Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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BY K B. MURRAY & CO. ANDERSON, S. C, THURSDAY, FERRUARY 81, 1878. vol. xm-wo. 32. ftATJIS OF SUBSCRIPTION.?Ovt. "DoiXaX ,' C*crxs per annum, in advance. Two at end of rear. One "DoLtui for alx' ?iptioiis an -not taken fcr a less period Tun rix uaontba. RATES OF ADVERTISIJfB.?Qao Dbllaxper sviuaro oi one inch for the first insertion,and Fifty Cent) per square for subsequent insertions less than tbreti months.' No advertisements coanto leaf than a square. . Liberal contracts, will bo cudowith those wishing to advertise for three, six or twelve months. Aa vertirinsbytJontrrctnustboc&aGnid to the Un tne-lLitebusiness oi'theSnn or individual coatrac *Sbi Unary Notices exceeding five lines, Tributes of Respect, and all personal communications or matters of IndlTidual interest, will be charged for at advertising rates. Announcements of marriages ? and deaths, and notices of a relijrl'ju? character, are reap pet fttllj solicited, and will bo inserted gratis SHAKING OUT THE SPOILS. The Truo Inwartlncua ? of the State Bond ' Bteg. - The evidence of ex-Treasvtrer Parker, before the Bond Commission, exposes the character of the arrangements among the - Republican State officers for dividing tbe public spoils. It is more shocking than anything of the same - kinc* heretofore ma ie public. .EX-TREASURER PARK-ER'S TESTTMONY. Hg Mi. Parker testified that the acts pro? viding for .State loans were, in most in? stances, if cot all, "shown to him before they were presented "to the General As? sembly." He understood they were drs.wa by Mr. Chamberlain, then Attor? ney General. Irr some instances Kimp? ton brought rough -dr&ftr? from New York, but always to Mr. Chamberlain. Mt said: I do not know the amount of j the proceeds of the sole of bonds made by Kimpton. The reports made by Kimp ton to the Comptroller General were not ?r.ade for the purpose of giving*, informa ?tioii upon that matter. . They were made so as to show-each year an increase of I ?the debt as little as possible. . This was j ; by concurrence and arrangement with the financial board here. I never; exam? ined Kimptou's books. ? I often endeav? ored to Bee them, but never could. Finally, I gave op trying to see them, because I learned he had prepared a new set to meet the exigencies of the case. I always knew Hampton's reports were not ' correct, and the board, always knew they vVwerenot. Governor Scott-wanted Kimpton re? moved in 1871 fro-vthe financial agency. I concurred with the Governor at first, but we found it impossible to find any one who would take his place and ad? vance the money which he claimed to be. j due to him without making ?n expose of | tbe financial condition of the State, which we did not desire to do, and the idea was then abandoned. Mr. Chamberlain never wanted Kimp? ton removed; It was through his influ? ence that Hampton was appointed finan? cial agenfi of the State. Governor Scott proposed Mr. Cameron, of Charleston, but, not being on personal terras with Cameron, and having no choice,-1 sup ported Chamberlain irr the choice of ? Kimpton. " Mr. Chamberlain informed me before Hampton's appointment that Kimpton, if appointed, would divide hir commission between us three,. Mr. Kimpton, Cham? berlain and myself, and Mr. Kimpton made arrangement to that effect with us two?Mr. Chamberlain and myself?be? fore his appointment We had him ap? pointed on the strength of that agree? ment. Mr. Kimpton carried out this agree? ment only partially, Mr. Chamberlain admitted to me that he had received some money from Kimpton on this account, : Tmt never owned to having received as much as I did, which was about $52,000. Our shares would have been about $150, 000 each; the ictal amount of commis? sions allowed Mr. Kimpton being about $&i0,000, Iseing nearly 12 - per cent, on - the amount he reported be had sold all the bonds' lor, in addition to the commis? sions paid by him to other brokers and the 7 per cent, interest on loans. There were no terms made as to what Kimptona commissions shocilcl. be at the time of his appointment nor until '71 or *72. Kimpton repeatedly wrote to Mr. Chamberlain and myself about fixing his commissions, and they were finally fixed vby the financial board addressing letters to parties whom Kimpton designated in New York as to the commissions which would be fair to be allowed*to Mr. Kimp toa for belling such bonds, and making such loans as he (Kimpton) had effected, and on the .answers made by these parties to these letters the financial board fixed tbe commissions to be allowed him. The drafts of the letters I addressed to those parties were prepared by Kimpton and sent to the financial baud from New York and presented to me by Mr. Cham? berlain,. Air. Kimpton hj.ving, as he stated to me, had previous interviews with these parties in New York.' At thfj, time tho settlement was made with the . financial board and Kimpton, he (Kimpton) received a due bill for about $139,000 from the financial board as the balance of commission due him. This according to onr agreement would be divided equally between Chamberlain, Kimpton and myself, and just before Chamberlain addressed .his communica? tion to the public in the summer of 1874, . concerning the charges made against him with reference to the public debt and other matters connected with Governor Scott's, administration, he promised me, ?bfcVtbe. 'side of his sick bed i? his own house, that if I would permit that letter which ho had prepared to go before the public, without contradiction, and he should be nominated and elscted as Gov? ernor, I should be paid my ?hare of the $139,000 aa expressed in said due bill, and. that too at an early day. The financial board made the settle ; ment with the-financial agent by virtue of the authority conferred .upon it by tbe act of General Assembly, passed in Feb? ruary, 1372, known aa the "Financial Settlement Act-'f. Tif? financial agent and the' financial board all desired that an act might be passed giving the finan? cial board the power to make the settle? ment so as to- cover up the transactions which had taken place between them. There w:-is some difficulty in getting the bill passed. These difficulties Were over-. come by the use of money among the member*, of the General Assembly. The \ money was received by drafts drawn on me by Kimpton and accepted by me, and tbe money was furnished for the drafts by the banks in this city. Kimpton put up Blue Ridge Railroad" scrip as collat? eral security. There were three drafts : One for $25,000, one for $35,000 and one for $12,000. They were to be paid at maturity by Kimpton, but when they be? came due he failed to pay them, and I had to pay them personally?the two for $35,000 and $25,000 respectively, and also fcr $2,500 on tbe $12,500 draft. Gov? ernor Scott paid the remainder of those latter drafts, be being an endorser on it. I obtained tbe collateral at the bank for the two large drafts, and Scott garnished the collateral of the other. I demurred at. first to accepting these drafts, but finally accepted them on Kimpton's assu? rance that Chamberlain, who was then absent, would endorse them on bis re? turn. Chamberlain endorsed only the small one. I parted with the scrip refer? red to to'reimburse me as far as it would go. It did not pay me all. The money raised on these drafts was disbursed by Kimpton, mainly amongst tbe members of the Senate, to procure the passage of the Settlement bill, the Validating bill and the Blue Ridge scrip bill, as per agreement between Kimpton and Patter? son. . It was understood and agreed that Pattemon was to arrange the matter in the House, and secure the passage of the bills there, and Kimpton in the Senate. Fifty thousand dollars of this money was used to purchase Senators ; the balance was to go to the House through Pat? terson. I do not know that Kimpton used any money from the proceeds of State bonds forthe passage of these bills; but I do know that be used the proceeds of bonds belongii/g to tbe State to secure tbe pass age of other bills which he was interested in, to wit: The Sterling loan bill, the bill to authorize the financial agent to fledge bonds for State loans, the Sinking 'and bill, bill for payment interest in gold, and bill to issue bonds for the relief of the treasury. I "know, also, that he paid out of the proceeds of the aale of the J Stale bonds the money for a share and a half, as it was called, of Greenville and Columbia Railroad stock ,* a share, in? cluding assessment of $4,000 immediately payable, being $24,000. This- was for Neagle. Another share was ior Joe Crews, [chairman of committee on rail? roads in House of Representatives,) also one-fourth share, being $6,000, for Car? doso, vhich, however, Kimpton subse? quently took for himself, as he did Crews'. He alco paid for two or two and a half shares for Geo. W. Waterman for Gov? ernor Scott of like value. He paid for two shares of like value for himself, and so far as I know and believe he paid for one-half share for D. H. Chamberlain, of the value of $12,000. I paid for one of them myself.' It was understood by Kimpton and the financial board that the tmount of these expenditures and many others should b i realized from' State* bonds, and covered by the difference be? tween the.actual amounts for which the bonds were sold by Kimpton, and the ?.mount which he should report that he had sold them for. C. P. Leslie had a share paid for in the same manner, which he afterwards sold to Kimpton for $25, 000 cash. - Kimpton also advanced money out of the proceeds of the State bonds to assist the Greenville and, Columbia Railroad, but I think he held second mortgage bonds of said company as collateral secu? rity for all the advances he made for or to the road. He also advanced the Blue Ridge Railroad Company about $200,000 outrof the proceeds of the State bonds; these advances were made by witness' advice and consent of the financial board; $1500,000 of the bonds of said company were placed in his (Kimpton's) hands as collateral, but he always reported that he could not pledge them for any money, and that he never raised any- money on them, nor did we ever know that he had pledged them until after the passage of the Slue Ridge scrip bill; then, when it became necessary that we should have them to torn into the treasury, Kimpton reported that they were pledged. He also advanced out of the proceeds of State bonds, by and with the consent of the financial board, moneys used for the land commission; also balance claimed by him as due on the sinking fund account; also expenses of the high joint commis? sion ; also what was known as State arms account, on the order of Governor Scott, but without the direction of the financial board. THE TAXPAYERS' CONVEHTIOir. ' Question. In anticipation of that Con? vention of 1871 was there any prede? termination on tbe part of the financial board and agent to mislead and deceive the Convention in relation to the State debt? Answer. There was. Q. What was done ? A. We agreed to conceal the facts of the issue of tho Conversion bonds, to make the issue of other bonds as small a* possible. With this latter view wo rep? resented to the committee of the Tax Eavers' Convention that the $900,000 of onus had (been redeemed from pledge in New York and returned here for the pur? pose of retiring, and should be no longer considered a part of tbe public debt Q. Was it with a view to carrying out that purpose that t, committee of the Taxpayers' Convention was invited to a conference with the State officers and ex? amination of the State offices? A. It was. Q. Where was the conference held ? A. I think in Got. Scott's office. Sub? sequently a -committee examined my ofhce and the Comptroller General's o?5ce. Q" In the conference in the Governor's office, who represented the executive de? partment, and what representations were made by him or any other persons to that committee? A. Gov. Scott, and he told them that no other bonds were outstanding except those represented by a statement there and then exhibited, which was prepared by Chamberlain, the Attorney General, for that occasion; and, if there were any other bonds cut, Gov. Scott said he 'did not know anything about them and that he signed none others. Just after the conference broke up. Gov. Scott came into my office . md 1 upbraided him for telling such a direct lie to that commit? tee, when he knew that very soon the fact must be made public that he had signed millions of other bonds and that they were in the market. The statement referred to as prepared by Mr. Chamber? lain suppressed all information as to the Conversion bonds which had been issued and were then out, amounting to about $5,000,000 or more. The statement was prepared in my office by Chamberlain, and submitted to Scott before exhibition I to tbe Taxpayers' committee. The paper I was prepared after consultation between I the members of the financial board and Kimpton and agreed upon by them. When tbe committee came into my office there was no evidence there to show that any irregular Conversion bonds had been issued. No entry was made in my books at that time, and I believe there was no entry at that time of the second issue of interest on the Public Debt bonds. Q. AVas the Taxpayers' Convention for which Mr. Chamberlain prepared this false statement of the public debt the same convention that Mr. Chamberlain was a member, and which he addressed in favor of honesty and reform in the ad? ministration of the State government? A. If you mean when he asked the question, in a speech, "Who docs not know that the presenco -of one honest! maq puts to flight a band of robbers ?" YesI The remainder of Parker's evidence 1b directed to the explanation of the mass of letters principally from Kimpton. The following is also of interest: Q. (By Mr. Meetze.) What necessity was there for issuing bonds at all? A. None in the world, except for the purpose of funding past due principal and interest on the bonded debt. I was opposed to the payment of interest in gold, and to the payment of any past due interest at the outset. The bills receiv? able could have been retired by taxation. I now believe, and have for years' be? lieved, that the sole purpose of Kimpton and Chamberlain in passing the . act au? thorizing the issue of bonds was to make money. I endeavored in the Constitu? tional Convention to prevent the State from issuing any bonds in excess of $500,000, and failed. I always regarded the land commission scheme as a corrupt one from the first. It was agreed between myself, Gov. Scott and Chamberlain and Kimpton, du? ring the last two years that I was State Treasuier, und frequently made a subject of conversation between us, that, at some convenient time, we would have a sum of coupons to divide amounting to $50,000 each, more or less accordiug to circum? stances, and that Neagle should have a shore of them, and Kimpton would see that Chamberlain got his share,, while I was to distribute tbe share to Scott aod Neagle. We did not inquire how Kimp? ton became possessed of them, but we could not doubt that he cut them off of bonds passing through his hands, and the financial board did not doubt it. When the final details of the division were discussed Kimpton avoided a divis? ion of only $50,000 each, so, as he said, the amount might not be large enough to attract attention, but sent me the cou? pons and left it to my discretion as to the precise amount that should be divided, and, as I believe, to his own discretion as to the amount he would retain for himself and Chamberlain. When I was sued by the State in 1875 for the recovery of $450,000 in coupons, the amount it was charged that 1 had funded, Governor Scott sent me $2,000 cash to assist me in defending the suit. The amount was obtained from him by Neagle, whom I employed for the pur? pose, and delivered to me by him in per? son. Scott's brother-in-law, Mr. Water? man, told me that Scott said he sent me $7,000, but I only received $2,000. J have never seen Governor Scott since. elegant epistles. The following unique papers and let? ters are amongst those submitted by the Cornmission: Executive Department, ) State T&easueee's Office, V Columbia, S. C, May 1, 1870. J To H. H. Kimpton, Etq., Financial Agent State of South Carolina: Dear Sib?Yon are hereby author? ized tc use as collateral or otherwise such an amount of bonds "issued for the relief of the treasury" as is necessary to meet any deficiency that may exist on account of payments ordered by the 'advisory board of the land commission. (The words "as collateral" inserted be? fore signature.) Robt. K. Scott, Governor South Carolina. Niles G. Parker, Treasurer South Carolina. D. H. Chamberlain, Attorney General South Carolina. Financial Board State of South Carolina. New York, July 21,1870. Friend Parker?I wrote you yesterday in full in regard to the terrible stringency and distrust in financial circles. I wrote the Governor and Chamberlain also on the subject. The Governor should have sent the collaterals the day before, as there was. ample time. I have had to use the bonds in large amounts to satisfy as collaterals, and to-day I have only succeededed by using private means and at a personal sacrifice. The feeling is somewhat better to-day, but we are liable a; any moment to be convulsed by bat? tles on the Rhine?a war which is liable to convulse all Europe and affect the finances of all civilized nations, especial? ly at first. I have telegraphed the Governor and written to him also to send me the rest of the collaterals. There .is no safety but in guarding me well with abundant col? laterals. J I expect to be easier in a few days. As soon as I get a moment offree breath? ing, I will write to the finance board in regard to my commission;;. I shall, fix jest figures ?od insist upon them. Rail? road matters will come all right. Truly, H. H. Kaiprosr. Office of H. H. Kimpton, Banker, ) No. 9 Nassau Street, y Nett York, January 27,1871. J P. O. Box 6,845. Friend Parker?I shall send' the bills which are proposed to be passed some day this week. They are nearly ready, and mean a good deal. They have been prepared with great care. I hope to leave also in the course of a week. I want you to go to your bank, Caro? lina Bank, Citizens' Savings Bank, Scott, Williams & Co., and raise all the money you can on your official drafts on me as financial agent, for sixty clays, and send the money to me. It will help here immediately, for it is not believed that Lanes will be paid, and no one here will then doubt it for a mo? ment. Raise all you can., and pay for it sufficient rate to get it. You can say at the banks that you are anticipating the collection of taxes. Do this by all means. Please telegraph me on receipt of this "yes," if you can do this at any extent. If you cannot do it telegraph "no." We must be very careful how we telegraph, for our telegrams seem to be understood here.. We can trust no one here who is not interested at we are. They would smash us at any time, if money could be made by it. Don't let any one here draw you into private correspondence with them. I will explain when I see you again. I have mailed you a long letter to-day. Truly yours, H. H. Kimpton. [Note.?The words above underscored are so marked in the original.] The following has no date or other caption: My Dear Parker?Please uend me every dollar that you can spare. . I have hard work to get along. Act promptly and send every dollar you can. Don't consent to give up any of $600, 000 Blue Ridge bonds. We should fiave ell of them. See Chamberlain and have my commis? sions fixed; shall not be able to visit you at present. Walters will visit me in a few days; will inform you of the result. 1 wish that Harrison would leave. I fear that this market might hear of issue of Blue Ridge bonds. The consequences might prove very damaging to the State. Truly, H. H. Kimpton. m I An Important Act. The following Act, which has just be? come a law, makes some important ?changes in duties of some of our public officers. It will be seen that Judges of Probate will hereafter sell all property I ordered to be sold by Probate Court, in? stead of the Sheriff: [ An Act' to Repeal an Act to Alter aod Amead an Act Entitled "An Act to Revise, Simplify and Abridge the Rules, Practice, Pleadings and Forms, of Courts in this State," approved March 13th, 1872, aod Relating to Executions. Section 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Repesentatives of the State of South Carolina, now met and sitting in General Assembly, and by tho author- j ity of the same: That an Act to alter and amend an Act entitled "An Act to revise, simplify and abridge the rules, practice, pleadings and forms of Courts in this State," approved March 13tb, 1872, be, and the same is hereby repeal? ed. Section 2. That on and after the pas? sage of this Act all sales of real estate or ?roper a- under the orders of Probate ourts shall be made by the Judge of Probate; and all sales under the order of the Court where the title is to be made by the Clerk of the Circuit Court, such sales shall be made by the Clerk, and all other judicial sales shall be made by tbe Sheriffs as now provided by law: Pro? vided, Nothing herein contained shall effect the sales under executions issued out of the Court of Trial Justices, or those to be made by Executors or Ad? ministrators. Approved February 2nd 1878. STARTLING DISCLOSURES. A. Questionable Transaction about the Tax Payers' Convention?Both Sides of the Af . fair. From the Kexo York Sun. Tbe evidence uken in law suit, now in {>rogress in this city, shews how intilhate y Democrats like Senator Butler and his former friend, Gary, we::e concerned with the Rej ublican 1;hieves in the plunder of the people. The following agreement, signed by Butler and Gary, has been pro? duced as part of the testimony: Office of Coubtenay, Everett & Co., 83 Pearl street, New York. ' Whereas, the undersigned, being de? sirous to take action to reinstate the value of the bonded debt of the State of South Carolina: It is hereby agreed tbe undersigned agree to pay to M. C. Butler and M. W. Gary 10 per cent, of the net gains that may arise from the purchase and sale of at least $500,000 of said State bonds, the increase to be measured by the advanco due to an endorsement of the public meeting to be held on or about the 3rd day of May next, at Columbia, approving the payment in full of all the present bonded debt of the State, and agree to use their best efforts to that effect in consideration of said 10 per cent, aforesaid mentioned. New York, April 17,1871. (Signed) W. E. Everett, L. D. Childs, J. B. Palmer, (by L. D. Childs,) J. P. Southern. ? We accept the terms of the above agreement. M. C. Butler, Attorney, &c. M. W. Gary, Attomey-at-Law. The disgraceful character of this writ? ing will be apparent when it is added that Butler and Gary were both delegates to the Tax-Payers' Convention, wnich they proposed to influence 'to certain ac? tion in the interest of a bond speculation. All of the parties who bribed Butler and Gary with a promise of a share in the profits were holders of South Carolina bonds. Everett was a New York specu? lator ; Childs, Falmer and Southern were presidents of three Columbia banks. It had been determined between the Cham? berlain ring and tbe bond-holders to ap? preciate the value of the bonds by induc? ing the Tax-Payers' Convention to pass a resolution declaring the validity of the debt; and Attorney Butler, now Senator Butler, sold in advance his official influ? ence as a delegato to the Convention in consideration of a percentage on the profits of the job. This arrangement throws light on the following confidential letter from Cham? berlain to Kimpton, financial agent in New York of the Str.te of South Carolina. The original copy of this document, which has never before been printed, is in our possession: Columbia, S. C, April 23,1871. Dear Kimpton : Your two letters of the 20th and your official letter are re? ceived, and I am delighted to knpw that ?'ou are in a safer position. The official etter is well, and may be of use in the future. I will co-operate with Butler and Gary in any possible way. I have not heard of their arrival here yet The Governor has been tq Charleston, and fooled about with Lathers & Co., as you will see by the Newt. He said when he came back that he was going imme? diately to New York, but yesterday ho said he had postponed his visit. I rather think Joe Crew's telegram has scared him! I do not know what ho is doing exactly, but he went to Gary, Parker's Clerk, and gave him orders to pay out no money at a.11?that he was going to send it all to Now York. What he is going to ddT can't nay yet I will 'see Bush and have him do all he can. Yours truly, D. H. Chambelain. This pronise to co operate with Butler and Gary was written six days after they had made and signed the agreement printed above. ' It is a matter of record that Chamberlain did co-operate with his Democratic allies. The bull resolutions were put through tbe Tax-Payers' Con? vention by the united agency of these precious statesmen, and although the rise in bonds was less than they had honed, it was sufficient to pay Butler and Gary a good sum in percentages. Senator Gary's Explanation. Senator Gary rose to a question of privilege in the State Senate, and made the following explanation of the above article: Mr. President: I ask your indulgence for a few moments while I avail myself of the privilege accorded me as a member of this honorable body of repelling charges preferred against me by some base trauueer. iin the columns, of the New York Times there recently appeared an ingenious bu t mendacious and slan? derous attack upon the Hon. M. C. But? ler, United States Senator from South Carolina, and myself. It is not my cus? tom to eugage in newspaper controversy, nor under ordirary circumstances would I avail myself of my privilege as a Sen? ator to meet on this floor accusations made against me by correspondents of the Northern prssj; bul; the article re? ferred to has beea reproduced in the National Republican, of the city of Wash? ington, and systematically distributed among the members of this General As? sembly by the instrumentality of ita au? thor, or by some one equally unfriendly and malicious. Tho sarr c charges were, during the memorable campaign of 1876, with evil intent, published in the col? umns of the Union-Herald; of Columbia, S. C... then ediled by the notorious carpet? bagger, J. G. Thompson, and owned in freater part by-Damel H. Chamberlain, his paper wa3 the acknowledged organ of the Radical party of South Carolina and the mouth-piece of that corrupt leader. The authorship of this vile slander no one then doubted, nor could the motive and spirit that prompted its Eublicatiou be questioned. That this enchman of D. H. Chamberlain, en? couraged perhaps by other evil designing persons, is the author of this renewea attack, I am credibly informed and fully' believe. In reply to thh malicious Hlan der, I beg to make the following state? ment of facts: In the month cf April, A. D. 1871, the Hon. M. C. Butler and I were in the city of New York. Shortly after our arrival ho was retained as counsel for Messrs. L. D. Childs, J. P. Southern, J. B. Pal? mer, F. W. McM tstcr, of South Carolina, and Wm. E. Everett, of the city of New York, the three first named gentlemen being at that time presidents of banks in the city of Columbia, S. C. On the day after employing General M. C. Butler, Messrs Childs and Southern in behalf of themselves and others, also retained me as associate counsel. The enterprise in which these gentlemen were about to en? gage, as we were then informed, was the purchase of u. large amount of bonds uf the State of South Carolina, the market value of which whs at that time depressed. Their purpose in employing counsel was to secure our advice in selecting the class of bonds for investment, and to have us to represent them in or out of court in all dealings therewith which might re quire cur professional services. At this time the credit of the State was greatly impaired, her bonds depressed in market, ana widespread distrust in all her securi? ties prevailed among capitalists, North and South. To such an extent had fraud and corruption prevailed in the manage? ment of the finances of the Stale that capitalists everywhere were timid and cautious in investing in South Carolina bonds and stocks. The records of the courts of the State showed that these investments were to capitalists fruitful sources of litigation, ana they were not unfrequently driven, at great sacrifices, to resort to the Supreme Court to enforce their rights. Eepudiation was openly advocated and generally apprehended, and widespread dissatisfaction and dis? trust pervaded the mind of the public. To distinguish between the valid and fraudulent debt of the State was next to impossible,, and as a consequence, men with funds to invest found it necessary to employ attorneys to advise and protect them in their dealings in South Carolina securities. We were, at this juncture and under these circumstance!1, employed by these gentlemen. At first we, as is cus? tomary, demanded a retainer, but were prevailed upon to accept a contingent fee out of the net profits of the contemplated investment, should it prove successful,, and otherwise nothing. Before employ? ing us, these gentlemen ascertained our views as to the true policy of the people of the State touching the question of the public debt. Then as now we entertained and freely expressed the opinion that the valid debt of the State ought to be paid. A public declaration to this effect by the tax-payers of the State and an ascertain? ment, as far as could be, of the valid , and fraudulent debt of the State was de? manded by her best citizens. All felt that no efforts should be spared to dissi? pate the cloud that enveloped the condi? tion of her finances, and to restore credit to the State. Several days after being retained as attorneys, General Butler and I, happening to meet Messrs. Childs, Southern and Everett upon Nassau street, the latter gentleman, whom until then 1 had never seen, was introduced to me for the first time; a memorandum of agree? ment embodying, as Mr. Everett said, our contract of service, was presented to us by him, and our approval and signature requested. To questions propounded by us, after a hasty examination of the paper and in explanation of its contents, Mr. Everett stated that General Butler and I, though represented as prominent citizens of South Carolina, were personally strangers to him, and that, before em? barking in an enterprise of such magni? tude, he would like to have some assur? ance that we would not use our influence to break down the credit of the State by advocating the repudiation of the public debt, but would use our endeavors to re? store to its proper value her lawful bonded debt. Without bestowing upon the paper much thought, we assured him that we favored the payment of the honest debt of the State, were opposed on principle to repudiation, and did not object to do, in our professional capacity as attorneys, what accorded fully with the views of public policy which we entertained as citizens of the State. I referred them to the ''public meeting" mentioned in the written agreement, and informed Mr. Everett that I could not attend such a meeting in Columbia, S. C, on the third day of May, 1871, as private business of a pressing nature required me to be then in Arkansas. In that year Gen. Butler and I were engaged in the business of life insurance in this State, and it was then Gen. Butler's purpose to become, as he afterwards did, a resident of this city. The meeting, as we understood, referred to in the memorandum was one to be held by the citizens of .Columbia with reference to the public affairs of the State, and possibly (but of this I have no dis? tinct recollection) for the purpose of ap? pointing delegates to the Tax-Payers' Convention afterwards held in this city. At that time I was not in political life, and was giving exclusive attention to my private affairs and professional business, and not only had no agency in bringing about the meeting of this convention, but did not expect to take part in its pro? ceedings. Messrs. Childs and Southern said they did not suggest the written memorandum or insist on its execution, but Mr. Everett said he desired it as a check to any action on our part as citi? zens which, by stimulating a spirit of I repudiation, would render his heavy in? vestments disastrous, and stated that -he cared nothing about the contemplated j public meeting in Columbia, and absence therefrom was a matter of indifference to him. With this explanation we signed the agreement as attorneys at law. At this time, April 17,1871, neither General [ Butler nor I had heen chosen to attend j the Tax-Payers' Convention, which met j on the 9th of May following, nor did we attach any importance to so much of the agreement as referred to a public meeting to be held in Columbia. Leaving New York, I proceeded direr-t? ry to Arkansas, and having finished my business, I returned, reaching home on the night of May 5, 1871. On the hi lowing day, which was saledcy, our citi? zens met and chose as delegates {.o the Convention Gen. M. C. Butler, Jas. H. Giles, 0. Sheppard, Esq., Col. A. P. But? ler, Gov. M. L. Bouham aud myself. On the assembliug of the Convention I was nominated for President, as was also the Hon. W. D. Porter. I declined the nom? ination in the following words: "I s.m here'not as an aspirant for any office within the right of this Convention, but as a representative of the people of Edgeiield. Since the results of the war have been so disastrous to us, I must con? fess that whatever ambition I might have had previous to that time I have none now. I am, therelore, unwilling that, by the use of my name, the harmony of this Convention should be disturbed. I do think that at a time like the present, when we are oppressed, we should present a solid front; we should have no differ? ence between us. Actuated by tRese feelings, I must decline the nomination." An examination of the published pro? ceedings of the Convention will show that I introduced but three resolutions? two extending the privileges of the floor to friends, and one upon the subject of cumulative voting. In my speech in support of that measure I took occasion to use the following language: "I would ask, why nave we gathered together from all parts of the State? Why have the wise men of the State met in council? From the fact that taxes have been levied by the present Legisla? ture which, in our impoverished condi? tion, we are unable to pay. To say that these abuses of the government have been effected by the Republican or Radi? cal party would be unjust, for it would be a gross misnomer to dignify those now in powcr%y any party name. They are known by all honest men, north, south, east and west, irrespective pf party alliances, as thieves ana robbers." Now, who were the men then in power? R. K. Scott was Governor, D. H. Cham? berlain Attorney General, N. G. Parker Treasurer and J. L. Neagle Comptroller General. In a parliamentary body I could not have used language more se? vere. Subsequently, at Edgefield Court House, on the 12th day of August, A. D. 1876,1 felt at liberty to denounce D. H. Chamberlain again, face to face, in lan guage more bitter and scathing. Neither in tbis Convention nor out of it, before nor since, did I directly or indirectly do or say anything derogatory to the honor of South Carolina, or inimical to her wel? fare or the interest of her honest tax payiug Citizen?. I was not a member of the "committee of eleven," nor did I en? deavor, in any manner, to intrude my counsels into their deliberations, or to control their a:tion, or the action of any member of the Convention. This com? mittee was composed of Messrs. M. C. Butler, Gabriel Cannon, W. H. Wallace, A. M. Lowry, E. J. Scott, Cadwallader Jones, B. W. Ball, Richard Lathers, G. A. Trenholm, W. B. Smith and T. C. Weatherley?men as pure, as honorable, intelligent, and as patriotic as there could or now can be found in the State. With the labors of this committee I had naught to do. My whole attention was given to the subject referred to the committee on election and suffrage laws, of which I was chairman, and I challenge any member of the Convention, or any other man, to say that either during the session of the Convention or before or after its meeting, I held any conference with him, or in any manner sought to exercise influence in reference to the action on the matter of the public debt of the Si.ate. Out of tbe "committee of eleven" was selected a sub-coromitte;, of which the Hon. G. A. Trenholm was chairman? the ablest financier of the State?and this sub-cornmittee were specially charged to investiga^ the finances of the State. The ability, arneatness, integrity, and patriotism "of the gentlemen composing this committee and sub-committee cannot be questioned. Their names sufficiently .negative the slightest suspicion that they could be influenced by corrupt men or by corrupt motives. From the labors of this "committee of eleven" a me two reports upon different branches of tbe subject matter of investigation?the one submit? ted by General M. C. Butler, upon gen? eral grievances of the State; the other by the Hon. G. A. Trenholm, upon tbe bonded debt, both of which were ap? proved and adopted by the Convention. General Butler and I were but two of a delegation of six from Edgefield, and but two in a convention of delegates from twenty-six counties in the State, com ?osed of her ablest and best citizens, he action of that Convention' was en? tirely in accord with our views and sen? timents touching the public debt and measures of State policy in general, and in fact all its proceedings were character? ized by unusual gravity, earnestness and harmony. To charge us with betraying the true interests of our constituency in that Convention, or conspiring against the welfare of the people of the State, is to lay a similar charge i.t the door of every member of that body. To say that we improperly controlled or influenced their action is an insult to their intelligence and integrity, and a. base slander upon them as well as upon ourselves. This argument, so unfairly and mali? ciously paraded before the public, was open and free to be exhibited. About it there was nothing secret or designed to be hidden. General Butler did not hesi? tate to go to the city of New York, and in open court in the suit between Childs and Southern again?t Wm. E. Everett, to testify to the genuineness aqd purport of this paper, and the circumstances under which it was executed. Prior to his going to New York, it was proposed or suggested by a distinguished lawyer of this State, in a letter to General Butler, intended for our joint perusal, that it would be better thai, the suit should be compromised, in ordsr to suppress this agreement. This proposition General Butler, with my hearty concurrence, de? clined, and unhesitatingly unfolded the paper to the world by his testimony in open court. Distorted construction to his prejudice he defied, and so do I, con? scious as we are of nothing wrong in agreeing to serve, as attorneys, gentle? men of high charade/ and to lend otir aid by proper means to reinstate the ruined credit of the State. From this transaction we have never re? ceived one dollar, nor, so far as I know, have those who invested their money in it. This "twice told tale" is, with deep malice, designed to impair the usefulness of Gen. Butler and myself in our respec? tive public spheres, and to injure our private characters. My warfare against public thieves and robbers has been bit? ter, unrelenting;, and, I am happy to say, successful, and such has been and ever will be my devotion to her institutions and her weal that neither tb > voice nor the pen of the defamer shall cause me to falter in my course, or to swerve from my duty to the State. For the honor and welfare of my people I have fought, and for tho redemption of my State I have struggled. She is redeemed, thank God, and stands to-day the proud peer of any State, and, so far as my heart and voice and arm have availed, and may hereafter avail, so shall she stand forever. Hell.?There are preacher? in Eng? land as well as in America, now-a-days, declaring themselves disbelievers in hell. No one has a right to discard any part of the Word of God. If hell does not ac? tually literally exist, then there is no heaven, and the Bible is a mere myth. It is very pleasaut doctrine to some peo? ple to discard hell and advocate heaven. There would be no justice to tbe upright and pure if they were placed upon an equal footing after death with the wicked and depraved. Heaven itself would then be a hell. The beautiful life of Jesus, and the immortal teachings of His apostles and followers will never be blotted from the face of tho earth by all the ingenuity and skill of men. But the true ministers of the Iruth will have to ?fortify themselves and combat the errors of infidelity that are even trying to creep in the very church ot' the Most High. With lightning speed do the errors and false teachings of men spread over the world. Men love falsehood, it seems, better than truth. What wickedness, what blackness, whs.t darkness, what corruption, what rotixness, what death lurks in the hearts of nen who seek to undermine the religion of Christ!?Com? monwealth. ? In boiling eggs don't boil them. Put them in boiling water and set the vessel on the hearth and let it remain seven or eight minutes. This will cook the egg clear through, just as it ought to be, without hardening the white near the shell. This hint is worth a barrel of eggs, except to those wretched mortals who take their eggs solid, and know no better. ? A bill before the Virginia legisla? ture requires all persons selling cigars to take out a state license, and be furnished with a Moffet register. Every time the dealer sells a cigar he turns the crank of the register, and at the end of each month he makes rath to the number of cigars sold, aud pays a tax of one cent on each cigar sold. ? The gubernatorial succession is being discussed in Texas. Gov. Hub bard, Hon. W. W. Lang, Hon. J. W. Throckmorton and Judge Devine are the most prominent candidates. ? "Fashion sometimes runs into sar? casm. Thus, for instance, the headiug of a marriage notice in one of exchanges reads: 'Rhea?Morse.' " THE CORBIN INVESTIGATION. Report of the Special Com nit tee to Ex? amine Into the Devious Transactions of j Mnnchaniicn Corbin. The committee appointed by a resolu? tion of tbe Senate of December 19,1877, "to investigate the conduct of David T. Corbin in his efforts to be elected to the United States Senate from this State on the 12th day of December, 1876, and if the said David T. Corbin was guilty of bribery of members of the General Assembly in said effort," ask leave to report that, in pursuance of the direction of the Senate, the committee commenced their work duriug the recesn. The com? mittee sent Mr. Corbin a summons and also an invitation to be present :.nd give his own testimony before ths committee, but declined to send him written inter? rogatories on the points to which tbe in? vestigation of the committee extended in pursuance of his request. He declined to attend, and sent to the committee certain printed statements published by himself. The letters and printed matter accompany this report and were submit? ted as a part thereof, so that Mr. Corbin may have tbe benefit of then. Among other things, Mr. Corbin says: "Wbeu Judge R. B. Carpenter enjoin? ed.the State Treasurer ana the Carolina National Bank from paying out the funds of tbe State according to la w, and the wheels of tbe government thus stopped, * * * * I loaned about twenty thou? sand dollars to F. L. Cardozo, State Treas? urer, to meet the immediate expenses of the State Government." Mr. Corbi.3 also says in tbe same printed statement,-after ad? mitting that he had held a large sum of money?$28,000?collected io a suit against a phosphate company. "I sub? mitted my account to the Comptroller General, and the same was credited and allowed by him, and I was authorized by him to retain the amount oit of the funds in my bands, collected in the above phosphate suit." The aciounts re? ferred to were claimed for fees in this phosphate suit and in a certain suit against the Savannah aud Charleston Railroad Company. It will be seen hereafter how much of this statement is confirmed bv the state? ments of other witnesses, and by tbe re? cords in tbe office of the Comptroller General and the State Treasurer. The last letter of the Comptroller Gen? eral of which a copy can be found in the office in reference to this subject, is a letter of Comptroller General T. C. Dunn, of 6th July, 1876, directed to Messrs. Corbin & Stone, of which firm David T. Corbin was a member. In this letter Mr. Dunn says: "I cannot deem it otherwise than my official duty to insist that yoa pay over to the State Treasurer all of the moneys collected by you from the South Carolina Phosphate Company, except the 62*- per cent, of the $5,984; and as from your letter of the 17th ult., you decline to do so for reasons therein stated, I shall feel obliged to appeal to the courts on behalf of the State. It appears from a letter on file of 3rd June, 1876, from Comptroller General Dunn to Corbin & Stone that the amounts collected by them from the Phosphate Company were $5,984, and $22,016, total $28,000. and that tbe sum admitted to be due to Corbin & Stone was only 62J per cent, of $5,984, and $325.50 for expenses, making a total of $4,065.50, thus leaving in the hands of Corbin & Stone $23,934.50, claimed to be tbe property of the Stale. If any con? sent was ever given by Comptroller Gen? eral Dunn for this money to be retained there is no record left in the office of any such transaction, and it could only hare been by some private arrangement, which formed a part of the plan thus formed to rob the State of her rights, and impose on the people a government not of their choice by using thisTund for corrupt and unlawful purposes. A letter to tbe present Treasurer, S. L. Leaphart, from Corbin & Stone, of June 4,1877, covers a check for $206.06 as the total balance due the State out of the $28,000 collected. It may be as well to state that tbe Attorney General some time before the appointment of this com? mittee had been instructed to commence suit to recover the money thus improper? ly withheld from the State by Corbin & Stone, and that Comptroller General Hagood has been obliged "to appeal to the Courts on behalf of the State. It is scarcely necessary to state that what is called the election of David T. Corbin to the United States Senate was made in the hall of the House of Repre? sentatives by certain Senators of South Carolina, and by a body known as tbe Mackey House, claiming to be tbe consti? tutional House of Representatives, while the true constitutional body, as held by tbe supreme judicial tribunal of the State, was assembled under the Speaker ship of Hon. W. H. Wallace in the Car? olina Hall, in tbe city of Columbia, while the Mackey House, under the pro? tection of the United States soldiers, held possession of the State House. The attention of the committee has been especially directed to ascertain if any and what means were used to influ? ence those who participated in the pre? tended election. In opposition to the statement of Mr. Corbin above referred to, the late Treas? urer, F. L. Cardozo, states in his ex? amination before the committee, that he borrowed from Mr. Corbin the money to pay tbe members of the Senate and the Mackey House; "that hn did pay all the members of the Mackey House and the Republican Senators;" that it was "an individual loan;" "that he did not pay out the money as Treasurer," and "made no entry on tbe books of the Treasurer's office, but took up tbe pay certificates of the members who were paid;" "that he turned over the certifi? cates to Mr. Corbin ;" "that, as Mr. Cor bin's agent, he subsequently made an effort to get the parties to refund the amounts paid them, but with very little success, and that David T. Corbin now holds these certificates as his individual property, and has made an effort to em? ploy distinguished counsel to press the payment of them by the State. He also states that the money was furnished seme week or ten days before, but not paid to bim until three or four days after the preteuded election, that it was not an official transaction, and that it was no secret; that he expected to bor? row the money, though he does not re? member that he told the source from which it was to come. In reference to the last statement of F. L. Cardozo, C. S. Minort, a member of tbe Mackey House, testifies?I under? stood him (Cardozo) to say that Corbin would lend him the money on the certifi? cates. G. H. Holland, a member of the Mackey House, testifies?We had a cau? cus aud Mr. Cardozo spoke; somebody brought up the pay matter and Cardozo said if we would hurry up and elect Cor? bin he would get us $200 of our salary ; and thinks Mr. Corbin was in the caucus during the whole time, and is positive he was there when Mr. Cardozo made the statement in his speech; and that statement made tbe members more firm for Mr. Corbin. S. J. Keith, a member of the Mackey House, testifies?Tl:at in voting for Mr. Corbin we would be able to obtain some LEGAL ADVERTISING.-We are compelled to require cash payment* for advertising ordered by Execatori, Administrators and other fiduciaries and here .rith append the ratea for the ordin?r/ notices, ?hlch will only be inserted when the money comes with the order: Citations, two insertions, - - ? $8.00 Estate Notices, three insertions, - - 2.00 Final Settlements, five insertions ? ? 3.00 TO CORRESPONDENTS?la order to receive attention, communications must be accompanied by the true name and address of the writer. Re? jected manuscripts will not be returned, unless the necessary stamps are furnished to repay the postage thereon. 93~ We are not responsible for the views and opinions of our correspondents. All communications should be addressed to "Ed? itors Intelligencer," and all checks, drafts, money orders, 6c, should be made payable to the order of E. B. MURRAY & CO., Anderson, S. C. pay; that through Mr. Corbin he (Car? dozo) could get money to pay the mem? bers $200 of their salary, and it was also urged by numbers of his friends. I say positively, on my oath, that it wan gene? rally understood among the members that if Mr. Corbin was elected we would get some money?$200 each of our salary, and if he was not elected we would not get any money at all; and Mr. Cardozo also urged, in my interview with him, that that was the only source from which he could get any money?there was none in the treasury. I would have voted for any other candidate under the same cir? cumstances. I was pretty hard up and I did not care who the candidate was if I got $200. That idea affected the whole of us. ?. R. Bardeen, acting at the time as Deputy United States Marshal, testi? fies?That he was a friend of Corbin's, and electionecrd for him, and that it was well known that if Mr. Corbin was elected he would aid the Treasurer to raise the money to pay off the members of the General Assembly $200 on their salary. I got my information from the Treasu? rer. I used that as an inducement for them to vote for Mr. Corbin; al?o that he had no conversation with Corbin about it, but got his information from the Treasurer. P. W. Jefferson, member of the Mack? ey House, testifies?I have no doubt that the fact that Mr. Corbin was going to loan the money was the reason of his election ; don't think he would have been elected without it; I think he was rather weak as a candidate until then; think Mr. Corbin's friends became very much more zealous after they knew they would be paid if he was elected; don't remember to have seen Corbin but twice before the election of Senator?both times in cau? cus meetings. E. W. M. Mackey, Speaker of the Mackey House, testifies?That it was generally believed that unless Mr. Cor? bin furnished the money there was no other way of paying the members at that time; I recollect having heard at the time, though I cannot now recall the source of my information, tbat Mr. Cor? bin held money belonging to the State to the amount of $20,000 derived from some phosphate company, which money, were he elected United" States Senator, be would pay over to the State Treasurer, Mr. Cardozo, but if he were not elected, he would retain possession of the money until the whole thing was settled. Most of the members were in very indigent circumstances, many of them being with? out a dollar, and but for the fact tbat they were informed that the only way to obtain their pay was to elect Mr. Corbin as Senator, I do not believe Mr. Corbin would have been elected, as he was not the most popular candidate. C. C. Bo wen testifies?The under? standing with all the members of the Legislature, Corbin and Cardozo, with reference to the election of Corbin to the United States Senate, was, that if he (Corbin) should be elected, the mem? bers of the Legislature were to receive $200 each; and if the election should not result in his favor, there would be no money to pay any one. It was spoken of by all parties for a week, and perhaps longer, prior to tbat. Corbin would not have received one-tenth part of the votes he did bad it not been for that an? nouncement. I regard the matter as a bribe, and so cnaracteized it before and after the election. Cardozo was very industrious as the friend of Cor? bin, and stated to the members that unless they voted for Corbin, they would not get any money. There is no doubt that if it had not been for that money Corbin would not have been elected to the position of United States Senator. Chamberlain also stated that Corbin would furnish the money if elected. Corbin was constantly present when the assurances were being made by his friends, and I am certain that he (Corbin) knew all about it. Mr. Corbin having stated that he fur? nished the money to F. L. Cardozo as Treasurer, and the latter having testified before the committee that in paying it out be acted as the agent of Mr. Corbin, the committee, in such an investigation as this, deemed *it legitimate to prove the declarations and acts of Cardozo in reference to the whole matter. Tho committee do not see how the state? ments can be reconciled on any theory creditable to the parties. Many of the witnesses examined do not seem to have "known anything ex? cept that the money was paid to them as members over the counter of the State Treasurer, F. L. Cardozo, pro? fessedly and to all appearances as an offi? cial act, and thus they may have been kept in the dark as to the true nature of the transaction. It appears to the committee that the following facts are established: That at the time of the pretended election for United States Senator, on 12th December, 1876, in which David T. Corbin claims to have been elected, bo held in control, as a member of the firm of Corbin & Stone, $23,934.50 collected for the State, and then, and now, claimed as the property of the State. That the said David T. Corbin ad? vanced about that sum to purchase tho pay certificates of the Republican Sena? tor's and members of the Mackey Hous; ?which pay certificates he then had transferred to himself and still holds as his own property. That subsequently hepaid over a small amount of $206.06 to the present Treas? urer?claiming the balance of the fund on some pretext as a debt due him 03 the State?leaving nothing on file in thj Treasurer's or Comptroller's offices tj show in what manner he could properl y appropriate to his own use so large a suti of money belonging to the State. Tbat this promise to purchase par certificates at par which were worthless i a the market and utterly without any legs I validity operated as a great inducemet t to many members of the Mackey Home to vote for Corbin, as they were in Co? lumbia without money and in circum? stances of great , need. That David T. Corbin did know thit this money was used for this purpose, and that this was done by his contriv? ance, and in accordance with his wishes. The committee bsve come to the con? clusion that if the facia be as tbey ap? pear to the committee, then there w is such a gratuity on the part of David T. Corbin to certain persona who were du ly elected members of the Legislatuie, though not then sitting in a legal as? sembly, given to influence their votes n the matter of the election of United States Senator to come before them, ;is to constitute a very grave offense against the statutes of this State, and against public policy and good morals. Your committee, therefore, recori rcend that all the evidence taken by the committee be turned over to the Attor? ney General, with instructions to h stitute such civil or criminal proceeding against said David T. Corbin, or both, is in his judgment the circumstances war? rant, to secure the rights of the State and vindicate the supremacy of the law. . The testimony taken and the letters aud statements of Mr. Corbin are here? with filed. Respectfully submitted. Jamjb N. Lipscomb, Chairman Committee.