Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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BY E. B. MURRAY & CO. ~ ANDERSON, S. 0., THURSDAY MORNING, AUGUST 21, 1879?_VOL. XV--NO. 6. A TALK WTTE SENATOR BUTLER. The Late Fight in Congress and the Pres? ent Situation?The Financial Question Within the Democratic Banks?The Beal Issue of the Coming Campaign to be a Choice between a Constitutional Repub? lic and a Consolidated Empire. Correspondence News and Courier. Epgefteld, S. C., Aug. 6,1879. According to instructions 1 have inter? viewed Senator M. C. Butler, and have succeeded iu obtaining his views on some of the more important subjects now be? fore the country. I called on him at his residence, and after the usual exchange of courtesies stated the purport of my visit, and, with a .little preliminary skirmishing, the interview proceeded as follows: "After the smoke of battle has cleared away, what is your opinion of the result of the politics! conflict at the extra ses? sion of Congress?" "It is about what I supposed it would be when the controversy opened. The Radicals sounded their gongs, raised a great hue and cry, and frightened the timid throughout the country; but, as it progressed, the Democrats gained on their adversaries and ended in a substan? tial victory. The Radicals have, for some years, concealed their real princ: - pies under attacks upon the South, and this great debate has compelled them to throw off the mask and show their disre? gard for the Constitutional limitations which attach to our Republic, distin guising it from any other that has ever existed, and boldly avow their purposes 'to make the Government what they choose to call a 'strong government;,' which in reality means nothing less than a consolidated Empire?built upon the destruction of the States. Of course the leaders deny having any such purpose, but it is the inevitable logic of their p?> sition. They cannot escape it, and ti e Democrats ought;not .to allow them ;:o escape it." "Do you think that that will be tl e issue in the next Presidential campaign 1" "Unquestionably it ought to be, for if the Radical party succeed La establishing the doctrines announced* in debate, as the settled policy of the General Govern? ment, au entire change of our system of government will follow. A constitution? al government of limited powers, opera? ting upon the individual citizen through the States, except as to those powers specifically granted in the Constitution, or such as are necessary to cany out spe? cific gran'j, will be converted into a con? solidated centralism?if I may use tie term?responsible only to the leaders of the dominant faction, who wield the su? preme power for the aggrandizement of their party and for the distribution of the spoils of office; and this change will fol? low much more speedily than you sup? pose. The exercise of national author? ity, in their view, means the destruction of State authority, except as far as the State governments mi>y be convenient in? strumentalities for enforcing the national will. The form of government is much more effectually changed by this means than by a dissolution of the Union, or separation of the States, for in the latter case Republican institutions may be pre? served, but in the former they will be entirely and hopelessly destroyed." "Do you think that Mr. Hayes sympa? thizes with the extreme doctrines of his party leaders, and is it your opinion that the rank and file of the Republican party concur iu them?" "I will reverse the' order of your ques? tion.. I do not believe the rank and file of the Republican party iu the North do concur iu such doctrines or principles as a general thing. The rank and file cf the Republican party in the South have uo opinions of their own, and consequent? ly can scarcely be held responsible. I believe that a great many of the more conservative Republicans of the North are really devoted to correct principles of constitutional government/ but their leaders are able, aggressive, and, in many instances, unscrupulous men, who lov3 power for the sake of power and ths emoluments and importance that it gives them, and not for the good that they may do to their fellow-man, and, under the cry of party necessity and party suprem? acy, many of these men will be born a along and committed to a policy of gov? ernment which iu their hearts they do noVapprove. The battle-ground will be at the North, and everything depends upon the pluck and energy of the North? ern Democracy. If they do not permit the Radicals to raise false issues and frighten the people by false alarms, they can win. But they will have to presa home the real danger to liberty with un? tiring pertinacity and tact. The pendu? lum naa been swung back in the South as it was when Mr. Jefferson went into power iu 1801 and upon similar issues. As to Mr. Hayes, I have no doubt he is in full accord and sympathy with the ex ? treme men of his party on these ques? tions. If you will read his veto messages to the late appropriation bills of Con? gress, you will discover that he pushed the right of Federal interference with the affairs of the States further than any man has ever ventured in this country. No President, not even Grant, with all bis reckless disregard of civil instru? mentalities in the administration of gov? ernment, and reliance upon force and the strong hand of central power, has ever dared to claim for the executive arm of the government the power which Mr. Hayes insists upon. Read his veto mes? sages carefully, and see if I exaggerate their scope and meaning." "Well, General, the impression got abroad in the country, in the earlier stages of the debate, that the Republi? cans outgeneralled the Democrats and put them at a disadvantage. How do you account for that ?" "It is due to several causes. As I have said, the Radicals sounded their gongs and made the most noise at first, and frightened the timid minded of both par? ties. They talked about 'revolution' and 'rebellion' and 'secession' and 'slavery' and 'treason' and 'Confederate brigadiers' and almost everything else, except the real issues under discussion. But the country got accustomed to this, and as soon as it was discovered that the revo? lution did not begin, and that the 'Con? federate brigadiers' were the most con? servative and prudent men in Congress, the people began to look at the facts, the scare wore off, and the Radicals weaken? ed. Another cause for the impression to which you refer is to bo found, I think, in the coloring which was given to the debates in the Associated Press dispatch? es from Washington. When I cams home sick in June I was struck with the character of these dispatches. In them the Radicals were almost always made to appear to better advantage than the Democrats, whether designedly or not I cannot say. But having a pretty correct idea of the drift of the debate, I could see that there was a partiality shown to the Radical speakers, and the people naturally formed erroneous conclusions from those dispatches. As to the Dem ocratic management, of course there were mistakes, but in the muin the contro versy was managed with great skill and j tact and abilit7 by the Democratic lead-1 ere." "I judge from what you have said that the financial question will not occupy so I important a position in the approaching campaign as the political questions to which you have referred ?" "I do not think so. In my judgment the Radicals committed a great party blunder in not forcing the financial ques? tion upon the Democrats, instead of per? mitting the Democrats to compel them to meet issues which they (the Demo? crats) made on 'the use of troops at the polls,' and the 'deputy marshals,' 'super? visors,' 'test oath,' &c. &c. True, the Republicans were divided on financial questions as well as the Democrats, but not so much so, and if they had forced the fight on that issue at the beginning of the extra session, and kept it up, the Democrats of the East and West might have been divided; but they did not do so, and the opportunity has passed. I think the differences of opinion among Democrats, on the silver question (for that is now about the only financial mat? ter upon which there is a difference of opinion) is more apparent than real, and I hope and believe that before the Presi? dential canvass opens all differences will disappear and the Democrats will be solid to go into the fight on the consoli? dation doctrines of the Radicals. I do not understand either wing of the Dem? ocratic party to be opposed to silver nor to its equalization with gold." "What then is the point of difference in the Democratic party on the silver question ?" "As I said awhile ago I think the dif? ference is more apparent than real. No? body objects to silver as a currency, and to its being made equal with gold, but the question is how this is to be accom? plished. One set of Democrats, more notably those who favored the 'Warner Silver Bill/ as it was originally intro? duced, think that the unlimited free coinage of silver by the Government is the best way to bring about the equality ?that is to say, if you have $20,000 worth of silver bullion, which is worth :u reality but eighty-five cents in the dollar of 412} grains, you shall be allowed to carry the bullion to a United States mint and have it coined into standard silver dollars, so that the moment the Govern? ment stamp is put upon it that which was intrinsically worth but eighty-five cents becomes by this artificial appliance worth one hundred cents. On the other hand, there are those who think that sil? ver having been fully remonetized and invested with unlimited legal tender power, it is best to limit its coinage for the present, at least, and gradually re? store its equality to gold. They think that the two metals if let alone, in their present relations, will readjust them? selves to each other, and to the business of the country with, perhaps, such modi? fications as trade and commercial interest and time will dictate and justify. This is the leading difference, only as to the means to accomplish the same result, and I agree with those who hold the latter opinions. It is a very difficult, compli? cated subject, one of the most difficult in governmental science, is this question of finance, and very few men in the world understand it, at least, in the application of its principles to government. And yet you hear men talk about it a3 glibly and confidently as if it were as simple as 'The Rule of Three.' I confess, very frankly, that there are many branches of the subject that I do not fully compre? hend and grasp, but I prefer in this, as upon all other questions, to take a con? servative position, and in the meantime give the subject candid consideration and the exercise of my best judgment." "In what respect do the advocates of the unlimited free coinage of silver claim that it will be beneficial to the people ?" "Why, they say it will make money more abundant, stimulate business, en? hance prices, employ labor, and in that way relieve the pressure of the times." "Is it your opinion that it would have that effect?" "No, not to any appreciable degree. I believe that business will revive more surely, perhaps somewhat more slowly, and reach a normal condition more cer? tainly?that prosperity will he restored in all parts of the country upon a more substantial and healthful and permanent basis if the finances should be let alone, (save one change in the system which I could suggest,) than by incessant tinker? ing, and the preparation of financial nos? trums at each session of Congress. Money is the most timid and conserva? tive of all the elements and instrumen? talities of business, and requires to be placed upon a firm and certain basis, and then to discharge its proper functions. Those who are demanding more money, an inflation of th . currency by the un? limited free coinage of silver, the issue of more greenbacks and such temporary make-shifts, will not accomplish what they desire, until one, and only one, very important change shall have been made in our financial system. In the silver war both parties are fighting at a shadow, and I should be tempted to read the 'Comedy of Errors' to some of my polit? ical friends, who have gone daft on the silver question, if I were not afraid of giving offence." "What is the change which you would suggest?" Abolish the national banks, and repeal the ten per cent, tax on the issues of State banks, and the financial problem will be solved, in my judgment." "In what way would that beaefit the country ?" "In more ways than I shall be able to indicate at present. One thing, I think, is clearly demonstrable, that the unlim? ited free coinage of silver will benefit no class of people other than the bullion speculators. They would make fifteen cents on the dollar at the present value of bullion on every dollar coined, and men like you and I would have that fif? teen cents to pay, and in an operation of two or three hundred millions it would amount to something. Silver bullion from all parts of the world would flood the mints. Every government with a surplus would unload on us, drive out gold, derange busiuess, and where would Ft go when coined? Into yours and my pockets? Not at all, but into national banks in the commercial centres.' And how are we to get it out? No easier than we can now get money, and no more readily if there were two thousand mil? lions of silver coined in the next six months. Abolish the national banks, so that money can be more properly dis? tributed for the benefit of the whole peo? ple, and then the loosening of the flood? gates of silver coin would not do so much damage. But turning in an increased volume into the old currents would not benefit the people at large. You must first eradicate the evils of the system, be? fore attempting to build it up to a healthy, vigorous growth, by administer? ing stimulants." "Who in Congress is responsible for the agitation of the silver question ?" "The Western men, in creat measure. They are more largely in debt, I believe, than we are, and the shrinkage of values and reduced price of their products, (a result which succeeds the feverish, spec? ulative character of values after a great war such as ours, as inevitably as day follows night?we have felt it keenly at the South,) has diminished their capacity to pay, and they naturally clamor for something for relief. There is great force iu their appeals, but, in my humble opin ion, they are not pursuing the effective course to overcome the difficulties which environ us. You see, it is so plausible to say, as most of the free coinage men do say, 'that silver has been degraded, and ought to be restored to the position it occupied before the war,' 'that it is the peopled money and they want it,' 'that it was the dollar of our daddies,' &o., &c. Now this all seems very fair and reason? able and proper, but those who claim this for silver, forget or overlook the changed condition in the commercial world. In the ten years intervening between the years 1852 and 1862, the annual average production of silver throughout the world was estimated to be only from forty to forty-five millions of dollars, and very little of this from American mines. Whereas in 1875 the aggregate products throughout the world is estimated to have been seventy-five millions of dollars. Silver has depreciated much more than degraded in value, owing to the large ad? ditional -upply produced by the Ameri? can mines in recent years. The entire revenues of India are now collected in silver, and I commend to the extreme silver men the experience of the Indian Government of late years by reason of it. She lost in exchanges in one year $15, 000,000, because of her having nothing but silver. Besides Germany has de? monetized silver. The Latin Union has suspended its coinage. England, the great financial centre of the world, adop? ted the gold standard years ago, and she is to-day the richest nation in the world, with all countries paying tribute to her sagacity and superior financial foresight. Moreover inter-commnnication in the commercial world required weeks and months, .when only minutes and hours are now required since the adoption of the submarine telegraph. The balance of trade in our favor for the last fiscal year amounted to some two hundred and fifty odd millions. I speak from memo? ry. Suppose this amount could be paid in silver at eighty-five cents in the dollar instead of gold?and you will have some idea of our immense losses. If these balances should be paid in silver, at its present value, instead of gold, our losses would be more than thirty million dol? lars. So that we have not the same con? ditions as when silver was the 'Dollar of our Daddies,' and it is much easier to talk about restoring it to its former rela? tion to gold and to the business world, than to accomplish it. For the life of me, I do not comprehend how any man who has a pound of cotton to sell can de? sire any other than a gold standard. The price of cotton in this country is regulated by the price, in gold, in Liver? pool. Why then should The required to take for my cotton a currency which is depreciated in England as well as Amer? ica, when I ought to get the best price in the best currency ? Let us see how it affects the chief market crop of the South. The value of unmanufactured cotton exported by us for the ten months ending April 30,1879, was one hundred and fifty million eight hundred and sev? enty-nine thousand three hundred and forty-five dollars ($150,879,345.) Run fifteen cents in the dollar through that sum, (and I merely adopt that to repre? sent the depreciation of silver, by way of illustration?it may be more or less,) and the measure of loss to the cotton producer may be approximated. This, ot course, would not happen if we could control the price of silver in England, France, Ger? many and other countries with which we have commercial transactions, but we cannot make eighty-five cents' worth of silver worth one hundred cents in Eng? land by placing the government stamp on it as we can at home, for when it gets to England it rates simply as bullion, and passes there only at its bullion value." "Do I understand you, then, to favor a single standard of coin currency ?" "No, not absolutely. I think that it was wise and proper to remonetize silver and to limit its coinage, as I believe, with proper limitations upon the coinage of silver, to be regulated by circum? stances, the two coins might be made to supplement each other, and operate har? moniously. Whereas the unlimited free coinage of silver, as matters now stand, would have the effect of driving gold out of the country and entailing great losses upon our people, as I have endeavored to illustrate by the losses on cotton alone." "Recurring to your suggestions about the National Banks, would not their abolition tend to unsettle business and produce confusion in monetary circles?" "I think not. The repeal of the pro? vision of the National Bank act, which imposes a tax of 10 per cent, on State issues, would settle the troubles, at least so far as we in the South are concerned. The comparatively small amount of cap? ital invested in South Carolina in Na? tional banks would be transferred, no doubt, to institutions organized under State authority as banks of issue, and be? come much more satisfactory to investors in bank stock. We should then have a currency answering all the purposes of our people in their business operations, as under State banks before the war, and would be all the better by being kept at home if such should be its fate. Our merchants and business men would have no difficulty in arranging their exchanges with New York, Baltimore, or even with Europe, as they had none before the war. The government issues of greenbacks would remain in circulation. I have no doubt of the ability of the government to maintain resumption upon the present amount in circulation, or perhaps on a larger amount, in the progress of the de? velopment of our increased specie pay? ing capacity. The re-opening of State banks would aid resumption and supply the demand for more currency, because it would be more generally and equitably distributed than is the case with the Na? tional bank currency." "Consistency thou art a Jewel." Some have refused to use "put up" medicines, simply because they do not know just how they are made. Do you refuse to accept the deductions and con? clusions of the astronomer simply be? cause you are unacquainted with his methods of calculation ? You do not re? fuse to eat, and yet the exact process by which the food is assimilated into the structure of the body is unknown. Are you always able to translate the latin prescriptions obtained from your family physician, and understand the effect of each reaiedy named, and the chemical change each may undergo when combin? ed with another? Then why let such groundless objections debar you from us? ing a remedy that has cured your neigh hor? Take Dr. Pierce's Golden Medical Discovery. Thousands bear testimouy that it has speedily and permanently cured them of coughs, colds, incipient consumption, and, almost all forms of scrofulous diseases. Can you doubt that it is a pure, potent, and valuable medi? cine? Are the parties whose names are published false witnesses? Read Pierce's Memorandum and Account Book, given away by druggists. ? Soak a sheet of paper in whisky and let the Hies get at it. In ten minutes you can pick any one of them up by the hind legs, and their wise looks will as? tonish you. CONKING AND SPRAGUE. A Fracas that brings to Light n Long Sup ! pressed Scandal?Ex-Govcrnor Sprutruo j on tho Rampago at n Watering riaco? Senator Conkling Ordered Out of tho j Houso and Shot At?Different Versions or tho Story. Washinylon Post of Monday. "Ex-Senator Sprague attacked a Gcr j man teacher of his children with a pistol, i but Senator Conkling interposed andpre i vented murder," is substantially the story sent by an Associated Press telegram from Providence to the Sunday papers; but the most general exclamation of all well posted people of the City of Wash? ington on reading it was, "Too thin." "Conkling and Sprague were not brought together on account of so inconsiderable a person as a German teacher," said a Senator. "There has been plenty of material for an able-bodied scandal in that quarter." said another well posted gentleman, "and the result of it has been an attempt on the part of ex-Senator Sprague to re? venge himself. It was the noble form of Lord Roscoe himself that Sprague was seeking to make a target of." It will certainly not surprise many intelligent persons, who spent the past winter in this city, to learn that a much talked of affair has culminated in at? tempted violence, and possible disgrace to all the parties concerned. The intimate relations existing be? tween Senator Conkling and the wife of ex-Senator and ex-Governor Sprague (who was the daughter of Chief-Justice Chase) have been talked over in under? tones in Washington society and political circles for upwards of three years. It has been hinted at darkly in newspaper cor? respondence quite frequently, but a feel? ing of regard or pity for "the woman in the case" has induced the press generally to suppress, instead of parading, accessible information. Last Spring, when Sena? tor Conkling so energetically advocated the Bill to relieve Mrs. Sprague's estate from taxation, everybody was set to talk? ing. Mrs. Sprauge wanted the assessment of her country estate, known as Edgewood, reduced, and the penalties that had ac? crued because of non-payment of taxes remitted. It required an act of Congress to effect this, and Conkling was a man of power in the then Radical Senate. He very readily accepted the commission given him by the lady and worked with such diligence as to pass the bill through the Senate. The House, however, did not accept it so readily, and the result was a compromise in the conference. The high contracting parties met fre? quently at the Capitol, as was natural, but it was not long before employees of the Senate stated "in confidence" to one and another that Mrs. Sprague was in the habit of meeting Mr. Conkling in his committee room (he was then chairman of the committee on commerce) and that they were sometimes locked in there to? gether. This reached the ears of some of the reporters, who, upon investigation, found the statement to be true. Conk ling's trusted agent was a clerk under Secretary Gorham, named Griffith. He would bring Mrs. Sprague to the Cap? itol in a carriage and escort her to the committee room, and then notify Conk? ling, and while the couple were together Gaiffith would stand on the outside and prevent intrusion. During last winter and spring both parties seemed to grow more regardless of public opinion. Mrs. Sprague boldly displayed her partially for the distinguish? ed senator, and her conduct at the Capitol became a subject of comment even among grave and reverend senators. She was often to be seen in the Senate gallery, and generally occupied a front seat. It was rare that she failed to be on hand when Conkling was advertised for a speech, and was often, on such occasions demonstrative in her expressions of ap? proval. During the closing days and nights of the extra session Mrs. Sprague was a regular attendant upon the Senate. She was invariably accompanied by the faithful Griffith, and on one occasion, in full view of the reporters' gallery, wrote notes to the Senator, which her attendant would deliver to him at his seat. Then the lordly senator, smiling acceptance and approval to his fair correspondent in the gallery, would indite replies, which Griffith would promptly deliver. Scenes of this character have amused the reporters several times and caused them to lose sight entirely of the business be? fore the Senate. The night of the difficulty between Senator Lamar and Conkling Mrs. Sprague betrayed her deep interest in the latter to the most careless spectators. She occupied her usual seat in the gal? lery during all the weary hours of that session. When Mr. Lamar gave Conk? ling the lie and the latter advanced to reply, she arose in her seat, leaned over the balcony, with a blanched faco and intense; interest. She suddenly dropped in her scat and it was whispered that she bad fainted, but this was not true. Her alarm was apparent to everybody, how? ever, and tho moment Conkling ceased speaking she sent Griffith to him with a message. Mr. Conkling found time to send work back to her by the same messenger, which seemed to reassure her. All this occurred in full view of many scrutinizing eyes, and from that night the relations between the twain be? came a common topic of conversation on the floor of the Senate. It was rumored soon after that Mr. Sprague hud heard of the night scene at the Senate, and had declared his intention to bring the affair to an issue. Apparently this rumor did not reach Conkling, for he remained in Washington for some time after the ad? journment, and spent the larger portion of it at Edgewood. It was a common thing for frequenters of the road to meet them driving after tho Senator's tine team, and about the time of Mrs. Sprague's arrival at Long Brunch the telegraph gave notice of Mr. Conkliug's presence there. He seems, however, to have gone too far, when he followed the lady to her husband's residence, near Providence. The matter it is now be? lieved will go to the courts, and notwith? standing the efforts of the Associated Press to cover up the affair at Garragan sett Pier, the whole truth concerning it is likely to be made public. The Itcal Facts of tho Bow. Special to the New York World. Narkagax.sktt Pier, Aug. 10. Early this morning there was an unu? sual stir in tho hotels, for it had been announced that a Sunday paper, which would arrive here from Newport, would contain a full and complete account of the Sprague versus Conkling sensation. Unfortunately for all tho parties con? cerned the truth has not yet fully ap? peared here, but I give it you now from a source as to which thcro can be no question. The trouble arose not between any professor of German and ex-Govern? or Sprague, but between ex-Governor Sprague and Senator Conkling. The affair occurred on Friday evening. Either on Wednesday night or Thursday morning Senator Conkling arrived at Narragansctt Pier. With him or after him came atrunk and a large valise. These articles of baggage were taken to the Sprague mansion by the direction of Senator Conkling. He remained there as a visitor the next day, and was on a hotel piazza during the next evening conversing with some ladies. During Friday afternoon Governor Sprague was observed driving about Narragansett Eier, having been at home entertaining is guests the night previous, though he had been absent for a day or two before. He had a gun with him, which it is be? lieved that he loaded earlier in the day. Finally he drove to the rear of his house, which is about a mile and a half from the pier, and came through the house in a somewhat excited condition. Ho got out to the piazza, where he found Sena? tor Conkling conversing with Mrs. Sprague, who was at a window. Governor Sprague then said, addressing Senator Conkling, "Are you armed, sir?" and Conkling replied: "No, I am not." "Then," said ex-Governor Sprague, "I give you five minutes to get otr these premises. If you are not away I will fire at you." Ex-Governor Sprague is said to have made use of some further exas? perating language. Senator Conkling seeming much surprised but remember? ing that he was under ex-Governor Sprague's roof, rose and walked a few steps away while Mrs. Sprague came out of the house and stood between them. Ex-Governor Sprague stood looking at Senator Conkling while a carriage drove up which had been ordered to take Mrs. Sprague for a drive. When Mrs. Sprague found that ex-Governor Sprague was apparently determined on an unpleasant scene she called for her hat ana shawl, which Mrs. Martin, a friend and a guest in the house, brought her. In the house at the time as guests were Mr. and Mrs. Martin and Miss Martin and Mrs. Alex? ander, as well as Senator Conkling. A story which has been circulated here that Senator Conkling carried an invalid out of the house is nonsense. He went away entirely alone. After ex-Governor Sprague repeated his peremptory order to Mr. Conkling to quit his house there was some hesitancy on the part of the New York Senator as to what should b*5 done, but seeing no hope of a rational solution he finally took his hat and en? tering the carriage went down to the pier, stopping on the way at Billington's res? taurant. Scarcely had he arrived there and got out of the conveyance than ex Governor Sprague, who had followed, came up, and it is therefore certain that the latter must have kept his horse hitched up ready for use to follow Sena? tor Conkling. On the arrival of ex Governor Sprague at Billington's another exchange of words took place, but there is not the slightest testimony to show that at any time a hand-to-hand encoun? ter, such as has been spoken of freely here to-day, took place. But it is certain that there was an excited aud threaten? ing colloquy between the two outside of the most public spot in the whole place, and thus it came to pass that the most exaggerated rumors were set in motion. Sifted down the foregoing are the prin? cipal facts in the case, so far as Mr. Conkling and Mr. Sprague are concerned. As to the alleged cause of the hostility of Mr. Sprague to Mr. Conkling it is only certain that the German teacher so indiscreetly and foolishly brought into the matter had nothing whatever to do with it. On Thursday night, according to ex-Governor Sprague himself, he could not sleep. He said to a tradesman here the next day that his mind was troubled, that he could not get no rest, and that some one had to be cleared out of his house that Friday night. His move? ments during Friday morning were no? ticed by a good many people as being very strange, but no one thought that he contemplated personal injury to any in? dividual. MHS. SPRAGUE LEAVES HER HUSBAJfD'd HOUSE. After the encounter Mrs. Sprague went to a Mr. Perry's near by and subsequent? ly to the Tower House, where it is un? derstood she remained over night. Yes? terday she gave orders to have her trunks packed at the ex-Governor's house and put on the train for Providence. She sent her children and maid to the depot nearest the Tower Hill House and said she would take the cars at the Narragan? sett Pier Depot, which she subsequently did, and met her family higher up the line. Before her departure for Provi? dence, however, Mrs. Sprague went to the Lake Side House, near Silver Lake. She drove there and called out Professor Linek, who is the German teacher to? wards whom Senator Sprague is said to feel such a pronounced antipathy. She exchanged a few words with him, which may have given rise to the introduction of his name into the story. Soon after? wards Mrs. Sprague went to the Pier depot for Providence. Ex-Governor Sprague went to Providence yesterday, but he did not see his wife, going on a different train. That ex-Senator and Mrs. Sprague have been on most unhap? py terms lor some time is matter of gen? eral notoriety here. A few weeks ago a gentleman whose family are staying at Narragansett Pier called on Mrs. Sprague, and, sending in his card, saw her. He had known her many years, but had neyer met her husband. He sug? gested to Mrs. Sprague that he would like to leave a card for the ex-Senator person? ally, as he desired to have the pleasure of meeting him. Mrs. Sprague in reply said that she was quite unable toauswer for anything that Mr. Sprague might think or do. She had taken no responsi? bility for his conduct for a longtime, aud it was not likely that she could long re? main in the same house with him. It has been known here for some time that ex-Governor Sprague has contemplated selling the house in which this unpleas? ant incident took place. A great deal of unnecessary scandal has been created by the injudicious story of a squabble over the German professor, which has not lost anything during the day by the com? mentaries of the people at the hotels. A telegram from Utica, August 10, says : The publication here this morning of the Associated Press telegram relative to the trouble in ex-Governor Sprague's household, at Narragansett Pier, Rhode Island, on Friday afternoon, again re? vived the reports current here last June. It was then asserted that Mrs. Conkling was to institute divorce proceedings against her husband; that a separation had already taken place, and that the Senator would not again return to Utica. The Sun's denial of these stories early in July was given editorial prominence in the Utica Observer, and for the time be? ing it killed the scandal, particularly as it was followed almost immediately by the Senator's return to this city. It may bo again suited that Mrs. Conkling will institute no divorce proceedings. All stories to the effect that there is a rup? ture iu the Senator's home relations are unfounded. Tho scandals or slanders from the outside have not broken the peace of his household. This is authen? tic. Further GosMp About tho Conkllng Spragne Kuinpus. Washington Post of Tuesday. There are now in Washington many who will remember the first appearance of Kate Chase in social circles here. She was young, vivacious and beautiful; thoroughly educated and brilliant. She had been the intimate companion of her father ever since his entrance upon the political arena, and more than once had he relied on her tact and beauty to pull him through sharp political contests. In 1864, when at the zenith of her social power, she lent a powerful hand towards making her father, the then Chief Jus? tice, the candidate of the Republi? can party for President. She had been for several years the con? stant associate and chief confidant i of her father, and had become acquainted with his ambitions, his friends and his strength. She studied politics with the zeal of a newly fledged orator, and de? voted her whole mind and energies to the one object of placing her father in the Presidential chair. It was a part of her ambition also to reign as the first la? dy of the land. She often talked with her friends on this subject, and her mar? riage with Senator Sprague was general? ly believed to be one that had only this end in view. Sprague at that time was immensely wealthy, and the Chase party needed money. Sprague also imperious? ly controlled the politics of Rhode Is? land, and his money and influence were worth having in behalf of a Presidential candidate. The scheme failed, however. Lincoln was renominated, and Judge Chase became detached from his party. In 1S68, however, he was prominently mentioned as a possible Presidential can? didate before the Democratic Conven? tion, and his daughter, who had at that time become Mrs. Sprague, again took an active part in his behalf. Sho was then recognized in Washington as one of the brightest, wittiest and most fascinating women as the National capital. Her passion, as well as her aptness for politics and political intrigues, seemed to in? crease with her social power. She culti? vated public men until she knew a large number quite intimately, and even so late as 187G, though known but to few, exercised an influence upon the last Presidential election, which kepi one man's mouth shut and possibly changed the result altogether. Her acquaintance with Senator Conkling had ripened into relatious of the most confidential nature. It is believed that she exercised over him a powerful influence. It is even de? clared by many who had frequently op? portunities to know Conkling's opinions during the electoral struggle that he was withheld by Mrs. Sprague's influence from publicly declaring his conviction that Tilden was the rightfully elected President, and that his hitherto unac? counted for vascillation was attributable to this cause. At one time be boldly de? clared that the frauds practiced in Lou? isiana and Florida furnished all the basis necessary for an overthrow of the pre? text that Hayes was elected, and for the swearing in of Tilden. He made no se? cret of his disgust at the efforts of John Sherman and others to count in Hayes, and, it is asserted, agreed to make a speech denouncing tho fraud, but noth? ing came of it. Mrs. Sprague occupied a front seat in the members' gallery of the Senate every day during the exciting count, although nobody thought of her as anything but a spectator. The day that Senator Conkling was to rise in his seat and demolish the fraud arrived, and those familiar with the programme were in their seats. Senators Alcorn, Spencer, Conover and several other Republicans were to vote with him against the ap? proval of the partisan decision of the Electoral commission. Enough Repub? lican voters had been secured to make his victory certain. Col. Pelton, Mr. Hewitt, of New York, and many other prominent Tilden managers, had seats in the gallery for the purpose of hearing Conkling's speech. To their utter amaze? ment, however, he did not appepr at all, and it was also observed by some bright people that Mrs. Sprague was absent for the first time. Senator Alcorn, in fulfil? ment of his word, first voted to reject the decision of the commission, but after he discovered that something had gone wrong, changed his vote so as to make it accord with his party. It was subse? quently discovered that the shrewd Rad? ical managers of the Zach Chandler stripe had overcome Conkling by win? ning Mrs. Sprague over to their side. They had persuaded her to take an in? terest in Hayes' success, and, it is said, she kept the New York Senator, on whom so much depended, from appear? ing at the Senate chamber that day. Now that the scandal is made public, a thousand incidents of the relations of Mrs. Sprague and Senator Conkling arc told. That they frequently rode out to? gether until very late hour.?, is pretty well known to many. A family driving towards Edgewood, just after the extra session, stopped a runaway horse hitched to a coupe. Within a short time Senator Conkling appeared on the road and claimed the horse and vehicle. It had already been recognized as the property of Mrs. Sprague, and the family discov? ered that the horse had broken away from its tether while unattended. Telegraphic information received here last night stated that Mrs. Sprague had, in view of the late behavior of her hus? band, left him for all time, and the opin? ion is freely hazarded that one and pos? sibly two suits for divorce will grow out of last Friday's erneute. The Legacy to Mr. Davis.?The accounts of the value and extent of the estate of the late Urs. Sarah A. Dorsey, which she bequeathed to Mr. Davis, that have recently appeared in the Northern and Western papers are absurdly extrav? agant. We are assured, on the best pos? sible authority, that the value of the es? tate will not exceed $20,000. Beside "Beauvoir," Mississippi City, valued at $5,000, Mrs. Dorsey owned three places in Tcnsas Parish, one assessed at?11,540, three-fifths of another valued at $5,000, and another, which is lying idle and is subject to overflow, at $1,500. Two of these places are rented to Mr. Isaacs, of this city, for $2,250, which constituted the whole of Mrs. Dorscy's income. On this property she paid, according to the receipts shown us, $192 in taxes. Her debts, at the time of her death, amount? ed to over $5,000. Last spring she made a bona fide sale of tho Beauvoir place to Mr. Davis for $5,500, for which he gave his notes running for one, two and three years. These notes arc now in the hands of Mr. J. U. Payne, one of our oldest and most respectable merchants, who for a long time was the manager of Mrs. Dorsey's business affairs. Mr. Payne, who had been the warm personal friend of her late husband, was her near neigh? bor, and was made by her the custodian of her will and her private papers. The mueh-talkedof lands owned by Mrs. Dorsey in Arkansas and Texas have not for a long time past been deemed worth paying taxes on. The above facts we have received from Mr. Payne, than whom no more honest and veracious gentleman can be found.?New Or/cans Democrat. No Doubts.?Judging from the univer? sal satisfaction that Dr. Price's Unique Perfumes have already given, there is no doubt but that as high a reputation for charming perfumes will soon be acquired by tho firm of Steele & Prico as they have already gained for their culinary preparations. The debkate fragrance of Dr. Price's Perfumes make them very popular. THE MOBIONS Bf GEORGIA. i Illstory of the Rise of the Feud?Proselytes Scattered Through the Upper Portion of tho State. The killing of Joseph Standing, the young Mormon elder, in North Georgia, has created discussion all over the coun? try. The interest that has been drawn to the section in which he was killed has brought out some interesting facts con? cerning the progress made by the Mor? mons there. Let us permise what we have to say by remarking that no one can tell why the Mormons have devoted so much time to the counties of Cherokee j Georgia, in which they have been work i ing so long. They are not to be found elsewhere, but they seem to be determin? ed upon captivating the section spoken of. The Mormons sent their emissary into Georgia about seven years ago. This man was named Morgan, and is described as an extraordinary person. He was brave, aggressive, shifty and elo? quent. He begged no quarter and j made no concessions, but went ahead preaching his faith as one inspired. Nothing could daunt him and very few men could argue with him. He was thoroughly prepared upon all points of his faith, and he argued it everywhere. As might be expected, be made converts. At finit there were only one or two, but he gradually brought more over, until he had them scattered over Walker and the adjoining counties pretty freely, fhen he summoned new elders, who came out to aid bim. Since then fully one dozen have been sent into this section. They were all under the direction of Elder Morgan, who was after a while made "Superintendent of Missons in the South." The ground most closely occupied by these proselyting elders was Chattooga county (the half this side of the moun? tains,) Walker county, Cattoosa, Whit field. They have established a post or two in Floyd county and in Murray and Dade, aud have gone into Fickens and Fannin. They drifted on toward Ten? nessee and North Carolina, appearing to shun the railroad and stick to the moun? tainous districts. They have made many converts in these counties, and have es? tablished what they call flocks iu many neighborhoods. Their policy is not, as has been supposed, to take all their con? verts to Utah. The truth is they take only a small portion of them. At one time they took over forty converts on one train, the crowd being gathered from several counties. At various other times they have sent batches of ten or twevle. It is probable that 150 or 200 will cover all that they have sent out from north Georgia. These people were mostly poor and shiftless folks, and generally past middle age. One or two pretty girls are known to have gone, but the most of the women were old and ugly and not liable to be pressed into polygamic relations. Many husbands and wives went, the wives insisting that as the Mormons based their polygamic theory upon the fact that Rachael selected new wives for Ja? cob, they would be allowed to select new wives for their husbands, whenever, if ever, like Rachael, they deemed it neces? sary. But the elders made many converts that still live in Georgia. These are persons who are Mormons in everything, save that they do not attempt to practice under Georgia laws the polygamic part of their creed. They believe in the book of Mormon?in the divine inspiration of Joe Smith?and in all theory and teach? ing of the Mormon Church. They have been babtized by the elders and are known as "saints." Their houses are used as headquarters. These native Mor? mons are scattered throughout the vari? ous counties, in what exact number it is bard to tell. They are usually quiet, il? literate people of small means, but there are some few families of property and intelligence, which have embraced this faith. When they once become convert? ed they are never reclaimed. The elders go through the circuit and preach to them, pray with them, and attend to their spiritual wants, just as other preach? ers do with their churches. They have even organized a conference of the sev? eral congregations of native converts. Joseph Standing was the presiding elder of this conference, and was on his way to Rome to attend a conference meeting when be was killed. In a talk with Sen? ators Hawkins, of Chattooga, and Clem? ents, of Walker, they both expressed the* belief that the cause was proggressing and growing stronger. "They are gradu? ally getting new vonverts," said Mr. Han kins, "and I hear they never loose a single one." A most excellent preacher from Whitfield told us that he occasion? ally heard of some member of his own or other churches who was turned to Mor monism. We learn that there has never been any trouble from mob law throughout the circuit generally. The elders have preached in the Court House of probably every county, have had good audiences and have never been disturbed. They preached, we believe, once or twice in the city hall or Court House at Rome. They have never been annoyed or threatened that we can hear of, except at Varnells station. They have had fair and courte? ous treatment. At first they attracted crowds through curiosity, and at last built up regular congregations. The people have become used to them and take no notice of them. These elders have been singularly cir? cumspect and careful. They have not preached licentious doctrines at all, but have kept the polygamic feature of their religion in the background. Even when asked if polygamy is allowed iu Utah, they reply: "We have our marriage customs and you have yours. We shall not interfere with yours, and you ought not to interfere with ours." Of course there has been a great deal of general scandal about the morality of these el? ders, but we could find no man who be? lieved it. Said one gentleman : I do not know of a single case where they have been guilty of immoral practices, even among the families of their 'saints.'" They seem to be bent upon their work of proselyting and upon nothing else. To this they devoted all their energies and their lives. It appears that there has been consid? erable trouble at the little station of Varnells. Some of the people there, it seams, were determined not to submit to see Christians led astray and families broken up by these elders. So they have never given them any encouragement. Standing was a young man of twenty three yeras of age, but had great courage and ability. If he had lived ho would have risen to great prominence in his church. He was buried in Salt Lake City on Sunday with impressive ceremo? nies. We learn that the field in north Geor? gia will not be adandoned, but will be canvassed with greater vigor than ever. Elder Morgan himself is coming out, aud the blood of Standing will but excite these monstrous fanatics to still greater exertions. Efforts arc being made to capture the murderers, and if caught they will be pros? ecuted vigorously. We learn that there were personal rcasous that led many of tho attacking mob to try and drive Standing j out of Varnells. He bad endangered tho peace and integrity of many homes.?At? lanta Constitution. Military Men iu the Civil war. Longstrcet is not far wrong in his con? clusions about Federal Generals. Grant, unquestionably, while not a military enius, such as Napoleon or Stonewall ackson, capable of great and brilliant strategy, was the most complete master in the art of war produced by the Union army. His ability consisted of accurate calculation of forces and their applica? tion, just as one would dispose mechani? cal forces to accomplish a result. Lee, with equal forces would have destroyed him by rapid and brilliant strategy, as he did with an inferior force keep him at bay. No other Federal General could have used the Federel army like Grant did, persistent, always holding them down to a chosen line of operations, and wearing out his opponent with continued pressure. The operations of Hooker, Burnside and others, were a se? ries of battles in which they were defeat? ed by a far inferior force; Grant's opera? tions were a continual pressure, every day, never relaxed, and finally success? ful, as a mathematical result of given powers. But Longstreet does McClellan injus? tice. His wonderful work of orgainza tion contributed very largely to the ulti? mate result, and it was a work done which lasted, and of which subsequent commanders had the benefit. There is no evidence, however, that McClellan was a great strategist. On the contrary, his only great battles, the seven days conflict, showed him to be in? ferior to his opponent. While, taking into consideration the superiority of his force, its organization, commissariat and discipline, Grant's operations equally de? monstrated his inferiority to Lee as a strategist and a leader of armies. Lee baffled and held him in check with a much inferior force of starving, worn out, ragged men, and finally forced to aban? don his chosen line of advance. A greater General would have worked out the result in one or two battles by mas? terly strategy. Grant worked it out by an accurate calculation of the powers in hand and keeping them always pressed upon his enemy, who was able to do nothing more than defend and await a certain result. As to Sherman, Long street is unquestionably correct. What? ever genius he may possess, it is certain that he never displayed it. His march to the sea was merely a spacious nothing, a big raid on foot. His operations down to Atlanta were like those of Grant in Virginia, a continual pressure of superi? or force on an inferior, but his forces were continually iucreased iu numbers, organization and efficiency, buoyed up by continual success in dealing severe blows upon a superior enemy. At that point, Atlanta, Sherman's fortune was bright? ened by the sudden removal of Johnston, and the movement of Hood gave him an unopposed march to the sea. Long street's estimate of Johnston also needs qualification. His talents as a military, commander were displayed in organiza? tion, in perfecting his machinery, in bril? liant defense. His disposition in retreat on Atlanta have never been excelled, but they were almost purely defense against an advancing foe, dispositions in check of a positive movement. This is, bow ever, no evidence that Johnston was the equal of Lee, or of Jackson in brilliant, effective strategy?the working out of large positive results with a small force by superior skill. The results of a re? treat on Atlanta showed great military skill in handling forces, but it was rath? er tactical than strategic, and if there was subtle strategic, it was on a nar? row field, where all of his forces were under his own immediate personal direc? tion. The difference between such oper? ations, and those conducted over a wide territory, is apparent. While Lee dis? played the same power in the retreat be? fore Grant, or rather in the defense of Bichmond, that Johnston displayed in his retreat before Sherman, he has also demonstrated in his'campaigns a superior military genius which Johnston may have possessed, but which ho certainly never displayed. It may be believed that be mander when he was removed, but it can was just'about to demonstrate this pos? session of all the genius of a great corn only be believed and not know.n A Raid ox a Youxg "Rebel."?Tho Washington correspondent of the News and Courier says that Mr. Charles Thomp? son, a son of the secretary of the navy, has created a little breeze of excitement by his endeavors to stop the appointment of Mr. Leighton Finely, of Aiken, South Carolina, to one of the second lietenant cies in the army. Thompson has really no more influence than a strange cat in the department excep^twhere, for parti? san purposes, his imagination can be used against a Southern man. It seems that when Thompson was an applicant for the position, he swore a mighty oath that no "damned rebel" should have one of the thirty-seven vacancies, and repeated it so often between drinks that Mr. Finely heard of it. After receiving his notifi? cation to appear before a board for exam? ination Mr. Finely was met by Thompson, who asked him what his chances were He replied, I have secured the appoint? ment despite the fact that I am a d?d rebel as I hear some people have been calling me." Thompson forthwith dis? torted the remark at the war department so as to convey the impression to the sec? retary of war "that Mr. Finely was an ir? reconcilable and unrepentant rebel; and unless the matter can be explained sat? isfactorily, Mr. Finely is in danger of losing bis position. Cansidering that he was but seven years old when the war ended, this is pretty hard case. Curing Drunkexxess.?Dr. d'Unger says: "I take a pound of the fresh quill red Peruvian bark, and soak it in a pint of diluted alcohol. Thenlstrain it and evaporate it down to half a pint. I give the drunken man a teaspoonful every three hours, and occasionally moisten his tougue between the doses the first and seconds days. It acts like quinine. The patient can tell if the is getting too much. The third day I generally re? duce the dose to half a teaspoonful, then to a quarter teaspoonful, then down to fifteen drops, ten and five drops. The medicine is continued from five to fifteen days; in extreme cases thirty days. Seven is about the average." The bark is known among druggists as Cinchona. Rubra. The discoverer of the remedy says that of tho many hundred cases treated by him, he has not known an entire failure. He considers that form of drunkenness which results from an insatiable appe? tite, a disease, and treats it as such. When the appetite has been wholly de? stroyed ho considers that the patient is radically cured. He will not drink if ho has no desire, or if he has a strong re? pugnance to liquor.?San Francisco Bul? letin. If functional Torper of the Liver ex? ists, the elements of the Bile will remain in tho blood, vitiating that fluid and in? ducing many Skin Diseases. Dr. Bull's Baltimore Pills are a most reliable Liver Regulator. Sold everywhere. Price 25 cents.