses, whilst the expenses incurred by the officers of the two houses, and for which State paper was issued, amounted to nine hundred thousand dollars, or seven hundred thousand dollars in excess of the amount ap? propriated, a large proportion of which was paid. After the passage of this Act appropriations for inci? dental expenses, made by the Repub? lican administration which followed, for two years amounted in the aggre? gate to about twenty-five thousand dollars. Now, I challenge any one [ to produce any paper issued or con? tracts made in excess of the amount so appropriated. It is true County Commissioners in some Counties overlooked or disregarded the plain provisions of the law, but they were promptly tried, convicted and sent to the Penitentiary. Before this Bill was considered by the Senate, and being apprehensive that it might not pass, I introduced the following amendments to the Appropriation and Supply Bills. [House Journal 1873-74, pages 324 and 425.] Hence, if the Bill had failed to pass, these amendments to the Appropriation and Supply Bills, as adopted, would have, in some measure, alleviated and remedied the evils complained of. AMENDMENT TO APPROPRIATION BILL. " On motion of Mr. Cochran, tho Bill was amended by adding tho following as Sec? tion 8: " 'Section 8. The money appropriated InSeo tion 'i of this Act shall not bo paid out oxccpt for exponses incurred during the fiscal year commonoing November 1st, 1873, and ending October 31, 1874; and it is hereby made a felony for any officor to pay out any portion of the same, otherwise than heroin provided for,and, upon conviction thereof, shall be punished by line and imprisonment, at the discretion of the Court, not to excood five thousand dollars' lino, nor exceed two years' imprisonment.'" AMENDMENT TO 8UPPLY BILL. " Mr. Cochran moved to amend Seotion 8 by striking out tho word 'thereof,' and insertiug 'and it is hereby made the duty of the County Treasurers to keep the funds raised by the levy made in this Section separate and apart from all other funds, and they are hereby for? bidden to pay out any portion of the same ex? cept for County expenses incurred during tho fiscal year for which it is levied and collected, or for some subsequent fiscal year; and the County Commissioners are hereby forbidden to draw any warrant contrary to the provisions heroin provided for or contract in excess of the lovy herein made.' Adopted." Governor Chamberlain referred to the improved condition of the Coun? ties under the operation of this Act as follows: "I am glad to express the belief that tho financial condition ot many of the Counties of the Stato has been greatly improved during the past year. In general, I think the former habits of extravagance and fraud in County affairs have been corrected." PUBLIC PRINTING. As Chairman of the Joint Com? mittee for the Investigation of Frauds, &c.,I have in the most par? ticular and emphatic manner ex? posed and held up for condemnation the wicked and nefarious frauds committed under the head of pub? lic printing; but as that report may not have been seen and read by a large portion of the people of the County, I propose here to advert to some few of the leading and salient features of this oui^eous fraud, styled the Republ^ Printing Com? pany, and to recap .jlate some of the means and bold artifices by which the people of this State were for years systematically robbed and plundered, and the efforts I made in the General Assembly to correct and forever prevent a repetition of such abuses. I think I can truth? fully affirm that in every manner possible within my capacity, as a member of the General Assembly, I did oppose, and at last succeeded, with the aid of others, in breaking down and destroying this unscrupu? lous, though powerful, combination. By referring to House Journal, ses? sion of 1872-73, page 117, when it was proposed by joint resolution, at one fell swoop, to appropriate 8250, 000 for public printing, my vote, with the votes of twenty-four others, will be found recorded against such appropriation. But, as subsequently proven, the sum of 841,269 was paid to various members for their votes. All opposition was futile and the appropriation was made. Again, during the special session of 1873, this printing ring presented another Bill appropriating 8231,000 for pub? lic printing, which I also opposed; and by examination of the House Journal from pages 142 to 144 ray vote will be found in the negative in every stage of its passage. Those of us who voted against its passage felt some confidence in defeating it, but upon a call of the yeas and nays the vote stood 48 in favor to 40 in the negative. After this first vote the opponents of the Bill lost -ground steadily, and it was finally passed, 58. to 26, notwith? standing the efforts made by Messrs. Meetze, Crittenden and others, who united in the endeavor to defeat this monstrous appropriation. By proof it has been shown since that the sum of 836,500 was used on that occasion to secure its pass? age through the House, and proved more potential in favor of the fraud than all our efforts against it. Going back to regular session of 1872-73, [see House Journal, page 360,] it will be seen that when the Appropriation Bill was under consideration and a Section provid? ing that 830,000 should be applied for printing Auditors' blanks, sta? tionery, &c, &c, was being voted on, I offered the following amend? ment: "To amend Section 4 by striking out '830,000' and inserting '810,000,' to be drawn on the warrant of the Comptroller General, coun? tersigned by the Governor and Treasurer," which amendment was adopted. During the special ses? sion of 1873 I made another effort "to regulate the public printing in this State," by introducing a Bill for the purpose. [See House Jour? nal, page 62.] This Bill provided for the printing to be given to the lowest responsible bidder, and re? pealed all laws providing for the publication of the Acts of the General Assembly in newspapers. During the same session I sub? mitted the plan of levying taxes for specific purposes, known now as the specific tax levy. This Act being, in its beneficent results, most impor? tant in correcting manifest abuses, I will again refer to it under its par? ticular and appropriate head. It was my honest belief then that if the representatives of the people could be made responsible by the levy of a direct tax for printing, they would be awakened to a proper sense of their danger, and would surely pause and reflect before allow? ing such an iniquitous burden to be placed on their constituents. I sub? mit, and the records will make good the assertion, that the specific tax levy, introduced by myself, was the first effectual blow the printing ring received. After the adoption of this system hundreds and thousands of dollars could no longer be used to secure the passage of large appro? priation bills, as the levy would not admit of such expenditure and leave the ring with any money on hand; and as the money raised for other purposes could not be applied to printing, as had been the custom before, they were deprived of the enormous suras of money with which to purchase votes; hence their influ? ence and power rapidly shrunk away, and the very men who had heretofore voted for and advocated these dishonest measures, when faced by the dangers before them, turned their backs upon their former friends and associates and became their most noisy and zealous opponents on all occasions. The first specific levy Act was approved December 22, 1873; this was before the Act regulating the public printing was introduced, and three montlis before the Act wazpasBed. This Act levied a tax for the fiscal year commencing November 1st, 1873, and Section 5 provided that a tax of one mill should be levied for printing. This was enormous, but it was to pay in part certain defici? encies claimed to be due the Repub? lican Printing Company and for appropriations therein made. A comparison, however, of the three years previous to the adoption of this system of specific levy, in regard to the cost of public printing, will speak more forcibly than the strong? est language from me. The average cost of public printing for those three years was more than 8300,000 per annum. Under the first specific levy it could not exceed 8150,000, which included appropriations for deficiencies then existing, and, with this amount included, was a clear gain to the State of 8150,000 per annum. The great and manifest results of this system of levy did not end here, as I shall endeavor to show. Before the Bill to regulate the public print? ing became a law a second levy, specifically for printing expenses, was made for the fiscal year com? mencing November 1st, 1874, which was approved by Governor Moses, March 14th, 1874. This levy was only for one-third of one mill, esti? mated to produce fifty thousand dollars, or 8250,000 less per annum than it bad cost the State previous to the adoption of this system. By this time members were ripe on the subject of reducing the estimates and taxes for the public printing, brought about by this system of specific levy. The following table will show the result in dollars and cents : For threo years previous to this Act tlio average cost of printing per an? num was..-..$300,000 Under specific levy, for three years, the average cost per annum was. 81,000 Annual reduction.?219,000 Although this much harl been accomplished I did not relinquish my efforts to reduce expenditures to proper limits. On House Journal 1873-74, pagi; 385, it will appear that I introduced a Joint Resolution to amend the State Constitution, Article IX, Section 3, which amend? ment provided that the free school tax should not be less than two mills on the dollar of taxable property, and that the levy for printing should never exceed one-half of one mill for any one fiscal year. My idea was that by joining the free school tax and printing together the solid vote of the colored members would be secured in support of both propo? sitions. But in this I was mistaken, as a two-thirds vote was not obtained. A majority of the Democratic mem? bers, representing mainly the tax? payers did support it?among other reasons that property holders might in the future have a degree of pro? tection from the rapacity of the Republican Printing Company. When one looks back and compares the past with the present it seems almost incredible that the natural representatives of the taxpayers should have tolerated or agreed to the levy of such a tax for printing. Yet it forcibly and lamentably demonstrates the sad condition of the State of South Carolina at that time, and the apprehension on the part of the Democrats of the return of the power and control of this Printing Company. By reference to House Journal, session 1873-74, page 215, you will see that I still continued in the line of my previous policy. I of? fered two Bills to regulate the public printing. I again felt con? fident of success, as many other members were diligently waging a relentless war upon this Printing Company. Both Bills had the same objects and designs, viz., a reduction of the expenses for printing. Mr. Meetze, Mr. Bowen, Mr. Crittenden and others assaulted the ring at every weak point. Among other things they charged that the Re? publican Printing Company would not employ colored compositors. A Committee was appointed to investi? gate the Beveral charges. In their report, among other things, they recommended the passage of "A Bill providing that the contract for print? ing be awarded to the lowest bidder, not to exceed fifty thousand dollars per annum, and that such contractor should employ compositors without regard to race or color." The Com? mittee on Printing failing to report back any of the Bills referred to them, and also failing to report a Bill in accordance with the recom- .. mendaticn of said Committee, Mr. Crittenden moved that the report of the Committee referred to hereto? fore, and all Bills now pending, be referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, with instructions to report within five days "a Bill for letting the public printing to the lowest bidder at an annual cost not to ex? ceed fifty thousand dollars, and such . contractor to be bound to employ compositors without regard to race or color." This motion prevailed. By this time the ring was complete? ly demoralized. By reason of the specific levy their supplies were cut off, it being in that Act made a felony to divert any of the taxes raised for other purposes to that of printing, their friends daily desert? ed them, and finally they suc? cumbed to the inevitable facts and results before them, On the 11th day of February, 1874, Mr. Meetze, Chairman of the Judiciary Commit? tee, reported "A Bill regulating the public printing," embracing most of the provisions set forth by Mr. Crit? tenden in his resolution. This Bill passed and was ratified March 17, 1874, the ring preferring it to either of those introduced by me, as mine took the entire control of the matter out of their hands. After my election to the Senate, the House of Represeutatives passed a second printing Bill as recom? mended by Governor Chamberlain. When under consideration in the Senate [see Senate Journal, page 641]: "On motion of Mr. COCHRAN, Section 3 w.ip amended by the addition of the following proviso: 'That no conirnct be awarded to exceed the sum of forty thousand dollars for all the printing and binding of the General Assembly for uny ono year and tho nnnual reports of the executive departments of tho State government.'" This amendment fixed the aggre? gate cost of printing at ten thousand dollars less per annum than under the Act then in force. Although the Bill passed in this shape, it never became a law, the enemies of economy and the friends of the printing company having managed to prevent its reaching the Governor for approval. Again, at the regular session of 1876, I introduced "A Bill to pro? vide for and regulate the public printing." [See Senate Journal 1876, page 102.] This Bill paoced the Senate at the special sessiou of 1877. By the House it was amended in several particulars, many of the restrictions thrown around the man? agement of the printing being stricken out as not necessary under the changed administra? tions This Act wan approved by Governor Hampton, June 8th, 1877. Under this Act, the printing by contract with the State Printers, Messrs. Calvo & Patton, has cost an? nually the small amount of $11,896 per annum, or 838,104 loss than it cost under the Chamberlain ad? ministration. The amount paid Calvo & Patton includes the print? ing of 6,000 copies of the report of the Committee on Public Frauds, reprinting the Acts of 1873-4 and printing the index to the XVth Statutes?an enormous quantity of extra work not entering into the printing accounts of auy previous years. The average cost of printing, not including extra work, has been between six and seven thousand dol? lars per annum. And whilst it might be claimed that the short sessions tended to thus lessen the expense, I am satisfied that they have per? formed as much work as was for? merly done at a co3t of 850,000.