Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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BY E. B. MUEEAY & CO. ANDEBSON, S. C, THUBSDAY MOENING, DECEMBEE 25, 1879. VOLUME XV.?NO. 24. GARY AND HAMPTON. The Outbreak of a I/ong-Sappreased Quar? rel?A lively Interview with Gen. Gary He Charges Senator Hamptoa with Hav? ing Sold Ont Tilden In 187?. Letter to the New York Herald. Columbia, S. C, December 5. Gen. Mart Gary, of Edgefield county? now "the people's man" for Governor of South Carolina?was a captain under Hampton Legion, in the civil war. At the first battle of Manassas, after Hamp? ton and others were wounded, Gary took command and captured Ricketts's bat? tery. His distinguished gallantry won the applause of the Legion, the Confed? erate army and the Southern people. Subsequently he is said to have resented Hampton's attempt to promote one of his favorite officers over him as Major, with the declaration that he had "stood the test of battle as well as he (Hampton) or any other man," and that if Hampton promoted another over him "it would be the last time that he would treat an offi? cer so." These incidents afforded an early test of Gary's quality, and were sig? nificant besides of his ultimate future re? lations to Hampton in politics. He sup? ported Hampton on principle for Gover? nor as the most available candidate at the close of the carpet-bag reign, conduct? ing the canvass with euch vigor that, on ^v>ing to Columbia after the election, he was greeted by the new Governor with the exclamation: "Well, Gary, Edgefield has saved the State V His subsequent opposition in the State Senate to the policy of Hampton and those who acted with him raised General Gary into extraordinary prominence, so that one morning, to use his own rather shy expression, he "awoke, like Byron, and found himself famous throughout the South." an interview with gen. gabt. I called on the General this afternoon at bis hotel, and found him to be of finer mettle than his mere popular vogue im? plies. Lithe, wiry, with features thin bat handsome, short gray hair, a close clipped gray mustache, sparkling eyes and a candid smile, he displayed a charm of manner and frankness of speech which would in themselves account for a con? siderable part of the public favor be has won. It was with the utmost difficulty that I led him into the following discus? sion of political topics: "Is there anything of real meaning in the talk, in South Carolina and else? where, of adopting Grant as the South? ern' candidate for President?" was the next question I asked Gen. Gary, as a diversion. "Nothing. If there is a real feeling in favor of such a project (except, of course, among the scalawags and niggers,) I hav? en't heard of it. I spent two months of the summer at White Sulphur Springs, meeting there men from all parts of the South, and didn't hear the scheme broached of running Grant in connection with the Democratic party. Bat I did hear this?and from the lips of public men from whom I should have least ex? pected it?the statement that if Grant wants to be Emperor of this country, or even to head a constitutional monarchy, he woald find plenty of Southern back? ing." "Was this-a deliberate statement? It seems incredible." emperor ulyses. "Not a bit incredible. Why, my friend, von can't understand the straits in which some of the Southern people find themselves. They are willing to take almost any way out of the rut Besides, many of them believe, as they have long believed, that the British Constitution is the best the world ever saw. To save themselves from the present and possible future ty? ranny of a Republican majority in the North, they would be honestly willing not only to exchange the Federal Consti? tution for that one, but to do away with the Constitution and establish Imperial? ism for the mere sake, or hope at least, of securing justice through the enjoy? ment of equal righ ts and privileges. The gentlemen with whom I nave spoken on this subject haven't gone so far as to say they would actively help to plant a Grant dynasty. They have merely said they would not hinder any move Grant and his friends might make to set it up, and that they would stand by the Empire it declared. A constitutional government, by god I "Sach, however," said Gen. Gary, walking up and down tho floor, "is not my plan or policy. I'm in favor, by God! of constitutional government?a Republican government, and in favor of ferpetaating it. If the time ever comes, 'm ready to throw my sword into the scale for this, and against any monarchi? cal innovation whatsoever." bayabd?tilden. "Who," I put to him at last, "is the candidate of the Southern Democrats for President?" "Take the leaders?Bayard is their choice, undoubtedly. Take the people? Tilden would be theirs. I am not myself a Bayard man. Thomas H. Ewing is my preference. His financial principles are my own. Bayard's are not. I can't un? derstand the Democratic fidelity of a man who stands, as Bayard does, on a Radical Republican financial platform. I'm a Jackson Democrat, and can understand the position in this respect of Gen. Ew? ing. To my mind Jackson was the greatest man the Democratic party ever bad?greater than Colhoun, or Webster either?in brainy, in nerves, in far-seeing statesmanship." "How do you associate his financial ideas with those of Ewing ?'' "In this way: Jackson, in his day, was opposed to a national bank. He was opposed to the consolidation of the money power?the grandest, most ab? sorbing of modern powers?into hands outside the people's. So is General Ew? ing. the populace and tilden. "As to the popular preference for Til den?what of that ?" "Well, now, that is a comprehensive question. The people of our State?that is to say, the massses of them?have been ho absorbed by their own troubles that they have not digested questions involv? ing national finance, nor inquired how these questions would be affected by this or that President to come into power. All are Democrats of the strictest type, willing to abide by the decision of the National Democratic Convention. All, too, pretty well recognize the doctrine that South Carolina, which was so active in stirring up the late civil war, ought to be a little modest just at present?ought not to attempt to control matters when the former attempt to control them re? sulted in such immense loss and suffer? ing. Therefore, I say, our people have not yet formulated their preference, and it's only 'a feeling in the air* which leads me to describe it as for Tilden." "Why, General," exclaimed a conti dential friend, who stood near during the conversation, "don't you know very well there ain't a man, woman or white child in South Carolina that wouldn't go for Tilden if he was nominated again ?" BADLY TREATED?DAMN HIM. "Just you hold on. I'm coming to that," said Gen. Gary. ""Tilden, if he gets nominated again, will get the unan? imous support of the Southern people. It's idle to dispute that solidest of all solid facts in the so-called Solid South. Damn him!" proceeded the General, now warming to the theme, "I'm sorry for him, too. I think Tilden has been badly treated. He was Bold out by Southern leaders. He ought not, however, to have suffered himself to be sold out by anybody. He should have claimed his rights. That's why, even while I say I'm sorry for him, I add that I don't like his sort of a man. He has nothing of the Andrew Jackson kind in him. Yet I would support him heartily again, be? cause he was sacrificed to the South and that the South owes him an atonement. Moreover, I believe that, being the greatest political tactician of the time, having immense machinery which he has organized at his disposal, having still the most powerful ot his friends in 1876 to back him, and perhaps, hav? ing besides the commodity he is reported to have by the barrelful, he may be" nominated in 1880, and if nominated, will certainly be elected." SAMUEL SOLD OUT BY THE SOUTH. "But you say Tilden was sold out by Southern leaders. That's a new phase. How?" "Oh, I know it will raise the devil," said Gen. Gary, "but it might as well come ont. The long and short of it is that a proposition was made to me at the well known mass meeting at Abbeville in 1876 to withdraw the Tilden electors of this State!" THE SHAMEFUL PROPOSITION. "By whom?" "By Gen. Hampton, at the time when he had been nominated but not elected for the Governorship. He, Toombs and myself spoke at that meeting. Hampton approached me on the platform with that proposition." "Now," I asked Gen. Gary, "please explain for what reason that suggestion was made, and what service its adoption would have been to Hampton's cause." "Well, sir, at that time we wanted to redeem South Carolina from carpet-bag rule, and some of us didn't care a damn howitwastocomeabout. Hampton knew that Radicals here wouldn't vote for Tilden andHendricksand at the same time they hated Chamberlain, the Republican can? didate for Governor, like the Devil. It was understood that Cooke and Mackey said they would bolt the Hampton State ticket if Hampton would withdraw the Tilden electors and thus insure the State for the Republican National ticket. Hampton virtually said to these men, 'If you'll elect me Governor, I don't care who you elect President' That was why he came to me at Abbeville with the proposition I have mentioned!" A SHARP ANSWER TO HAMPTON. "What did you say to it?" "I Baid, in the first place, that as South Carolina had sent delegates to and fairly participated in the National Conven? tion which nominated Tilden, the withdrawal of the electors would be a piece of bad faith. In the next place, I said it couldn't be done without calling another convention. To this Hampton responded that it might be done through the State Executive Committee. With? out acquiescing, I answered Hampton that if he and the rest were resolved to do it, I wouldn't make war upon the conclusion. I've since heard that at a meeting held that night, which I didn't attend, but at which Hampton, Toombs, Gen. McGowan and Col. Coth ran were present, there was a hot time. McGowan wouldn't agree, nohow and the project fell through. Nev? ertheless, I've, always regard it in the light of a traitorous disaffection to Til den before his election, showing a dispo? sition to sacrifice him in this State. WHY ATONEMENT IS NECESSARY. "It was nothing more nor less than an offer to surrender the State to Hayes in order to secure the election of Hampton; hence my willingness to see atonement made in case Tilden is again nominated. That nomination, I repeat, ignoring my preference for Ewing, would undoubted? ly be received by our people with full acclaim. The whole South would vote for Tilden. Whoever tells you it won't tells a lie. There would be no bolting. We've bad enough of bolting?enough of secession. You can't get any more of it from the South. Talk of 'Southern brig? adiers' not being docile to the decision of the party or not being friends of the Un? ion. By God! I expect they're about the best friends the Union has to-day, just because they've bad some experience in butting against it." The Herald's Comments. It is a remarkable story which Gen. Gary tells one of our Southern corres? pondents how Senator Hampton propos? ed to "sell out" Mr. Tilden's electoral tickst in South Carolina in 1876. The General's conclusion is still more re? markable?that the National Democratic part? must renominate Mr. Tilden for President in atonement for Senator Hampton's behavior. By contrast with this, some prominent Democratic politi? cians in New York, with a freedom of speech quite equal to Gen. Gary's, insist that ilr. Tilden not only proposed, but did actually "sell out" the Democratic municipal ticket here in 1868, and there? fore, in atonement for such behavior he must not be renominated. Now, South Carolina is a big State, and New York is a big city, but neither of them probably is big enough to make the policy of the National Democratic party binge ?pon superannuated grievances in local politics. If it means to win the next presidential election its nomina? tions nust be controlled by some higher consideration than the circumstance that Senatoi Hampton wa3 willing to put Mr. Tilden'? nose out of joint to elect himself Governor of South Carolina three years ago, or that Mr. Tilden did actually dis? locate tke nose of Mr. Augustus Schcll in electing Mr. Edward Cooper Mayor of New Yak two years afterward. Since, however, the rumors about Senator Hampton's infidelity to the Democratic electoral ticket in 1876, which have beon floating :n the air ever since, have found a respectable sponsor at last, there is no objectior to investigating them leisurely as a histtrical curiosity, and the country will take the same kind of interest in hearing vhat the senator may have to reply to Gen. Gary that it does in other reconditematters of antiquarian research, such as tie identity of the executioner of Charla I, or of the author of "Junius." It will no: escnpe notice, in estimating the heinaisness of Spnator Hampton's political conduct, supposing all that Gen. Gary says is strictly accurate, that the General himself assured Senator Hamp? ton that "if he and the rest were resolv? ed" to withdraw the Tilden electoral ticket in orler to save their State ticket and redeem Sotth Carolina from the carpet baggers, "he (Gen. Gary) would not make war upon the conclusion." A Quick and Tart Reply from Senator Hampton?He pronounces Gen. Gary's Charges 'Utterly and Absolutely False." Washington Special to the New York Herald. Senator Hampton's attention was drawn to-day to the conversation of Gen. Mart Gary concerning him, reported by a correspondent from Columbia, S. C, in to-day's Herald. He read the corres? pondence over carefully, and said that while there were various misrepresenta? tions, beginning as far back as the events of the war, he did not consider anything worthy of notice except 60 much as rela? ted to the alleged breach of faith in the matter of the Tilden electors. Upon this point he remarked: "While I have never condescended to notice the rumors, of which the Herald speaks to-day, about Senator Hampton's infidelity to the Democratic electoral ticket in 1876, which have been floating in the air ever since; and while I cannot agree with the Herald that they have, as it says, now found a respectable sponsor in Gen. Gary, still as some one is at last found to father these slanders I am in? duced to pronounce them utterly and ab? solutely false. "That they are false," he continued, -can easily be established by the follow? ing facts: Soon after the election in 1876 an article appeared in an Augusta, Ga., paper, of course anonymously, making the Bame charges and referring to Gen. Mc? Gowan, as Gary now does. He was be? hind them, as he is now, and this article, if not written by. Gen. Gary, was at least inspired by bim. The chairman of the State Executive Committee, A. C. Has kell, subsequently elected to the Supreme Bench of the State, immediately re? sponded to it and denounced it as untrue. Gen. McGowan also replied to it and took the same ground. So complete and overwhelming were these replies that the author of the slander made no response to them, and I need only refer you to their letters for my full vindication and that of the Democratic party of South Carolina. That party acted in perfect good faith during the whole canvass, and the fact that Mr. Hayes's majority by Republican count was only about 600 votes over Mr. Tilden, shows how ear? nestly we worked for the latter's election. That I consulted with Geu. Gary on this matter or any other during that canvass, or before it, or since, has entirely escnped my recollection, if this ever occurred. It may have been my misfortune that I have not done so, but as I have always regarded his views as narrow, unwise and dangerous, I have studiously avoided asking his advice or acting on his sugges? tions." It will be seen that Senator Hampton makes a very square denial of Gen. Ga ry'B accusations. Your correspondent will add that during the canvass of 1876 the Herald on- very frequent occasions editorially urged the Democrats of South Carolina, and Gen. Hampton, as- their candidato, to abandon the Tilden electo? ral ticket, or at least to run a ticket of Hayes and Hampton, and that there was at that time general disappointment that the Democrats and Gen. Hampton re? fused to do what many of their Northern friends thought wise and proper. GARY SPEAKS AGAIN. How South Carolina Defeated Tilden in 187G-Trickery at Abbeville?Alleged Conspiracy Between Toombs, Hampton, Cothran, Hoyt and Others?Where AViU It End? Bg Telegraph to the New York Herald. Columbia, S. C, December 16. The interview between Gen. Mart W. Gary and a Herald reporter, and the sharp rejoinder of Senator Wade Hampton, de? nouncing Gary's statements as false, published in the Herald a few days ago, have occasioned great excitement in Co? lumbia, and in fact all over South Caro? lina. For the past few days the matter has been discussed at the street corners, in the lobbies of the State House and the hotels. Both Hampton and Gary have hosts of jwarm friends and support? ers throughout the State, and the peo? ple are very much excited over the controversy between them. Opinions are divided as to which one of the dis Eutants has the advantage. To-day I ad short, informal interviews with a number of prominent members of the Legislature, which disclosed the fact the Gary stock is rising rapidly while the stock of Hampton is decidedly on the wane. A distinguished Charlcstonian remarked with considerable warmth: "Gary is as much entitled to credence as Hampton, and I want something more substantial than the latter's mere denial of the grave imputations. The onus of disproving Gary's charges rests there, and it will not do for him to retort by denouncing them as false." One of the leading lawyers of the State, who has always been an ardent supporter of Hampton remarked that the whole thing is an ugly piece of business, and a few more such interviews would elect Gary Governor. opinions adverse to hampton. Another prominent politician ex? pressed himself in very pointed terms, declaring that the effect of Hampton's bitter denunciations was to make Gary ten-fold more popular than he ever was. I asked a leading colored Republican of this city what the colored people thought of the controversy, and he replied that it was "no funeral" of theirs, but as far as he was concerned he would prefer to take Gary's word to that of Hampton. So uneasy have the opponents of Gary become that they are making efforts to get him out of the race for Governor. A proposition was actually made to-day to elect him Chief Justice if he would with? draw from the race. Ho declined the proposition in unique style, declaring that he would not take the position, for he had serious misgivings as to his abil? ity to fill an office which required such profound legal knowledge. The people are on the gui vive to see Gary's reply to Hampton'a charges. general gary repeats his charges. This afternoon, with a view of ascer? taining what the gallant General was going to do about it, I called upon him at his hotel, and with some difficulty in? duced him to reply to my interrogato? ries, as follows: Correspondent?General, I suppose you have seen the interview with Senator Hampton, published in the New York Herald, in which he asserts that your statement relative to the infidelity of some of the leaders of South Carolina to Tilden in 1876, and in regard to tho proposition made by Governor Hampton to you to withdraw the electors of the Democratic party for President and Vice Prosident at the mass meeting at Abbeville in 1876; also concerning the meeting that night, at which Hampton, Toombs, McGowan, Cothran an others were present, is utterly and absolutely false? General Gary?I have. Correspondent?Have you anything to say in reply. General Gary?Well, yes. In the first place, allow mc to say in that interview concerning Mr. Tilden I assert simply j what every ono knows and what has long since been published all over the United States, viz: that Tilden was sacrificed for the benefit of the South, and the allusions to Senator Hampton were to show that the disposition to withdraw the electors of the Democratic party for President and Vice President existed in South Carolina early in 1J7G, and cul? minated in electoral fraud by and through which Hayes and Wheeler were uncon? stitutionally declared elected, tho Re? publican party secured tho continuance of their party in power, and the South, to some extent, tho recognition of the doctrine of local self-government.? Whether it was a wise trade or not is a grave question which the' future must decide. This State is redeemed now, and we are discussing the question as to who shall be President, and when asked my honest opinion I have given a frank reply, in which I have stated that Tilden was sacrificed by some of the leaders and not by the people of the South, and that if ho received the Demo? cratic nomination the masses of the South would again give him a hearty and cordial support. HAMPTON DID ASK HIM TO 'VlTHDItAW." Correspondent?What about the ques? tion of veracity between Hampton and yourself ? General Gary?It is evident that Sena? tor Hampton is angry with me for allud? ing to what has been an open secret for three years, and, as he states himself, has been discussed in the papers of Georgia and this State. The distinguished Sena? tor is again mistaken as to my being the author of the article alluded to by him. It is bitter prejudice and hatred to me, no doubt, that, has and will continue to induce him to believe that I am the au? thor or inspirer of every article that dares to criticise hi3 public acts. He, like the rest of U3, must, without com? plaint, receive a just criticism from the people, whose servants we are. Every one in South Carolina knows that he hates, and has long hated me, as the Devil does "holy water." He seems to nurse his wrath to keep it warm, and occasionally lets it off, as he did at Greenville last year, when he called me "impertinent," and then had me "gagg? ed" by the State Executive Committee. I decline to exchange epithets with him, but am willing to stand by the record. Now to come down to the gist of the matter. THE REPLY TO HAMPTON. I reiterate that Hampton did approach me on the speakers' stand after I had fin? ished my speech at the Abbeville mass meeting in 187G. as I have stated in my former interview, with the proposition to withdraw the Democratic electors, and to this proposition I replied: First, that as South Carolina had sent delegates to and fairly participated in the national convention which nominated Tilden, the withdrawal of the electors would be a piece of bad faith. Second, I said it could not be done without calling another convention. To this Senator Hampton responded that it might be done through the State Executive Committee. Without acqui? escing, I answered Hampton that if ho and the re3t were resolved to do it, I wouldn't make war upon the conclusion. It thus appears that I told Hampton then and there I regarded it as an act of bad faith to tho national Democratic party, and I here repeat that I have always re? garded it in the light of a treacherous disaffection to Tilden before his election. In stating that, if he (Hampton) "and the rest were resolved to do it, I would not make war upon the conclusion," I meant that I would obey orders from the headquarters of the Democratic party, my judgment then and now being that it would have proved fatal to the campaign, as it would, to have made an attempt to change front, not only in the presence of the enemy, but in the midst of the fight. It will be seen that the reported inter? view does not raise an issue of veracity upon the proposition that I have stated that he made to me, for he says "that I consulted with General Gary on this matter or any other during that canvass or before it or since has entirely escaped my recollection, if this ever occurred." Now let Senator Hampton's memory be as treacherous as it may, the above state? ment of what occurred between us at a mass meeting at Abbeville, in 187G, is the truth and nothing but the truth. THE "HOT TIME" AT MRS. NORWOOD'S. So far as the next point upon which we differ is concerned as we stand in my interview, viz.: "I've since heard that a meeting was held at night, which I did not attend, but at which Hampton, Toonibs, General McGowan and Colonel Cothran were present; there was a hot time; McGowan wouldn't agree nohow and the project fell through," I have only to say that I did uot state it upon my own knowledge, but from a statement made to me by some of those who were present. I believe it is true, because made to be by responsible parties and corroborated by General McGowan, since the appearance of Senator Hampton's interview in the New York Herald, in reply to mine published in the same paper. In an interview with General McGowan he has stated to me, in the presence of two gentlemen, first, that a meeting was held at the houso of Mrs. Norwood, in the town of Abbeville, on the night of the day of the mass meeting at Abbeville, in the year 187G; second, that Hampton, Toombs, McGowan, Col? onel Cothran and others we're present; third, that at this meeting Colonel Hoyt, a member of the State Executive Com? mittee, was also present, and that he (Colonel Hoyt) submitted to that meet? ing the proposition to withdraw the elec? tors of the Democratic party for Presi? dent and Vice President from the canvass of the State, and that there was a hot time over its discussion, and that he warmly opposed the proposition, which fell through, and that General Wade Hampton?now Senator Hampton?was chairman and presided over the meeting. I take it that this will be conclusive as to the facts that I have stated in regard to that meeting being, as he asserts in his interview, "utterly and absolutely false." JUNKETING WITH PRESIDENT HAYES. As to the proposition submitted by Senator Hampton to me, and also to this meeting, of the withdrawal of the elec? tors for President and Vice President from the canvass, is not the evidence con? clusive of an attempt to act in bad faith to the Democratic party ? And may it not be fairly regarded in the light of a "traitorous disaffection" to Tildeu before his election? I am willing to leave the decision of these issues of facts and the conclusions I have drawn from them to an uuprejudiced and unbiased public. Having been inadvertently led into the above statement of facts, I now reluct? antly add that there is other evidence to show Hampton's disposition lo ignoro THden's chances for the election and his uuwillingness to give up tho electoral vote in South Carolina. First, that he advised some of the electors not to cast their vote for Tilden ; second, his advo? cacy of Hayes Southern policy and his traveling with Hayes in his Northern, Southern and Western tour, in which he played a conspicuous part in attempting to reconcile the South to tho great l'resi dential fraud, whereby the Democratic party lo3t Tilden, who should have been declared- the President of the United States. not a personal quarrel. Correspondent?What are your person? al relations to Senator Hampton and what will be the result of this trouble ? General Gary?I have already stated that I do not propose to bandy epithets with Senator Hampton ; and as to his re? marks as to my being "unwise, narrow and dangerous," I am willing to leave that to the soldiers who fought under us both during the war and to the people of South Carolina, who have known us all our lives; for we are both on record by our acts and speeches. I see nothing to come out of it except a newspaper dis? cussion, by which no one but Mr. Tilden can be benefited. I have no disposition, under existing circumstances, to make it a personal issue. It is true he dislikes me, or rather hates me. Although I have served in the war-under bim as my commanding officer, and have d ..a so since as my political leader, with all the energy, courage and ability that I pos? sess, my so-called "opposition" has never been of a personal character, and was simply in the conscientious discharge of my public duty. Although I have on many occasions supported him, and given him the highest evidence of a desire to do him justice, I have always had his bitter and unrelenting opposition to carry, and I suppose he will continue to keep me down until he or I die." At this juncture our conversation was interrupted by the entrance of a number of visitors, and the interviewer took'his departure. A Frank Expression of the Views of the Edgefield Senator. Dbpatch to the News and Courier. Columbia, December 17. After several unsuccessful attempts, I finally induced Gen. Gary to talk, for publication, to-night. I found him in the Senate Chamber during the session. He seemed in perfectly good humor, and avoided anything like bitterness toward anybody. In reply to a general question regarding the difference between Gen. Hampton and himself, he said: "You can Bay, for me, that I re? ciprocate the sentiments of the News and Courier as expressed in the editorial en? titled the "Hampton and Gary Embro glio." I'm willing to make the school? boy bargain with him [referring to Hamp? ton,] and let him alone if he will me. I've always been willing to do that, and always said I'd let them alope if they'd let me alone too. I reiterate what I've often said before: That my opposition to Senator Hampton has never been of a personal character, but an honest and conscientious difference of opinion as to the policy of the State and National De? mocracy. I have never indulged in any opposition to Hampton himself." Gen. Gary stopped here to take part for a second in the Senate debate, and re? sumed: Senator Hampton took the ini? tial step in the opposition, and I always propose to Btrike back when I'm struckT A conflict of ideas is like any other con? flict. You've got to fight to win it. I always have, and will, repel opposition with opposition. I desire the unity of the Democratic party as heartily as any man, and as a member of the party sub? mitted to be gagged in 1876, and to be dictated to by Hampton where and when I should and shouldn't speak, and if 1 ever received courtesy from him, or those as? sociated with bim, I don't know it. I am willing to retire from public life if it .is necessary for the unity of the party, but I'm not to be driven out of it by anybody. I know I am charged by Senator Hampton with writing articles that I didn't write, but my fight has been open and not a Beeret one. I'm not that kind of a man. I use neither muffled dagger nor stilletto. I am willing to meet him or any other man in opeu political contest, if it is nec? essary. Even the interview in the Her? ald was not a deliberate attack on Hamp? ton or designed to do him iujustice, my only idea being to do Tilden justice. My idea was to give full justice to Tilden, though I'm no champion of his. You can say now that I regard him as a great leader of the Democracy, and think he deserves consideration at my hands, and Hampton's hands, too. I am willing to give him his dues. He has done more for the party than any man in America. Like some great military gen eral.be won a great battle in '76, when re? trenchment and reform were emblazoned on our banners, but he failed to reap the spoils, and developments may prove," added the General, "that it was not his fault after all. The General then said he thought he had said enough. He re? marked that the former interview was largely due to the persistence of the Herald man, who had worried and bad? gered and coaxed him into talking when he was tired and half sick and didn't feel like it. At an informal interview previously Gen. Gary said that he did not consider that an issue of veracity between him? self and Hampton existed, the latter having said he did not recollect the con? versation alluded to between them. A. B. W. Race OrntEssioNS Out West?If the Southern people feel like hitting back, with charges of cruelty to an infe? rior race practiced at the North, by way of counterbalancing the allegations of Southern atrocities toward the black man, they will soon have plenty of mate? rial in hand, for the anti-Chinese consti? tution of California goes into effect with the new year. The story in circulation that a great league of "hoodlums" had been formed for the purpose of murder? ing or torturing any Chinaman who does not quit California before January 1 may be unfounded. But, judging from pres? ent signs, it is probable that that State will be made more than commonly hot for the celcstinls. In anticipation of their doom they are escaping to other States. Some of them are finding homos and work in Colorado. But there the race hatred follows them. A gang of Italian miners in Part county, Colorado, recently "cleaned out" a camp of these industrious and frugal people and nearly murdered the contractor. This is a specimen of the brutalities of which we shall hear more all along the Pacific coast in 1880. It seems to us that the Northern editors who are rebuking the South so scveiely for instances of race persecution reported here and there, should give some little space and thought to the censure and suppression of the anti-Chinese diabolism in several purely Northern States. ? Here comes another Stato which is going to get along without taxation. The coming report of the Controller of New Jersey will show the special taxes on railroads and the funds now invested, the interest of which is available, will af? ford sufficient income to pay all the State expenses for the coming year and leave a surplus, without the State tax. Gover? nor McClcllan is expected to put in his message a recommendation that no more State tax be levied. Illinois also expects lo be living exclusively on her railroads in a short time, they having already largely reduced the state debt. LIFE IN RICHMOND PRISON. Colonel John F. Klines' Story of tho Con? federates und Their Prisoners of "War. Last evening an address was delivered at Tammany Hall by Colonel John F. Mines, of Utica, on "The Southern Con? federacy and Its Prisoners of War." A large audience was present, and mani? fested its interest by close attention and frequent applause. The speaker said that fourteen years had elapsed since the men in butternut under Lee and the boys in blue under Grant had literally turned their swords into pruning hooks and be? taken themselves to the arts of peace. "This week," said the lecturer, "a Fed? eral official of this city who once plotted to abduct a Democratic President has spoken, in behalf of the stalwart gospel, at New Orleans, and no one has offered him the crown of martyrdom. To-night I speak here in behalf of justice to the South and no man objects. There can be no better proof that peace has really returned to the land. Only the politi? cians?the men who stayed at home when their country in vain called for volun? teers and had to put up with a draft? still persist in fighting the battle of hate. But the men who did their fighting on the field mean to have peace and will have it. Heretofore a large portion of the Radical orators' methods of firing the Northern heart lay in the plea of so called barbarities on the part of the Con? federates to their prisoners of war. Whenever a Southern Congressmen rises in his seat to speak in behalf of his con? stituents, the cry of 'rebel brigadier' is raised, and when a street fight occurs in Vicksburg or New Orleans there is a cry of 'barbarities' and an echo of 'Anderson ville.' That one word 'Andersonville' has been as effective as was the sweet word 'Mesopotamia,' when it fell from tho lips of Whitfield, the preacher. The key to Confederate treatment of the Fed? eral prisoners was found in the fact that they bad very little for themselves and gave the best they had to their prisoners. While the Northern officer in the Rich? mond prison had his baker's bread three times a day and his meat twice a day, the Confederate sentinel had only his corn cake and molasses, varied by a little meat occasionally. If the Northern officer in his quarters felt the rude blasts of winter, his sentinel, clad in thin homespun, shiv? ered like a leaf as the keen wind swept through his slight rags, and held out skeleton hands to the fire. Their blan? kets were taken from their beds at home, worn by use, and some of the officers car? ried a little roll of carpet in lieu of other covering. This was the spirit of the South. The officer of our guard, a Geor? gian, once exhibited to the speaker with pardonable pride a sword he had put to? gether from a scythe-blade, with sheep? skin scabbard and handle of Southern oak. The men were terribly in earnest and ready to make any and all sacrifices. They expected their prisoners to do the same, and thought it no wrong that a prisoner shouid go without the dainties they could not afford. The hospital ser? vice was reasonably well performed. Quinine and some other medicines were worth their weight in gold at times, and surgeons had to work as best they could. The mortality was never greater in the prisr ner's hospital than in those of the service. This I know from frequent vis? its to the hospitals. Such visits were fre? quently allowed by the Confederates, and in one case permission was given to at? tend a funeral of one of the more distin? guished of the Federal prisoners." In regard to General Winder, of Balti? more, who had charge of the Federals, Colonel Mines said that he was the best abused man in the Southern Confederacy, and had least deserved it. Unfortunate? ly for himself, General Winder died just as the war closed, and he thus became a convenient scapegoat for slanders. The dead man could not reply. But even at this late day the speaker desired to do justice to a brave soldier and humane man. He was bluff in manner and quick of speech, but he had been just to our men and conr'cons in his intercourse with. them. In the speaker-'s case he had literally obeyed the Scripture injunction, "If thine enemy hunger, feed him," for on his release he had furnished him with money to pay for breakfast at Petersburg. Many other similar acts of kindness ought long ago to have redeemed his memory from reproach. At this point the speaker went into de? tails of life in a Confederate prison, de? picting graphically the daily occupations and amusements of the men, quoting from the songs of the day and the speeches of the men, and giving a gloomy descrip? tion of the nightly meetings of the fa? mous Richmond Prison Association, of which he was scrgeant-at-arms. Except for the perpetual longing for release, he admitted that their festive nights were full of "real, rollicking, roaring, fun," and that the prisoners gave their guar diaus annoyance enough to justify much more restraint than was inflicted. But though there seems to be much romance in the retrospect there was none in the reality. Restraint was the great sorrow. They wanted to get out. Liberty never looked so sweet as there. But beyond the fact that they were confined in close quarters, there was nothing to justify the stalwart assertion that Federal prisoners were treated with barbarity by the Con? federates. "This." said the lecturer, "is the truth of history as borne out by my experience and the testimony of my companions in misfortune. After the lapse of these many years of peace, it is time that the truth of history should be spoken on this point." But some man would ask, "What of Andersonville?" The speaker said he did not know personally about it, except that the mortality among the Confed? erate prisoners at Elmira was proportion-' ately greater than at Andersonville. In order, therefore, to defend the North from the charge of neglect and cruelty to its prisouers he must deny any excessive mortality at Andersonville. Yet there might have been fault on both sides. A gentleman in the audience had in his possession a copy of an official communi? cation from the chaplain of one of our own prisons at the West, in which he spoke of having begun "a system of re? taliation" for reported cruelties at Ander? sonville. Over such conduct we could only throw the mantle of forgiveness. As for the South, the entire weight of testimony went to show that they did what they could for the Northern men whom the fortunes of war had placed in their charge. The speaker closed with an earnest plea for justice to the South, without re? gard to past prejudices, and for the vin? dication of the truth. The gospel of hate had had its day and must give place to the better gospel of fraternity. The 1mm of machinery that gathered in the full harvest at the South, and the shriek of the locomotive that distributed it to the waiting States, spoke of the dawn of a new day wherein the mission of the stal? wart disturber of unity would forever vanish.?Ken York World, 5th. ? The people of Morgan and adjoin? ing counties in Georgia have petitioned the Governor to suspend for a time the collection of their taxes, owing to the fact that crops during the past season wore an almost complete failure. OUR PHOSPHATE INDUSTRY. The State's Rights In the Product of tho Rivers. Gen. John Bratton and Col. Zim? merman Davis, a majority of the board of phosphate commissioners, have made a report to the Legislature on "the best system that can be adopted, in the present condition of the subject, for the protection of the rights of the State and the granting of rights to dig, mine and remove phosphatic deposits from the navigable waters, streams and marshes of the State." The reports says that the rights of the State, except the;right to a royalty, have all been legislated away, and that the best system, under the pres? ent condition of the subject, is one that will enforce a prompt payment of the royalty and a thorough working of the deposits, in order to obtain all the phos? phate upon which royalty can be real? ized. In order to qualify themselves to judge what system would best fulfil these re? quisites the commissioners investigated the subject of river mining with great care, by inquiring of managers of the business and of scientists interested in and acquainted with the subject, and also by personal inspection of mining operations, from the taking of the rock from the water to landing it on the wharves, form which it was shipped and from which the royalty was paid. As the result of this inspection the re? port says: The term "plant" applies to the implements and appliances used in the mining and preparation of rock for market. A fully equipped plant will consist of tongs, flats, lighters, washboats, dredge, tugboat, wharf, crusher, screen, drying sheds. The parties to whom the State had granted mining privileges were variously equipped for the conduct of the business?some with not even a pair of tongs, some with only flat and tongs, some with a lighter and a fleet of flats, and thus through all grades of development to a full and complete equipment. Those who fail to provide any of the neccessary appliances have not organized a mining business over which they have supervis? ion] and control, but only use the rights granted to them by sub-granting them to others, who are not under bonds to the State for their conduct of the business. Others grant "permits," but hold those to whom they are granted under their supervision and control; others again use only theirown appliance and imple? ments, hire hands, to man them, and of course supervise and conduct their oper? ations. The rock is taken from the water by two modes?by hand-picking (under which is included that taken with tongs) and by machinery. Both modes are nec? essary ;to a thorough and systematic work of the river mines. Hand-picking can only obtain loose rocks and deposits lying on the bottom, while powerful dredges are required to break up the rock, which is cemented sand and marl, in Grm sheets or masses, called strata rock. This strata rock is found in nearly all of the river phosphate beds, that of the Ashley River being, perhaps, the on? ly exception. In the Ashley the loose no? dules lie on a bed of pure marl and no dredge has yet been adapted to work in this tough putty-like substance. It will be seen therefore, that the rev? enue derived by the State from its right of royalty will depend very much on the thorough and complete working of the phosphate, beds as the better the mining the greater the number of tons produced to which the royalty attaches. Of the security of the royalty and its produc? tiveness under the several systems now in vogue for granting rights, the report says that when permits are given and no supervision exercised there is absolutely no security either for thorough working or for the payment of the royalty on such phosphate as is actually mined. Where the holders of permits are supervised by bonded grantors of the permits the secu? rity is better, as then fraud could only be committed with the consent of the bonded party. The lack of a fixed place of business the report notes as a princi? pal cause of insecurity, and adds that although the returns and payment of roy? alty may be faithfully made, the commis? sioner fail to find any security for thor? ough work by parties without a fixed place of business. They are not organ? ized or equipped for thorough work, and are incapable of meeting this demand of the State, and in fact they militate against the State's interest. They skin off the fatness of the whole territory to which they have access, and leave that which is difficult and expensive to mine. It is true that the Marine and River Phosphate Company has a dredge at work in Stono River, which takes all the rock it can get, and loosens a great deal in the bottom of tberiver which is picked up by the promiscuous' hand-pickers who 3warm in to the easy harvest, but many men will not be found thus willing to work for the benefit of others. The conclusion of the committee therefore is that security of payment and thorough workiug can only be obtained by fixing the place of business and re? quiring all parties to supply themselves with a complete "plant." They advise the abandonment of the system of gener? al rights and promiscuous mining. Un? der the localized and complete outfit system, the interests of the State and of the miners is identical, and no greater security need be required. Under such a system one officer would be able to at? tend to the whole business on the part of the State, and his duties would be comparatively light. If the general rights and promiscuous mining system is to be continued, the report recom? mends that $500 be appropriated for the use of the phosphate agent to enable him to guard the interests of the State, and also that the evasion of loyalty be made a misdemeanor, and that the law officers of the State defend the rights of the State in court as to phosphate matters as in other matters. The commissioners, in conclusion, sug? gest that the inspection of phosphate be? ing entirely a different thing from the mining of phosphate, that the two things be kept separate and that the office of in? spector of phosphate be established on a different basis, or abolished. Seven Pacific Railways.?Wheni n 18G9, only ten years ago, the completion of the Union and Central Pacific Rail? ways was celebrated with wild enthusi? asm throughout the country, it was be? lieved that another transcontinental line would never bo needed or thought of. So vast an undertaking had the first line seemed, that it hadocen pronounced by able and experienced men to be utterly impracticable of construction and of op peration if constructed, the men who ex gaged in it were ridiculed as crazy the? orists, and tremendous faith and courage, backed by the national treasury, alone brought the great work to completion. What a wonderful change in those brief ten years. Already no less than six other lines are in progress of con? struction to the waters of the Pacific coast. This is the month when those troubled with a cough should go for a twenty-five cent bottlo of Dr. Bull's Cough Syrup and be cured at once. The South Carolina Conference. The session of the South Carolina Con? ference of the Methodist Episcopal Church South which opens in Charleston to-day will be the twenty-ninth session of the body which has been held in this City. First in order was the session of March 22, 1787, Bishops Coke and Aa bury presiding. Previous to this, in 1785, Bishop * ?bury with Jesse Lee and Henry Wilas visited Charleston. This was the earliest regular effort to establish Methodism in Charleston. The use of an abandoned meeting-house in Church street, between Broad and Queen streets, was obtained, and services were hela every night in the week. John Tunnel, said in the chronicles of that time to have been "truly an apostolic man," was the "stationed" minister, and in 1786 he reported his membership in and around Charleston as 35 whites and 23 colored. At the Conference of 17S7 five preachers were stationed in Georgia and ten in South Carolina, and the member? ship reported in this State was 1,G45 whites and 121 colored. The present is the 94th Annual Con? ference, and the following figures will give some idea of the progress of Metho? dism in South Carolina since 1787. The statistical returns of 1878 for South Car? olina show 44,434 members, 559 churches, 82 parsonages, 505 Sunday-schools, 3,112 officers and teachers and 21,913 pupils. The value of the property of this Church, which in 1785 had to hire an abandoned meeting-house, is now $723,167. The contributions for missions in the last ten years have amounted to $50,087.96, for education $23,806.90 and for retired preachers $45,317.15, making a grand total of $119,212.01. The first missionary contributions of the Conference were made in 1838, and amounted to a little over $200, but from that time to the present, not quite half a century, the con? tributions for missions alone amounted to $629,001.18. The Church also contri? butes liberally for educational purposes, and Wofford College in Spartanburg and the Methodist Female College in Colum? bia, both under its care, are prospering and rank high among denominational in? stitutions of learning. The Conference which assembles to? day has upon its roll 165 preachers and is presided over by Bishop Wightman, a distinguished clergyman much admired by Christians of every denomination. The assemblage of so large a body of ministers from all parts of the State is an event of more than passing interest to Charleston, and the meetings of the Con? ference, and more particularly the reli? gious services, will doubtless be numer? ously attended.?News and Courier, 17th instant. Greenwood and Augusta. Tha second annual meeting of the stockholders of the Augusta, Knoxville and Greenwood Railroad was held re? cently, President Wheless presiding, and a large number of citizens of Augusta, Stockholders of the Road, present. In opening the meeting, Mr. Wheless did not think it necessary to make a gen? eral report as President, as the meeting was acquainted with the progress of the Road through the papers, and specific information could be gathered from the officers' reporls. The Treasurer of the Road, Mr. John M. Clark then made his report as. fol? lows: Total amount received from in? stallments._.$22,460 00 Total amount received from Com? mercial Eank. 5,303 75 $27,777 75 Amount paid out as per vouchers..$21,729 15 Amount paid Commercial Bank... 5,308 75 Cash on hand. 739 85 $20,777 75 Respectfully submitted, John M. Clark, Treasurer. Lieutenant A. J. Twiggs, Engineer of the Road, reported that the work was commenced on May 26th, 1878. Con? tinued till June 10th, 1879, there now being only a small amount to finish ; that Mr. Grant withdrew his force till the 1st December, and now will have grading complete by the 20th. The grading has cost $13,789.99 for earth excavation, $1,354.80 for rock excavation, $1,040.40 for stone culverts. The unfinished work will probably cost $1,000. The trestles are all to be built, the cost of which will be about $9,000. Making a total cost of $26,176.28 to complete the Road bed ready for iron. This is $17,607.13 less than the original estimate, which was $43,783.41. The masonry for the Savannah River bridge was commenced on the 1st of July last; two abutments are now finished, and the foundation for one abutment and one pier are ready for the masonry. There are vet two abutments and four piers to build. The work so far has cost $2,716.28 for masonry and excavations, and $761,90 for cement. The total cost of all the masonry when completed will be about $15,000. The iron should be laid as soon as pos? sible, as the road bed is being impaired by the rains. The Causes of the Negro Exo? dus.?It is possible that the inwardness of the negro exodus movement may soon be divulged by official investigation. Mr. Shelley, of Alabama, introduced a resolution for the appointment of a com? mittee of five to investigate the cause of the emigration of colored people from the South, and to report such measures to the House as will afford the relief that the exigencies of the case may demand. As stated in the preamble of Mr. Shel? ley's resolution, there is indisputable evidence that the majority of the negroes have been induced through false repre? sentations to leave their homes in the South to go to parts of the country of which they have no knowledge and to the climate of which they are not adap? ted. It may be remembered that recent? ly nearly three hundred negroes arrived here from North Carolina in a destitute condition. Having no means to proceed on their journey thev were compelled to lay over here several days, during which time they were quartered together in a church and fed by charity. Many of them were questioned regarding the mo? tives which prompted them to leave their Southern homes, and their answers indi? cated beyond all doubt that they had been duped by the emissaries sent among them. Mr. Shelley proposes to expose the cruel deceptions practiced upon them.? Washington Dispatch. ? There are 160,000 Baptists in North Carolina. ? There are 1,200,000,000 acres of public lands remaining to be sold by the Government. ? The American $20 gold piece has succeeded the English sovereign as the gold standard of the world. A Lady's Wish?"Oh, how I do wish my skin was as clear and soft as yours," said a lady to her friend. "You can easily make it so," answered the friend. "How?" inquired the first lady. "By using Hop Bitters, that makes pure rich blood and blooming health. It did it for me, as you observe." Read of it,?Cairo bulletin,