BT E. B. MURRAY & CO. ANDERSON, S. C., THURSDAY MORNING, JUNE 26, 1879._VOL. XIV-NO. 50.
GOT. HAMP1WS SPEECH.
3FuH Text of the Able and Conservative
Bomnrk? of the South Carolin? Sem.tor.
The bill to repeal sections ;820 and 821
?of the Revised Statutes of the United
States, relative to jurors in the United
States Courts being under consideration,
Mr. Hampton said:
Mb. President: I beg to acknowl?
edge my obligations to the Senator from
Delaware [Mr. Bayard] for the courtesy
which enables me to submit a few re?
marks to the Senate; and in taking up
the bill which he has laid before the
Senate, I do not propose to discuss it
- specially. I rather prefer to make gen?
eral remarks upon the subjects which
have been nndex discussion during this
session.,
The main reason why I do not desire
to speak particularly to this bill, is that
I can hardly suppose that there is a Sen?
ator on this floor who will object to its
passage, for it strikes from the statute
book one of the most infamous laws
which have evr disgraced legislation. It
is simply to birike off a law which was
placed! there, if not by mistake, by fraud,
and I therefore do not feel that it is nec?
essary for me to enter into the discussion
farther than simply to give an illustra?
tion of how the present law can be used
to tyrannize over the people of the coun
tryt
In the recent trials in the United
States circuit Court at Charleston, a
short time ago, a jury was summoned.
One of the judges who was on the bench
couid not take the test oath. The dis?
trict attorney had been in the Confederate
anny; the assistant attorney had like?
wise been in that army. They of course
could not take the test oath. And yet
when the jurors were brought op every
democrat had that oath applied to him,
while all men who were not Demo?
crats, men who had served through the
whole war, if they were republicans,
. were alleged to take their places upon
* that jury without having the oath ad?
ministered to them. I think it is not
necessary to say anything more to show
the .impropriety, to say the least, of al?
lowing a law of that sort to stand.
There are many reasons which make
me reluctant to obtrude my views on the
Senate at this time. I recognize fully
the propriety of that unwritten role of
the Senate which imposes silence upon
the new and inexperienced members of
this body until they have become famil?
i?r, by association, with the experience
of their older and wiser colleagues. The
physical disability under which I labor
not only makes all exertion painful to
me, but unfits me to do justice either to
the great questions now 'pending or to
myself, and I cannot, therefore, address
the Senate at length. Nor is it necessary
to do.so. Argument, rhetoric, invective,
end denunciation have been exhausted
by onr opponents, and I can scarcely
hope that any utterances of mine will
allay the prejudices which have been
aroused, or carry conviction to the minds
of the people.
These are potent reasons to enforce my
8ilonce, and under ordinary circumstances
I should have adhered to my determina?
tion to take no part in the debates of
this session. But the subjects which
have engaged the attention of Congress
and of the country during the present
session are not of ordinary importance,
and the tone and temper of the debate,
which has been prolonged through weeks
of vehement and angry denunciation,
impose upon the reprsentatives of the
South at least the dnty of honest protest.
Against my wishes, therefore, and under
every disadvantage imposed upon me by
my physical condition, I mu3t. as one of
those representatives, ask the indulgence
of the Senate while I place upon record
my earnest protest against the unfairness
with which we have been treated.
The President pro tempore. Tha
Chair wonld state to the Senator from
South Carolina that if at any time it would
be more convenient to him to speak sit?
ting, he is at perfect liberty to do so.
Mr. hampton. I thank you, sir.
Day after day we have listened while
Senators of great reputation, high abili?
ty, and whose words are the creed of
thousands of conscientious and patriotic
citizens, have denounced the opinions
and the actions' of southern men as rev?
olutionary and treasonable. It has been
declared that the Southern members rule
the caucus, dictating the policy to be
pursued. The able any distinguished
Senator from Ohio (Mr. Thurman) with
equal troth, justice, and candor has, it is
true, met and refuted that charge by as?
suming for the northern and western
democracy the responsibility of tbs pres?
ent political situation. But in spite of
this generous assnmpton of responsibili?
ty on bis part, the truth still remains that
we of the South do make the democratic
majority in this Chamber, and we are
thus as responsible for what we approve
and support as for what we sugges t. I have
not the presumption to make any claim
to leadership here, but while not at?
tempting to lead, it is my duty to
know where and whom I follow, and for
any vote which I may cast here I shall
never endeavor to shield myself from
responsibility behind any man or any
party. If the policy I support is revolu?
tionary, lam the revolutionist; if there
is treason in my vote, I am the traitor.
But, sir, I ask in all seriousness what
are the issues before the Senate to which
such language is appropriate ? I might
demand of Senators on the other side
the proof that any action of ours was
revolutionary. I might open the Con?
stitution and reading its precise and em?
phatic definition of treason, ask who of
us is "levying war against the United
States or giving aid and comfort to their
enemies," or what overt act of violence
we are proposing to commit? But I do
not desire to make a mere technical ar?
gument. I desire to meet the accusation
in its spirit as well as in its letter. What
are the issues before us ? Let us under?
stand them distinctly. But first let me
say what are not the issues we are dis?
cussing. To me there is no question,
there can be none, as to the proprie ty of
making the appropriations necessary for
the support of the Government in all its
departments. Upon this point there
shall be no misapprehension of my posi?
tion. By no vote of mine will the ap?
propriations necessary for the efficient
maintenance of the Army be refused. It
is competent for Congress to declare un?
der what limitations and upon what con?
ditions the appropriation is to be made.
The form in which this is done I regard
as immaterial. In my judgment it would
have been best to adhere to the usual
form; but at it has been deemed advisa?
ble to make the necessary appropriations
in another manner, I shall, in order to
secure unanimity, acquiesce in the decis?
ion of the majority. But in no event
can I consent to aid in disbanding the
Army or impairing its efficiency. It is
the army of the South as well as of the
North; it is the Army of the whole coun?
try. In its history, from the days of the
Revolution, through its achievements of
1812 and the glories of the Mexican war,
I have some reason, by right of birth and
blood to be proud. In the late civil con?
tent, on many a bloody field, I tested its
valor, and no word nor act of miue
shall depreciate its valor or lessen
its usefulnes. But because I so re
Sard it, no act of mine shall tend to
egrade its rank and file into a police
squad nor convert its officers into detec?
tives. I will not so legislate that
against its own honorable instincts and
traditions it shall be the instrument of
tyranny in the hands of a factious party
or of an executive who might be so un?
scrupulous as to use it unlawfully. Nor
shall I consent, because of any difference
of opinion upon matters of legislation
between the majority and the minority,
or between the majority and the Presi?
dent, to close the courts of justice, stop
the administration of the Departments,
and-embarrass the necessary and orderly
life of the Government. The Constitu?
tion, which I have not idly sworn to sup?
port, has provided the means by which
an appeal to the country can be taken,
and it is for the people to decide wheth?
er the presidential veto has been wisely
and patriotically used to defeat the will
of this Congress which represents a vast
majority of the citizens of the United
States. My duty will have been per?
formed when I have used all the power
with which that Constitution has en?
trusted me. The President and the mi?
nority in Congress must bo responsible
for the use of theirs. And while these
are my general views of duty, I certain?
ly have no inducement, no disposition,
to embarrass the present Administra?
tion.
It is a source of profound regret to me
that the President could not find himself
able to approve the bills he has vetoed.
To me they seem to embody but simple
declarations of constitutional principles,
and to be in entire conformity with the
policy which he has announced repeated
ly as the one that he would pursue. But
I am not disposed, on account of this dif?
ference, grave though it be, to denounce
his action nor to impugn bis motives. I
am well aware that his position is not
easy nor his responsibility light. I re?
member, and the people whom I repre?
sent remember, that in a critical period
of our history, in disregard of the pas?
sions and in opposition to the wishes of
the party who placed him in his pres?
ent position, with doubt as to the result
of his independent action, moved, as I
honestly believe, by his convictions of
duty, he withdrew the Federal troops
from the State Houses of South Carolina
and Louisiana, thus enabling the people
of these States to restore their local gov?
ernments to those who represent the pop?
ular will, as well as the character, the in?
telligence, and the property of the two
States. For this action, wise and patri?
otic as I am sure that history will record
it, I for one am grateful. And while
in the honest and necessary party dif?
ferences which must arise in a free coun?
try it will be my duty, with all the ener?
gy and ability I possess, to oppose the
partisan policy of which he is the repre?
sentative, my opposition shall not be
captious. Nor shall I, by bitter and ac?
rimonious censure, drive him into de?
pendence on those who would, in their
selfish rush for power, trample on him
and on us. I trust, therefore, in what I
have to say, I shall be able to speak with
truth and soberness.
What, then, let me ask again, are the
issues before the country upon which any
action of ours can be called revolutionary
and treasonable? If the repealing acts
which have been suggested were passed
to-day, we should simply be remanded to
the legislation under which the country
has lived and moved and bad its being
for seventy-five years of its existence.
Can auch a restoration be revolution or
treason? Surely not, nnless the intervening
war has so changed our relations to each
other that the old constitutional legislation
is no longer applicable to our condition;
and yet this is really what Senators on the
other side would have the country be?
lieve. I ask, in all candor, would such
legislation as we now seek to repeal have
been conceived or defended by any states?
man before the late war? Would any
President, from 1789 to 1861, ever have
dreamed of sending an army of the Uni?
ted States to keep the peace at the polls,
or of appointing Federal supervisors and
marshals to superintend the popular bal?
lot ? If not, then the necessity for the
maintanence of this legislation arises
from something new in the relations of
the States to the Union. Will any Sen?
ator point out what that new element is?
If any exists, what is the difference in the
relations aState boldato the Union to-day
and those of the same State before the war?
If there is none, and I venture to say
that none can be pointed out, wherein
consists the necessity for such legislation
to-day which did not er.ist then ? This
question should, I think, be fairly an?
swered, because it is the point upon
which the accusations against the South
rest. If all that we ask is what existed
for three-quarters of a century of our ex?
istence, how can it be revolutionary or
treasonable to make this demand? If the
democratic doctrine that Federal troops
cannot lawfully be used at the polls, or
cannot interfere in State matters unless
specially requsted to do so by the consti?
tuted authorities of a State be a heresy,
we have the strongest republican author?
ity to sustain that heresy. In his mes?
sage to the Legislature of Pennsylvania,
in January, 1871, Governor John W.
Geary used the following language :
"The employing of troops of the Uni?
ted States at elections, without the con?
sent of the local and State Governments,
has recently received considerable atten-1
tion and reprehension. * * Under I
any circumstances, in my opinion, itjs j
unsafe and antagonistic to the principles
that should govern our republican insti?
tutions. At the last October elections,
United States troops were stationed in
Philadelphia for the avowed purpose of
enforcing the election laws. This was
done without the consent or even the
knowledge of the civil authorities of
either the city or the State, and without
any expressed desire on the part of the
citizens, and, as far as can be ascertain?
ed, without existing necessity."
The democratic party stands to-day
where Governor Geary, a staunch repub?
lican, stood then. Nor are we without
other and equally as high republi?
can authority to sustain the position
taken by our party. Hon. Carl Schurz, I
now a distinguished member of the pres?
ent Cabinet, in his place on this floor,
made this memorable protest against the
scandalous and unconstitutional use of
Federal soldiery in Louisiana:
' "United States soldiers, with fixed
bayonets, decided the case against them,
and took them out of the legislative hall
by force. * * I cannot, therefore, es?
cape from the deliberate conviction, con?
scientiously formed, that the deed done
on the 4th of January, in the State
House of Lonisiana, by the military
forces of the United States, constitutes
a gross manifest violation of the Consti?
tution and laws of this Republic. * *
If this can be done in Louisiana, and if
such a thing be sustained by Congress,
how long will it be before it can be done
in Massachusetts*and Ohio?
"He who in a place like ours fails to
stop, or even justifies a blow at the fun?
damental laws of the land, makes him?
self the accomplice of those who strike
at the life of the Republic and at the
liberties of the people."
The present able Secretary of State,
Mr. Evarts, in his great speech on the
same subject in New York, was even
more emphatic than his colleague in the
Cabinet, and his words could well he
adopted now to formulate the creed of
the democratic party. He used the fol?
lowing language:
''When men vote, and wheu their
chosen officers meet, and when without
violence and without demonstration of
insurrection they undertake to conduct
the affairs of their political government
no soldiers can interfere.
"There are two very distinct firm lines
of limination, which observed, will pro?
tect the machinery of the Government
for the people to-day; that is, that the
sole intervention of the Federal power
within State authority shall be to sup?
press violence, and that their office af?
ter that shall not assume to go further
unless when invited by the supreme au?
thority of the .State.
"What use is it to give the purse and
?the sword to the House of Commons if
the King or the-President by military
power can determine what shall be the
constitution of the House of Commons
or the House of^Dongress ? And this is
what they fought for in England. * *
And for this reason the people of the
United States are justified in assuming
that the supreme civil power shall dom?
inate over the military, and that no
merging of them or interference with
them shall be permitted."
Now, Mr. President, shall we be de
selves, not only where the fathers of the
Republic stood, but where the great
lights of the republican party have de?
clared the only true constitutional posi?
tion can be found. Now, sir, I venture
to assert that underlying the whole ar?
gument on the other side are two assump?
tions : first, ihat the war has so devel?
oped the independent existence of the
Federal Government as distinguished
from the States, as to give it greater
power, larger influence, and more direct
interest in congressional elections than
it possessed before; second, that the
Administration, as the representative of
that party which elected it and in con?
trol of the Federal machinery, is bound
to use that power and influence in the
protection of these interests. In other
words, that the privileges and preroga?
tives of the States are to be obliterated,
not by force, but by the subtler though
not less destructive influences of the two
great national parties using the powers
of the Federal government as weapons of
party warfare.
Now, I do not propose to make any
constitutional argument on this subject.
It is sufficient for me to Bay that I hold
the form and character of our govern?
ment to have been unaltered by the late
war, and that the mutual relations of the
General Government and the several
States of the Union remain precisely as
they were when the union was formed.
I hold that the recent constitutional
amendments have wrought no change in
these relations and in these views. I am
sustained by the language of the Su?
preme Court of the United States in the
case of The Collector ra. Day, reported
in eleventh volume Wallace. In this
case, Justice Nelson, in delivering the
opinon of the court, used the following
language:
"The General Government and the
States, although both exist within the
same territorial limits, are separate and
distinct sovereignties, acting separately
and independently of each other within
their respective spheres."
In the same decree the ensuing words
are used:
"Such being the separate and indepen?
dent condition of the States in our com?
plex system, as recognized by the Con?
stitution, and the existence of which
is so indispensable that without them the
General Government itself would disap?
pear from the family of nations, &."
I maintain, therefore, that the Con?
stitution has not been changed in its es?
sential features by the late amendments,
and that it is therefore now what it was
before the war, bo that when the country
demanded the preservation of the Union
by a restoration of the States, it meant
such a Union and such States as the
Constitution recognized. Can any advo?
cate of a strong government, which is
but another term for centralization, sup?
pose for one instant that the founders of
our Republic contemplated or would
have countenanced the exercise of such
power by the Federal Government as
are claimed for it by the legislation we
are seeking to repeal ? Does any Senator
here believe that this is a safe, a whole?
some condition of public affairs? Put?
ting aside all extreme theories of State
rights, does not every Senator recognize
the fact that one of the elements ot our
political safety has been the manner in
which local State interests have acted
and reacted within the States upon na?
tional politics, so that until just before
the war we never have had great nation
all parties which divided the country be?
tween them simply on Federal issues.
Local influences nad always to be con?
sidered. But if in the future we are to
have only great national parties, in be?
half of one or the other of which the
Administration is to interfere direct?
ly, we are on the high road to a consoli?
dation even more dangerous because
more violent and variable than a recog?
nized change in the Government.
My objection, therefore, to this legis?
lation, which the war called forth is not
its immediate danger. It is not the ac?
tual Army which I fear, or its direct in?
fluence. But I do most strenuously ob?
ject to any legislation which affords any
excuse, or justification to the Govern?
ment that it has the right or interest in
any degree to interfere with the perfect
freedom of elections. The roughness or
even riot of an election is no greater than
any other violation of peace; and no
State in this Union is without ample
means of suppression. ?ndiftheStateau
thorkies are unable or unwilling to do their
duty, you have not now, you will not have
for generations to come, an Army strong
enough to take their place. It is better
so; better that in one or two great
States, there should be temporary turbu?
lence, confusion, than that in the whole
country thero should be military despot?
ism. Congress has the right to decide
who shall take his seat as representative
and who shall not. Congress can pun?
ish with disfranchisement any communi?
ty which would force into these Halls au
improperly elected member; and that is
a safer, a surer, a more constitutional
safeguard than the exercise of any
doubtful or unlawful power by the Fed?
eral Government.
But, Mr. President, unjust as have been
the assumptions against the South to
which I have alluded, there arc others not
less grave. There has run through this
whole discussion the strong and steady
current of insinuation that the South is
not true to the Union; that its object
in pressing the repeal of those measures
which we deem dangerous to our liber?
ties is to give us a freer field for conspir?
acy and a better opportunity to suppress
by force and fraud the real voice of the
southern'people. We are tauntingly told
that proof of' these charges is found in
the presence on this floor of twenty-two
members who served in the Confederate
array, and the South is reproached, nay,
denounced, for sending such men to rep
because we plant our
resent her here. Sir, the answer to this
charge is simple.
Nearly every man in the South who
could bear arms was in her armies,
and she can scarcely be reproached with
justice for trusting and honoriug in
peace the men who risked their fortunes
and their lives for her in war. And
when the fact is cited that while the
South sends so many of her old soldiers
to represent her in this august assembly,
the North sends but four, I submit that
the reproach, if reproach rests any?
where, belongs rather to the North than
to the South. I feel that I but speak the
sentiments of every man here who was
in the Confederate service when I ex?
press my deep regret that there are not
in this Chamber more of the men who
met us in battle, for if opposed to us po?
litically, they would, if true soldiers and
gentlemen, treat us with the respect that
brave men never fail to accord to each
other. And, sir, had these great oppos?
ing armies which for four years confron?
ted each other in a death grapple been
left to make and enforce the terms of
Eeace, not only would the country have
een spared much of the suffering and
the humiliation it has experienced, but
it would have enjoyed a peace honora?
ble alike to conquerors and conquered.
We should long ere this have seen a
union re-established on the basis of
fraternal reconciliation and a whole
people bound together by the indissolu?
ble bonds of mutual respect, common in?
terests, and a common destiny. Such
at least, is the firm conviction of every
true soldier in the South, and all her
sons were soldiers. Nor is this convic?
tion wanting among the brave soldiers of
the North, for I have heard it expressed
by them time and again.
That the men who truly represent the
South are here to-day is due mainly to
our friends on the other side. When
you insisted that the States should re?
turn to the Union; when you called
upon them to send back their Represen?
tatives, did you mean what you said, or
did you mean the Southern States to be
rotten boroughs to be filled by nomina?
tions of the republican party? Indeed,
did you not for fifteen years make them
so? And I will leave it to the candor
of republican Senators to say whether
they are satisfied with the result of the
experiment they made at such frightful
cost to us and the whole country. We
are here because we do represent the
popular majority, the character, the in?
telligence, and the property of the States
which have sent us. We are here be?
cause left to themselves, the instincts
of the recently enfranchised voters have
taught them that their interests are iden?
tical with ours. We are here because,
belonging to your own race, trained in
the same political experience as your own,
taught by years of rule how to govorn,
we could not be subordinated, and tho
people of the country did not wish us to
be subordinated, to such a mass of igno?
rant voters as you had rashly and sud?
denly created. We are here, we trust, for
the good of the whole country. What we
were you knew when you insisted that we
should still^Jbe^part and parcel of this
Union.
For the past you cannot expect us to
apologize; to do so would be to sacrifice
our own self-respect and to forfeit the
respect of all honorable men. In the
heat of the conflict we struck hard blows,
and doubtless we spoke hard words. But
does the remembering or repeating them
now bring us any nearer the peace and
harmony for which the whole country
so ardently longs? The men who served
in the opposing armies are now the
strongest advocates of a true reconcili?
ation. We learned in a common school
how to respect our enumies; we learned
that personal courage and honor and
truth were better guarantees of patriot?
ism than constitutional learning or elo?
quent speech; we learned at least that
in spite of differences, even unto death,
there was a common country which we
could better serve in friendship than in
hatred, and were our antagonists of the
late war here to-day, in the contests on
this floor as in fiercer battles of yore,
whoever might be the victor, we should
be assured of a fair field and an
honest surrender. [Applause in the
galleries.] Judge us more by our acts?
The Presiding Ofacer, (Mr. Wallace
in the chair.) The Senator will suspend.
The Chair gives notice that if further
applause occurs in tho galleries he will
order them to be cleared, Order must be
preserved.
Mr. Hampton. Judge us now by our
acts; and again I ask what are they to
provoke distrust? We ask you to strike
from the statute-book legislation which
was as much the instrument of war, the
expression of distrust, as were armies
and navies and military districts. We
say, if you brine; us back as States, treat
us as States. We ask you to remove the
disability which forbids a citizen to serve
on a jury when it does not forbid him
to serve on the bench. We ask you to
leave the ballot box free, as it has been
through nearly the whole of our politi?
cal existence. You may refuse. You
have the right to refuse if you hold our
demands to be unwise or unconstitu?
tional.
But surely in the face of the recent
decision of the Supreme Court in regard
to the juror's oath, in face of the legisla?
tion of nearly a century in reference to
miltary interference at the polls, you
cannot charge us with revolution or trea?
son in making these requests. Upon
these issues we are willing to stand. -If
the people are with us we shall prevail,
and this war legislation will be repeal?
ed. If the people are with you, then
this legislation will stand and we can
learn to adapt ourselves to these changes
in our old constitutional thoughts and
habits as we have learned to adapt our?
selves to others. In the great contest
in which we failed we lost much. We
lost power and wealth and precious
lives. But when the people of the Un?
ited States declare that the right of self
government is extinguished in the
States; that the prerogative of a free
vote, which is the distinguishing glory
of American citizenship, can be exer?
cised only under the supervision of a
Federal marshal or the protection of a
Federal soldier; that the duties of Gov
enors aud Legislatures to maintain the
dignity and preserve the peace of sov?
ereign States has been transferred to the
Prcsidcut; and when it has become rev?
olution and treason to ask the people to
cousider these things, then will the
memory of our poor losses be forgotten
in the overwhelming calamities which
would follow the loss of Americau
freedom.
A thousand years m-htc* to form a Slato
Ai. Iiour mar lay it in the dust, and when
Can man it.s ?hatlcred splendor:) renovate,
Hue-nil its viruea back,and vanquish time and Tata.
Mr. President, patriotic men of all par?
ties, North and South, can join heart and
hand in the effort to perpetuate on this
continent constitutional liberty as estab?
lished by ourfatbers. In this noble work
we of the South will not prove lag?
gards. We wish to promote tho best in?
terest of the whole country ; we wish to
restore harmony aud good-will; we hope
to see permanent peace and widespread
prosperity among all classes of our peo?
ple; we desire to see the painful memo?
ries of the late unhappy war buried in
our hearts, not rising to the lips in bitter
words which can only provoke sectional
animosity, and we propose, in spite of
misapprehension, misrepresentation, aud
denunciation, to maintain the Union in
perpetuity, trusting, hoping, praying that
to our children, if not to us, it may be
given to see the States of this mighty Re?
public bound together, not alone by the
ties of material interest, but by the cords
of true fraternity, ruled by a great, a
happy, a free people crowned with all
the glories which God in his infinite mer?
cy can bestow. [Applause in tho galle?
ries.]
GRANT, OR SHERMAN.
A Hou-c Divided Against Itself.
Signs of bitter antagonism between the
two wings of the Republican party, re?
spectively headed by Grant and John
Sherman, are now visible on the surface,
and will soon take serious form and sub?
stance. This feeling has grown rapidly
since the publication of Sherman's letter
to Mr. Haskins, announcing himself as a
candidate for President. It is intensified
by the manner in which the public pa?
tronage has been openly used {it the South
to organize a Sherman movement, and to
prepare the way for the election of Sher?
man delegates to the National Conven-'
tion next year.
The first public blow struck at Graut
was in the nomination of Foster for gov?
ernor of Ohio. It was intended to be a
fata! blow. The friends of Taft were al?
lowed to go on with their plans, and to
feel assured of an easy triumph until the
day came to undeceive them by a sudden
and mortifying defeat. While they were
counting with certainty on success, and
foolishly proclaiming its significance in
advance, Sherman was quietly drilling
his forces for a surprise, and seducing
support from Taft by promises of reward
at the expense of the treasury.
That victory turned even his cool and
calculating head. Since the Ohio con?
vention ha has boldly taken the lead, an?
nouncing that he speaks in the name of
the fraudulent administration, which has
a right to shape the policy of the party
and to make up the issues according to
its own views. As may be supposed, this
sort of declaration, which ignored Conk
ling and the Old Guard, did notsit lightly
on the stomachs of Senators who had Dcen
accustomed to have their own way and to
command instead of obeying.
Therefore, when Mr. Conkling had a
caucus called for the express purpose of
opposing the course pursued by Sher?
man's friends in the House on the army
bill, and denouncing its virtual surrender
of the issue raised in the first instance by
the veto of that bill, he intended to notify
the fraudulent Secretary of the Treasury
that if there were blows to give there
should also be blows to take. It was a
formal declaration of war between the
rival factions of Grant and Sherman.
No condition of things is likely to arise
by which the influence that Mr. Conkling
represents will in any event be reconciled
to the nomination of Mr. Sherman. He
may possibly be supported by pet banks,
by syndicates, and by other money pow?
ers, but, after all, these have little to do
with the organization of parties or with
controlling the election of the delegates
through the party machinery, directed by
a few nands. The banks and syndicates
can furnish the sinews of war to carry
elections, and are in that respect a tre?
mendous power. But as an element in
making the nomination they may be
omitted from the estimate.
Grant and Sherman will be strong
enough to kill each other off if their
names should be presented as candidates,
which is by no means sure to happen.
The idea of the Grant movement was to
to secure the Republican organization by
storm, crush out all opposition by a pa?
rade of strength, and then nominate by
acclamation. The managers overdid the
work, and now, before the candidate has
returned to American soil to play the
part prepared for him at home, the party
is split by a well-organized opposition
which excludes the possibility of Grant
being nominated by acclaim, and may
drive him from tho field entirely long
before the meeting of the national con?
vention.
The probability of that event has already
suggested Zach Chandler and others, who
were never thought of before, as candi?
dates. With Grant out of the way, Sher?
man would be able, through the machin?
ery which he controls by office and by
patronage, almost to unify the Southern
vote in his favor, not as a matter of polit?
ical sentiment but of personal interest.
And if the Republfcans should carry Ohio
this fall he would certainly tower above
most other aspirants.
In that contingency a combination to
defeat Sherman, led by Conkling, would
doubtless be formed, and a new name
would be sprung as a compromise. The
friends of Washburne are holding him in
reserve, hoping that by some chapter of
accidents he may finally come to the
front.
Mexican Jealousy.?A private letter
from Colonel T. H. Bringhurst, dated at
Parral, Mexico, May 10, 1879, gives the
following narration:
Last week, in Chihuahua, a woman
went iuto a shoemaker's shop in front of
his dwelling and was measured for a pair
of shoes. The son of Crispin said to the
woman:
"You have a very pretty foot."
"Do you think so?" said she.
He replied : "Yes. That is the pret?
tiest foot in Mexico."
The woman was to come back next day
and leave $1, wheu the shoes were to be
commenced. The shoemaker's wife, hear?
ing all, said nothing. The next day the
shoemaker was out when the woman with
the pretty foot called according to agree?
ment, and the wife got her.into the back?
room and stabbed her to death. The
wife then cut a steak out of the dead
woman's leg and packed the body under
the bed. The wife asked him how he
liked the meat. He answered that "it
was the best he had ever eaten." The
wife then told him that he had eaten a
part of the prettiest leg in Mexico. He
asked her whatshe meant? She showed
him the body under the bed, and made a
dash at him with a knife, but he escaped
and ran to the Falacio and told the judge
what had happened. The judge sum?
moned a guard of soldiers and went to
the house. He asked the wife if she had
committed the murder, and when she an?
swered yes and attempted to justify the
act he ordered her to be shot on the spot
by the soldiers, aud his orders were
promptly obeyed."
Like to Obtain.?No doubr. the pub?
lic would like to obtain what it requires
at as cheap a rate as possible, and many
times are induced to purchase cheap arti?
cles, which are in reality the dearest in
the end. Dr. Price's Special Flavoring
Extracts costs a few cents more, yet they
are the cheapest, for they require much
less in quantity.
? Alexander Turrentine, a negro was
killed in Charlott, N. C, Saturday morn?
ing by the explosion of a soda water
fouutain. In attempting to charge the
fountain too quickly, it burst at the band,
striking the man in the forehcard and
crushing the skull badly.
VESGEAXCE, SWIFT A>'D SURE 1
Lynching of tho Wretch who Murdered
Miss Ilenton?How tho Dooinod Man wan
Wrested from tho Custody of tho Sheriff
?Refusing to Confess his Crime?Soino
of tho Lynchcrs talk of llurolng Him,
but are Overruled?Hung to a Tree Near
tho Scene of the Murder.
Special Ditpalch to the Xeics und Courier.
Spartanburg, June 17.
Sunday last, a week ago, the body of a
young woman was found in the woods
near Vernonsvillc, in this county, shock?
ingly mutilated. The remains were iden?
tified as those of Miss Francis Heaton, or
Woodward, her mother having married
twice, '"'??z appearances indicated thatshe
had boe^ outraged under circumstances
of horrible cruelty, robbed, shot aud her
throat cut. Suspicion fell from the first
on John J. Moore, a white man, living
within a few hundred yards of the scene
of the tragedy. Moore is a farmer and a
storekeeper, a licensed whiskey manufac?
turer, in comfortable circumstances, and
a life-long resident of the neighborhood.
His reputation was very bad, however, he
having escaped, through legal loopholes,
from the consequences of half a dozen
ugly charges, and being widely known as
a thief, sharper and desperado.
The evidence against Moore gradually
accumulated. The deceased had last been
seen alive going with him from the house
in the direction of the place where the
body was found, he ostensibly desiring to
show her the way, although she decliued
his company. It is alleged that he as?
saulted her twice in sight of his own house,
aud he was seen soon afterwards alone in
the woods near the scene of the tragedy,
hatle3.s and shoeless, walking near lyger
River. The tracks found leading from
the body corresponded with the size of
his, and showed that they had been made
by shoes run down at the heels and on the
side. His foot gear was all in that con?
dition. It is also stated that he had blood
on his pantaloons when he returned to
the bouse, and his account of the time of
his absence is flatly contradicted by wit?
nesses before the coroner's jury. He was
arrested and lodged in jail.
The people throughout the entire sec?
tion of the county were much excited and
incensed, and a plan of speedy and terri?
ble vengeance has been maturing, the
fury of the citizeus being aggravated by
the report that he would obtain a change
of venue from this county and be defend?
ed by able counsel.
Last night 150 mounted men, armed
with side arms aud shot guns, rode into
this town and surrounded the jail, leaving
heavy pickets along all the roads leading
here. The jail was searched on being
opened, but the object of the quest was
not fouud, Moore having been spirited
away by the sheriff. The organization of
the crowd broke into squads, eich of which
was under the command of a leader, to
whom all yielded implicit obedieuce, or?
ders being issued in military style and
promptly executed. No disguises were
used, and all classes and ages seemed to
participate.
One squad of twenty men, from infor?
mation received, found Moore concealed
under the wall at the side of a bridge on
the Air Line Railroad, about a mile and
a half from town, and guarded by four
men. The guard were overpowered and
the prisoner was taken out and marched
back to the city, amid silence and order.
He was not abused, and all his wants
were promptly attended to. The raiders
soon reformed, and Moore was marched
about two miles from town, where he was
put in a.buggy and driven to the woods
where the body of Miss Woodward was
found, seventeen miles from here, the
party arriving there about daylight.
People flocked to the scene from all di?
rections, until a crowd of six hundred
had collected.
It had been announced that Moore
would be huug at 10 o'clock, although
some were in favor of burning him. I
interviewed the prisoner, but he refused to
confess anything, although he had prom?
ised to do so on condition of being allow?
ed to choose the manner of his death.
The crowd became impatient, aud 'ar?
rangements were systematically made for
the execution. His wife and family were
brought up and allowed to see him. A
minister was also brought to him. The
people showed a terrible quietness and
cool relentlessness, but there was an en?
tire absence of all excitement or boister
ousness. A person one hundred yards
from the scene would not have suspected
what was transpiring.
Moore said little, but was cool and self
possessed. I do not think that even at
the last moment he thought he would
really be hung, although he said so. His
manner rather indicated that he thought
it an attempt to frighten a confession
from him. The sisters of the murdered
woman were brought face to face with
aud implored him to confess, which he
again refused. #
The idea of burning seemed to gain
strength and some few advocated tortur?
ing him before death. The committee of
arrangements, however, refused to allow
either, and proceeded quietly and delib?
erately with the preparations. The lower
branches were cut from a stout post oak
and a buggy was drawn under a project?
ing limb. The prisoner was bound and a
hangman's knot put about his neck and
the other end of the rope securely tied to
the limb, and he was put standing on the
seat of the buggy. He said a few words
here denying his guilt, and expressing
the hope that the right man might be
caught sometime, lie said that if he
thought as the people did his action
would be the same as theirs under simi?
lar circumstances.
The question was put to the crowd
whether his request that his body be
turned over to the family should be
granted, aud general consent was ob
tain cd.
Maj. J. W. Woodward, of Winnsboro',
appeared on the scene and made an earn?
est speech advising all to await the action
of the law. He was listened to quietly,
but as soon as he concluded the cry again
arose: Hang him ! Hang him! String
him up!
At 7 a. m. two men went deliberately
and quietly, took hold of the shafts of the
buggy and drew it from under the doom?
ed man, who swung off amid perfect de?
corum and silence. The knot slipped to
the back of his neck and the rope stretch?
ed 6o as to leave his swaying feet brush?
ing the leaves on the ground. He was un?
doubtedly choked to death, although he
scarcely struggled and appeared to sutler
little. He hung about half an hour and
was then cut down.
Coming away I met crowds on the
roads flocking to the scene. If the exe-.
cution had been deferred to the time an?
nounced, there would have been two thou?
sand people of all ages and classes and
both colors present. There was no ex?
citement whatever, and the act is uni?
versally approved throughout the county,
where Moore has been a terror for years.
The lynching was the coolest, quietest
and best conducted on record.
Details of of tho Outrage nncl Murder
Which Led to Um Lynching.
CreenriUe Xeirx June 18.
Many of our readers will remember
reading an account of the horrible out?
rage and murder of Miss Frances Wood?
ward, near Duncan's Cross Roads, on the
6th of this month, and that suspicion
pointed to John J. Moore as the perpe?
trator.
Ever since the sad and horrible event,
the utmost vigilance has been exercised
by the people of that section to ferret
out, beyona the possibility of a doubt,
the wretch who could be guilty of so
shocking a crime. John J. Moore, a dis?
tiller, living about two miles from Dun?
can's Cross Roads, was the last person
seen in the girl's company, and circum?
stances pointed so plainly to him as the
culprit as to justify his arrest and im?
prisonment in the Spartanburg jail.
It was established that Moore had
offered to accompany the girl on her way
when she left his house, and that after
she had declined his company, he fol?
lowed and overtook her, disappearing
with her around a bend in the road. On
his return home it was noticed that he
was unusually excited and nervous, and
on being asked the cause of it he gave as
a reason that he had been drinking the
day "before and had not become altogether
sober yet.
Parties who found the body of the poor
girl so horribly mutilated on the 8th in
tant, also found an indistinct trail lead?
ing frornit to Moore's wheat field, to
which point he had gone on his return
from his walk with her. It was also
offered in evidence before the jury of in?
quest that Moore had slept with his wife
on the night of the 6th?a very unusual
occurrence?and that a Mrs. Crawford,
who occupied an adjoining room, heard
him say in very excited and pleading
tones, "For God's sake, Sallie, never tell
it I"
All this and much more of a similar
nature was elicited, and on Saturday, 14th
inst., a call was issued for men
to meet at Dantzlcr's Bridge, on the
South Tyger River, for the purpose of
dragging the bed of the stream in search
of the murdered girl's wallet and some
articles of jewelry which were missing
when her corpse was found. About one
hundred men answered the call and met
for that purpose. Squads were formed
and the search began. What was found
is not known, but enough was learned to
fully satisfy them that Moore was the
guilty man, and an organization was
formed then and for the purpose of aveng?
ing Miss Woodward's revolting murder.
Some of the party counseled moderation,
but they were not listened to, and finally
told that if they did not wish to join in
the lynching they should withdraw.?
They did so, and then the vigilants orga?
nized for systematic action. A jury was
drawn, and "Judge Lynch" presiding, a
trial was held; Moore was returned
"guilty." The party then dispersed and
returned to their homes.
On Monday night a party of two hun?
dred armed men rode into Spartanburg,
surrounded the jail, effected an entrance
an! made a thorough search for Moore,
but did not find him. Sheriff Thomp?
son had received an intimation of their
proposed visit, and had secreted his pris?
oner away from the jail. But the men
bad come determined to find their man,
and would not be baffled. Dividing into
squads, and taking different routes, the
adjacent country was carefully policed.
One of the squads, commanded by a de?
tective of some repute in our State, star?
ted up the line of the Air Line Railroad,
and after passing over the first trestle
their attention was attracted by fluent
flashes of light, similar to such as would
be made by striking matches. One of
the party pulled off his boots, and run?
ning ahead of his companions, came upon
three men sitting on the railroad. Level?
ing his gun at them he ordered an imme?
diate surrender, which was quickly gran?
ted. He then asked them who they were
and were told they were Moore's guards.
When asked where Moore was they re?
plied. "Over in the woods." The rest
of the squad coming up at this juncture,
the party proceeded to the spot indicated,
and there, under a log bridge, which spans
the little stream, Moore was found, stow?
ed away in the mud. He was taken out
and conducted to the railroad, when an
engine was seen coming from Spartan?
burg. The appearance of a single engine
running very slowly, and having no train
attached, naturally caused remark to be
made, and then the guards admitted that
it was the intention of Sheriff Thompson
to take Moore to Columbia, via Charlotte,
and that they were to signal the engine
when they hove in sight by striking
matches.
Moore was taken in charge by tho vig?
ilants and conveyed to Duncan's Cross
Roads, a small town two miles from his
home. On arrival there, at day-break on
Tuesday morning, he begged to be taken
to his family, promising that if they would
do so he would tell all. His wish was
granted, but on his arrival there he stout?
ly maintained his innocence, and said if
he were hanged his blood would be upon
their heads. One of the party who had
hold of the rope which bound him grew
impatient, and giving it a pull told him
to come on.
Moore was now put into a buggy, and,
amid the screams of his half-distracted
wife and the wailing of his poor chil?
dren, was driven to within fifty yards of
the spot where the body of his victim
was found. At the junction of two dim
country roads, over one oi which he had
conducted Miss Woodward to her brutal
death, a good-sized post oak was selected,
standing just off the road, on a wooded
eminence, sloping toward the north, and
upon which the early sunlight was shed?
ding its soft rays. One end of a common
cotton rope about three-fourths of an inch
in diameter, was then made fast to one of
the limbs, the other was fashioned into a
hangman's knot and adjusted round his
neck, and the question was once more
asked him, "Are you ready to confess?"
In a clear, firm voice came the auswer,
"I am innocent."
Col. Woodward, from Winnsboro. who
happened on the ground, advised the
crowd, about 600 in number, to desist and
let the law take its course; but after lis?
tening to him a moment they turned their
back; on him, and, pulling the buggy out
from uuder the unfortunate Moore, left
him suspended in the air.
He hung thirty-nine minutes, when Dr.
Tolland, the same physician who made
an examination of Miss Woodward's
body, pronounced him dead. His corpse
was given to his family for interment.
A noticeable feature of this lynching
is the fact that the entire community was
in hearty sympathy with it. Old grav
headed men, tottering on the verge ofthe
grave?young men in the prime and vigor
of robust life?all were in favor of it.
The tales of violence and general mean?
ness that are told of Moore would fill
columns and everybody in the communi?
ty iu which he lived breathe more freely
since his death.
While we do not believe in lynch law
as a general thing, we cannot help but
feel that in this instance it was a good
thing. While we write, a prominent citi?
zen of Greenville tells us some disgust?
ing details of his conduct during the war,
His name was coupled witli the sudden
death of Wiley Wood before tho war,
and it is also alleged that he urged De
Young on in his attick on Ralph several
months ago, which led to the former's
death. So long, however, as he remained
sober and bore no malice, he was a tol?
erably good neighbor. But it is a noto?
rious fact that but few women felt safe iu
wandering about the community in which
he lived, unprotected.
Moore was between 40 and 45 years old,
and leaves a wife and five children. His
aged mother lives not more than a mile
from the scene of the hanging, and is al?
most prostrated with grief.
SPEECH OF JEFF DAYIS.
The Ex-President Addresses the Miasl*sl]i
]il Editors.
On entering the hall he was greeted
with cheer on cheer; all rose, the ladies
waving handkerchiefs and throwing flow?
ers ana bouquets before him as he passed
through the hall with the committee, of
which E. Barksdale was chairman, who
introduced Mr. Davis, saying that every
Mississippian walked with loftier strides
when Jefferson Davis appeared among
them after the long and bloody night
that had passed. Regenerated and free
again, Jefferson Davis was welcomed to
the hearts and homes of Mississippians.
Mr. Davis said Mississippi was identified
with his highest hopes, and he rejoiced
to see her regenerated. It was charged
that Mississippi had repudiated her hon?
est debt, which was untrue. She paid
all honest debts, crushed and bleeding
from every pore, without a voice to raise
in her own defense. That dark hour,
thank God, had passed away and Missis?
sippians once more governed Mississippi;
ana through weeds, sack-cloth and ashes
exclaim, in the language of Job, "I be?
lieve my avenger livcth." Truth would
prevail in final triumph. From begin?
ning to end, he said, in prosperity and
adversity, when leading bodies of men
or laden with chains in a dungeon, I
have been true to Mississippi. 'I believe
you have done right and I do not feel
that I have done wrong. Thanking the
press of Mississippi for their cordial recep?
tion, he predicted it would vindicate the
past and point to higher roads of moral?
ity in the future. Tho women of the
South during the war were most resolute.
He said he never saw a Southern woman
who had been reconstructed. The chil?
dren of such women must rise to vindi?
cate such principles. Let no one, said
Mr. Davis, suppose I am advocating rev?
olution or preaching sectional strife.
The re-establishment of such principles
and great truths as lay at the foundation
of this government was necessary. Nul?
lification and secession began in New
England and not in the South. Friends
?for all Mississippians are my friends,
one and all; I love Mississippi and I
love Mississippians?God bless you all
now and forever.?[Repeated applause
and great enthusiasm.\?Pascaaoula Spe?
cial to New Orleans Picai/une.
Restoring The Drowned.
Dr. Lambert, of New York, asserts
that it can be done by hot water. "The
philosophy of the matter," says the doc?
tor, is this: "Apply heat to the drowned
body. Get it warm. That is all. Only
get it warm. I deserve no credit for the
recipe. I discovered it oue morning
when a boy. There was no wit nor wis?
dom in the discovery. It. was made ac?
cidentally. One wintry afternoon, when
a boy, I found a chicken lying in a fro?
zen pool of water. Tltc half of it that
was frozen by the water was frozen stiff.
I picked up the creature, took it into the
kitchen, and laid it on a stove a minute
to thaw out, so that I might pluck it.
Presently its head lifted slightly aud
dropped. In a minute or so its body
fluttered. I took it up and discovered
that it was alive. Now the explanation
of the thing was very simple. The heat
acted upou the nervous centre of the
chicken, these upon the heart this upon the
blood. The blood began to circulate, and
the chicken began to breathe. Of course
the chicken had been dead. Everybody
knows how frozen fish come to life again
when warmed. A man digs a hole in the
ice, brings upsomefloppiug pickerel, and
throws them on the ice. They are soon
frozen. But any fisherman will tell you
that remaining frozen for two or three
days?weeks, for aught I know?they
can be resuscitated. Now, it is the same
with the human body. Take a drowned
man, wrap a warm blanket around him,
pour warm water?as warm as the flesh
will bear?on the blanket, produce an
equally distributed warmth in the body,
and life will be restored, no matter if he
has been dead for days. Why, I have
saved a number of cases. The first was
that of a man who fell off a boat in Lake
Erie. The captain followed my direc?
tions immediately, and they were suc?
cessful. I have often tried the experi?
ment on dogs. One summer I drowned
the same dog twenty times, and brought
bim around all right each time. You
can take those dogs at the pound on
East river, warm them up well, and
make them alive again as easily as not.
In corroboration of this assertion Dr.
Lambert pulled out a memorandum book
and proceeded to read extracts from let?
ters he had received, and then recited
instances of the successful operation of
the cure. He is an earnest believer in
the doctrine of the possible resuscitation
of the drowned dody. "Wrap it in flan?
nel !" he exclaimed, "and soak the flan?
nel with warm water. That is all!"
1 Who is Blaise??A Western ex?
change derisively asks: " Who is Blaine,
anyhow?"
Now, don't you know who Blaine is?
We can tell you very easily.
He is a citizen by adoption of the State
of Maine, and enjoys the distinction of
wearing a Senatorial toga.
He is a man who served the United
States as a drafted soldier in the army,
through a substitute, hired for him by the
government, which substitute ran away
from the sanguinary scene of conflict.
He is the man who, as Speaker of the
House of Representatives, used his influ?
ence to secure the Fort Smith and Little
Rock Railroad subsidy, receiving for his
influence ?42,000 in bonds.
He is the man who cot on his knees to
Mulligan and implored him to deliver up
his criminating letters, urging as a reasou
that his wife and family would be left
helpless if those letters were to appear in
evidence and the law was allowed to take
its course with him.
He is the man that snatched evidence
of his guilt from another man's hands.
He is the man who was suustruck on
the eve of a national Republican conven?
tion.
Ask us a harder one.?Portland (Maine)
New Era.
? Curious feature' of the Charleston
stock market is the rapid advance in the
price of South Carolina Railroad stock.
Two or three months ago this stock had
no value, and it is now in active demand
at 2Aa2t. It is reported that Northern
buyers arc in the market, picking up all
the stock that is offered. What docs it
mean ??Charleston News and Courier.
UXTVERBALLY Ahmired.?Dr. Price's
Unique Perfumes are now universally ad?
mired. It is truly remarkable to sec
how like the freshly gathered flowers are
all of Dr. Price's odors for the handker?
chief. They are the fashionable perfumes.
j They are the sweetest and most lasting
I odors in the market. '