Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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I x7fli ll BY E. B. MURRAY ? CO. ANDERSON, S. C., THURSDAY. SEPTEMBER 27, 1877. VOL: xiii-.-No.il. Hi TBS OF SUBSCRIPTIOK.-Tmo DOLLA*? i.rr .-.[ilium, and O.IB DoL'.AB for ?Ix months.* >jiiti* rlptloan are not taken for a lesi period . - - - L- ?anntkl. "i,* Ti e.-al duiuetloui wad G to club? r" t*P. *r, 111 )T0 >, '"iHrnlC t'-. ?.^TiW <^ ADVBIlTiailtQ.-O** Dollar per s I narc o! on? lach for th? drat Insertion,and Fifty Conta per Kinara forsubsequent Inscrtlonileesthan three raoutha. No advertisements count? leu "T.ibaraf contracta wlllbe madewUh tboM wishing to advertise for throe, lix or twelve months. A4 reruning by contract uiuat bo oeoflned to the Im me ii?te business of the arm or Individual contrae ""K- IR ., - ,. _ .. , l)5itnarj polices eaceeainir nv? linn, i riuuves df Kei|>cct. and all personal communications or m ?tiers of Individual interest, will be charged for at advertising ratea. Announcement* of marriage? and deaths, and notices ofa religious diameter,are r-'spectfullr solicited, and will beinaertcd gratia TENANTRY SYSTEM. An Essay Read Before the Summer Meeting of the ?Statt Grange at Anderton, 8. G., on the 10th of Auyust 1877, by lion, freddi Jut**, cf Roth HUI, ? G. In every age and in every country the labor question IMS been a subject of par amount importance ; upon its proper KP Hutton depends general prosperity. Since the abolition of slavery and the complete .disorganization of the labor system of thc Southern States, tho industries and agricultural interests of our people hove greatly suffered. But recent political events foreshadow the dawn of a new agricultural era in our State, and it be comes UK to maturely consider and settle by a combined wisdom this vexed and momentous question of labor iu all ita parts. In the discussion of that branch of labor known as tho "tenantry system," wo do not proposa to open the general subject of tho science of agriculture. The production of the greatest yield on the. smallest number of acres, and the economy of labor by the aid of machine ry, afford the most interesting and most important subject* of thought to the ag riculturist?. Tho history of thickly set tled communities, where necessity has been the mother of invention, will demon strate clearly the immense profits of high farming ; while tho experience of our own people since the war proves that small tracts of land, directed by intelli gent labor, have been cultivated with success. But the large planters have often been ruined by the effect* of dis organized, untutored and unmanageable lal or ; and the object of this essay, there fore, will be to endeavor to point out the safest and most practical plan of arrang ing and managing the labor on large tracts of land. Subsequent to the war tho planters of the South undertook? to employ largo ^bodies of laborers for portions of tho ?crop. They borrowed money at ruinous 'rates of interest and endeavored to man age and control this labor as they bad -done before the war by tho assertion of authority they could not maintain. i ucic rt?5 no pOtrCr tc coerce, no law to enforce obedience, the authority of the master had vanished, whiio the laborera, to whom were given shares of the crop, churned quasi rights over that interest, which they would not permit to be in vaded ; and besides these considerations, tho obligation to work from necessity was not felt by the laborers; the responsibil ity attendant upon their being thrown on their own resources for a livelihood was not appreciated ; the principle of being driven by interest and necessity was not thought of. Supplied during the year with provisions for their families, they were. disppointed cn the day of settle ment cw the end of the year, if it required I ?all their perilous of thc crop to pay back tho advances. The general result was dissatisfaction and failure. The employer a? well as the laborer did not then ap preciate the force of managing by meanB of interest. But experience hos taught us now that interest, not fear, is the great power which drives forward the world's industries. And this induces the observation that there are but two true theories in regard to regulating plantation labor-one is wL?n the laborer is kept constantly un der an intelligent supervision and direc tion, or, in other words, hired for wages ; the other, where the labor is thrown di rectly and entirely u'^on ' its own re sources, incurring its own risks, and managed mainly by the force of its own necessities, or, in ot lie.- words, OB tenants. These two systems ran be managed sepa rately or combined, according to circum stances ; and, in our opinion, the combi nation of the tenantry with the wages system a fiords the true theory upon which large tracts of land should bo cultivated. In the employment of hired labor we find many advantages. It is cheaper, we pay only for the labor actually performed, we can directoperations with greater facility, make improvements, economize time, and reap all the profits of the enterprise. This system is not only most profitable but most satisfactory. But the difficulty lies in its extension, while the want of capital so often forbids ita adoption. The cropping system, where the laborer receives a portion of the crop for his ser vices, has been found by experience to be most unwioldly and unsatisfactory ; abuse of stock, waste of time, difficulty of managing the labor, difficulty of hav ing general plantation work performed, difficulty of making improvements and repairs, difficulty to prevent the cropper from incurring more debt than his por tion justifies, are among the ill effects of a system, the introduction of which , , among the planters of our State since the war, we believe to be one of the bad re sults of that revolution. The general j poverty of onr people, want of money as well as want of experience, induced' the employer to accept oftentimes the terms of tho employed, and submit to all the attendant inconveniences and errors. To entrust a plantation to intelligent white 'abor ou ?h?fe? of the crop will some times prove a profitable investment ; but generally the partnership idea in farming is unwise and imperfect. To undertake, then, the cultivation of large areas of our unimproved land upon a -safe, economical and practical plan, ?nd thus make, these lands profitable, we are at a los? to devise a better mode than hy means of tenants to occupy aud culti vate all lands which cannot be tilled by hired labor^nd this brings us to en deavor to show the advantages and profits of the tenantry system. To do so, let us take an example. In many cases the tenant will give to tho land owner one third of his entire crop as rent. In all cases not less than one-third of grain and one-fourth of cotton. Suppose wo reduce this proportionate rent according to the practice of some of our planters, }o^a Btipulatea amount o? reuv, ur 2,C0C pounds of lint cotton to each tenant working ono horne, or in other words to a money value of $100. Without enter ing into particulars too minutely, we feel confident that this average estimate ia fully justified by experience. The pro duce this amount of ront^requires the actual use of twenty-five acres, but as one-half the land USUAIIV lies idle on mnmt rtlnntat inn? ?TA will (huill?n the amount of land employed and call it fifty acres. This property at $8 per acre, which we consider a fair average price of unimprovo lands, will be worth $400. In other words, we make 26 per cent inter est on the investment, while the only an nual expense incurred is a small amount for taxes, repairs, etc, to premises. So that when we consider bow much waste land there is, which could not be sold at the low price of $5 per acre, and when we take into consideration the gradual improvement of these farms, n.ndcr a ju dicious management, improvements in buildings, improvements by ditching, clearing or proper cultivation, and plant ing fruit trees, thus making these little home? more attractive and inviting, id creasing tho yield by proper advice and direction, and thereby increasing tho rents for the succeeding year, there will be seen a field of operation* which will insure a regular and safe income. The laws of South Carolina now euard and protect the interest of the land owners br giving priority to claims Torrent, while they consult the welfare of the tenants by thus encouraging the land owners to furnish them with permanent homes. Those who would wieh to reap the most satisfactory resulta from the operations of the system under discussion, must not expect to do so the first or even the sec ond yeer. Five years ago we undertook to settle a number of colored tenants on unimproved laud. They began by in curring heavy debts for stock provisions, etc. Some of them paid as fow AS one bale of cotton the first year. Most of them now pay easily 1,000 to 2,000 pounds each, and aie unencumbered with dobta ; while the lands and premkes have greatly improved in value, and the ten ants are comfortable and contented. We are aware that the experience of nany leads to the conclusion that tenanted land? deteriorate, from a want of proper management. 80 will all lands deterior ate from the same cante, but the enforce ment of rules as to rotation of crops, fer tilizing, etc., and a general attention and supervision on the part of the landlord, will obviate this objection with tenant labor in like manner as it will^with all other kinds of labor. The greatest difficulties in the way of establishing tbissyetem aro found in these two consid?rations-Grst, the poverty of our labor; and second, ita want of intel ligence and education. In regard to the latter objection, wo must endeavor to supply the deficiency by advice, as well as by example ; and as to the former, wo must lend a helping hand to the indus trious and deserving. The indirect ad vantages^ this system to the landlords j are numerous. In the first place, it set tles labor, makes it contented and satis fied. Whether tho tenant be white or colored, he becomes a fixture under this ay3tem. He rarely evinces any desire to change. His interest IB more closely bound and united to that of the land owner, and when properly treated, be comes an element of strength to the land owner in the control of the rest of his labor. My own experience teaches that tb in is peculiarly so with regard to the negro tenant. It affords the strongest in fluence to prevent strikes or demands for higher wages. Another result is that we thereby obtain command of labor ; every tenant has more or less labor to spare ; the young, active aud most efficient members of the family-these we can hire for wages, by the month, day, etc., and thus save both time and trouble in searching the country around when wc are pressed for hands. Moreover, it creates in the landlord a business centre, and thus opens lines of profitable trade. We make each land owner in good stand ing a medium between capital and labor, which affords not only great advantage: to the tenant, in giving to him direct".j the amount of credit he deserves ; bu! also insures to the land owner an easier and more active credit with capital. Tin difficulty the tenant meeta in giving so curity for advances mude to him we re cognize as a means of preventing tha use of money, w&ich otberwiso he mif?h have.. But if the planter would exercuu a shrewd judgment in the selection of hil teuauts, and adhere to the same businesi principles that actuates the merchant it making advances to his customers, thi difficulty can be obviated. Secura th? confidence of the tenant, and you cai handle his entire- crop, gin his cotton etc., and pay youraelr for all advance made ; and this, we claim is the practi cal working. Such a system, moreover, engrafu upon the soil of the State, affords th strongest means of preventing emigre iion. This subject ol' emigration is noi growing into one of great importance. We are not prepared to advance a def nite opinion as to how the negro as race is destined to live in our State ; nc are we willing to admit, like some, thr the ultimate good of our people will b subserved by his exodua. We hold th: the State wants labor, and we believe tl agricultural interests of the State wi suffer by any diminution of labor at ar time, but especially at this time. _ Fo eign?rs are noli accustomed to our climal or familiar with either our language, pr ductiona or cu&tomB, and if we should r ourselves of the labor wo now hove, v would have nu assurance of getting in: i adequate and equally os efficient supp in return. Tho native whites of 0 State can be more profitably encourage and employed, both for themselves well os lana owners as tenants, agents, partners. Tho immigrants we most wa are such as eau bring capital to our St? to purchase our lands. The kind of lab we need is that which is cheapest ; tb which can be easiest and best controlle that which can endure the hot suns the South ; that which is familiar wi our language and customs ; that whi is accustomed to the productions of c climate. These conditions wo find in t negro, who is here present with ua 1 only willing to work, but begging labor, and we believe the race ought bo encouraged to remain. The system proposed also has a poll cal significance. The neera has hopes and aspirations like other races people. If in a far less degree than 1 white race, still ho entertains the des to better his condition. If we underti any policy which consistently oppress; or make him too observient ana ho less, he will either emigrate or else re at the ballot-box. Let him see a pi peet of improvement, make him c tented by kind treatment, identify his terests with our own by affording a | manent home, and when the prcjud of tho past have been forgotten, as t will be, the negro tenant will be strongest ally ortho land owner. And we claim for this system e more importance as a political moas than as a means of winning the n< vote to the cause of good governm The white vote of South Carolina is 1 mrtra imnnrtftnt. If WO wish tO re this, if we wish to keep white li friendly to capital, we must offer indi ments and encouragements to the na whites. Many of thi* class are li' amongr* v.?, wcrtittS sn she~? of crop, without permanent homes, of times discouraged, discontented threatening to emigrate, and seek t fortunes iu other States. Let the owners improve tho tenants build and prendue?, mid invite honest ?n trious "white labor to lease th&se 1 farms., We beliovo the result wil mutual improvement. We will build up and settle the country 00 a 1 foundation, and thus either afford oj tunities for selling property hereafu remunerative prices ; or else engraft 1 the soil of South Carolina a plan of li that will be steadily profitable and during forever. In our opinion the rent should al be made payable either in money or ulated amor, o ta of produce. Then two strong reasons to support this It discourages dishonesty by reih the temptations, and makes tho bus capable of greater extension by sim] iug collections. The practice of le lands and then pay no attention \ ever to their cultivation does not j tho rrquiremonta of this business, ai j believe it entirely practical to ape I this system all the principles of farming. Thc system requires a constant and enlightened attention and supervis ion in order to injure to all parties the full proflU r . rewarde. Besides \ uany advantages direct as well aa indirect, heretofore enumerated, we believe it to be a necessity uuder the condition of affairs in our State. As a rule property cannot be sold, there is no money to purchase, while the land must be tilled tn some way. We believe in general immigration, aud this system en courages it. We are opposed lo in? emi gration of any portion or class of tho peo ple of the State, and this syotem discour ages that movement. '. In conclusion wo regret that wc are unable to give to this subject more con federation than simply an individual ex ?'v-jricnce. In oar opinion it affort'tf an easy, safe and practical plan of develop ing and thereby enhancing the value of the unimproved lands of our State ; it will bo fouud to bo a profitable mode of cultivation both to land owner and ten ant; it encourages a kinder relationship between capital and labor ; it tends to produce a wholesome political effect, and in its practical workings gives a proper command to labor which will advance the industries of our people and the good of our State. If we were endeavoring to engraft into our agricultural custom some new idea that was never before teated, we might advocate the adoption of thia system with less confidence ; but more remote far than even the period of tho discovery of this continent, are the laws in regard to landlord and tenant, and practical lessons in relation to this system eau bo learned from the earliest pages of English history, while we would fina in its practical results one of the great means which has gradually lcd to English wealth. The Little Moons of Marp. Mars has been repeatedly examined with tho most powerful telescopes tinder most favorable conditions. When near est to us he is about thirty-five millions of miles from the earth. Jupiter when nearest is eleven times farther from ns. So that if Mara bad a moon as lurg?, as the least of Jupiter's, or in other words, about as large as our own moon, it would .cok about one hundred and twenty-one times larger than the leant of Jupiter's moons. It would exceed that moon in brightness in a much greater degree, be cause Mara is much nearer to the sun than Jupiter is, and therefore receives much moro light. In fact, Mars receives about nine times as much light os Jupi ter. Thus a moon of his as large as oura would Hinno fully one thousand times as brightly as the least of Jupiter's. But the least of J?piteres moons can bo aecn in tho smallest ?telescope ever used for astronomical purposes. The telescopes which have been turned on Mars without finding any satellite are fullv two hundred times more powerful as light-gatherers than the smallest, so that a moon showing z ?*isc only 1-200,000 Snt of that which would be shown by a lartian moen as large as oura ought to be easily. seen in the largest astro nomical telescopes. From thia it follows that if Mara bas a moon whoso d?amete; is greater than about the four hundred and fiftieth part of our moon's, that moon ought no more to escape observation with the powerful telescopes directed upon Mars than the moonn of Jupiter escaped under the scrutiny of Galileo's tele scopes. But that is as much as to say that. Mare can have no moon more than five miles in diameter. Astonishing though this may seem, it will bo readily perceived to be just when we consider thar according to tho estimates of Mr. Stone, formerly a chief assistant at the Greenwich Observa tory, the diameters of some of the small est of tho minor planeta are less than ttventy mil?s ; and yet ihese, ihougu much farther away than Mara, have been detected with telescopes by no means the most powerful of those employed by as tronomers. In fact, some of the tele scopes turned upon Maro are altogether too large and cumbroua to be used ic searching for small planets. _ We do not know how large the two moons of Mara which have just been dis covered actually are. As yet we have only the news of their discovery, and that they travel at distances of about 13,800 and about 8,600 milea from the centre of Mara, in periods of about thirty hourn and about fifteen hours respective ly. But as a distance of 13,800 miles from the centre of Mara corresponds to a distance of more than 11,600 miles from hiB surface, or fully two and a halftimes bia diameter, there seems no reason why th? glare of thc planet itself should have concealed tho outer satellite, at least, fr. A view. We are compelled therefore to conclude that this satellite-and prob ably tho other also-must bo very small. We snail be surprised if it has a diameter [ of more than ten miles, and os we have i said, if it has a diameter of five miles it ought to have been discovered Bonner. ! London Spectator. j IMITATION MONEY.-A Washington j diupr' ii says: Many complaints huve reached the Treasury department that j merchants and business men in various Karts of the country have been in the ahit of printing business cards bearing such a close resemblance to the United States and national bank issues that many people have been deceived thereby, and quantities of it passed as good money by parties who have gathered a numbor of these cards. Some of the samples re ceived at the Secret Service Division here aro of a character to deeeive even obser vant persons, while they bear upon their face toe fact that they ace no*? really gen uine. These issues are all in violation of law. Section 6,430 of the revised stat utes forbids the engraving or printing of anything in tho impression or thc like ness of any United States obligation or other security, or any part thereof, except n rut AP thn nntlinrit.v of tho Sccretarv of the Treasury. The penalty ja a heavy fine and imprisonment. Marly indict ments have been found against persons on this account, and the department in tends now to prosecute to the full extent ?further offenses of this character aa a matter of protection to thr . immunity ; the poor and inore ignoran! members of which are very generally imposed upon. - Brigit*;*! Young's den*h was under discussion at au English dinner-party when iv young lady rather startled the guests by advancing a bold proposition that the principles of Mormonism should for the future be reversed* "The times," oho said, "are so bad, and fashions so ex ECOB?VC, that it ia absurd for one man to are four or five wivea ; whereas, if each woman bad four or five husbands, aee how much cheaper it would be for each husband and"-the point which seemed most to commend itself to her-"how much.,better wives could dress." - Many of the African kings boast of an unbroken succession in their families tor thousands of years. They are abso lute despots except when controlled by custom and religion, but in general their ?overninent is liberal and kind. Mo ammcdauism is professed, buttbc fetish (superstitions generally prevail, aud^be lief in witchcraft is general. . TUE DEATH OF THIERS. Its Probable Filect ou the Fut'irc of France. Letter IQ th? Ac tr York Tribune. LONDON, September 5. The news of M. Thiers' death, which occurred ut ten minutes past G on Monday afternoon, did not reach London till Tuesday morning. It was not generally known till about noon, when a second ec ition of cue of the morning papers announced it. Tho evening papers learned it soon enough to enablo them to publish, not merely tho biographies wi''ch had long since been prepared, but articles discussing tho immediate effect of this most unexpected event on tho political situation in France. This morning the death of M. Thiers, known to tho whole civilized world, is the topic which occupies every thoughtful mind in Europe. Thc Russians have taken Lo vat?, but if they had swopt ?very Turk out of Bulgaria, the i nil. .euee of such a performance upon the near political fu ture of Euglaud would have been less than the possible results flowing from the death of the great French statesman. I say this from no feeling of personal af fection for M. Thiers ; it is not an emo tional expression ; it is only the repeti tion of what is on everybody's lips. Friends and foes are agreed on the one point of the immense significance of tho event. It is realized as clearly abroad os in France; and iu overy country which has any close relations with France, any thing to hope or to fear from her, any interest in her welfare or her misfortune, thc deuth of her foremost citizen is either deplored as a calamity or welcomed v*fth a hideous glee. M. Thiers, during his lifetime, had many honors paid him, but the tributes of respect or of hatred called out by his death are greater than all the rest. When Cavour died, when Palmer* ston died, when Lincoln was murdered, each country felt ito own leis, perhaps, as heavily for the moment as that of Thiers is felt. But in no one of those cases was tho direct result so important as in this case it may provo to be. It is not too much to say that the security of the French Republic was bound up in the life of M. Thiers. Only six'weeks more, and ita most urgent peril waa passed. I hope and believe that the elections may still be carried by the Re publicans by LUI eh a majority ay shall be decisive. But while, with Thiers alive, such a result was as absolutely certain as a*:y future event can be, with Thiers uead the same perfect certainty can no longer exist, nor io there the same perfect security in the victory, if achieved. Tho doubt thus suddenly thrown upon a Question in tho right settlement of which all Europe has a concern, iu enough to explain the dismay which bas fallen upon the real friends of France throughout Europe. And not only upon her real friends as that phrase is commonly un derstood, but upon every country and i court which wants peuce and tranquility. I aud docs not want war and general con fusion. More than that ; M. Thiers was tho mo3t French of Frenchmen, and his admitted undisputed services to Franco have been beyond comparison greater than those of any living Frenchman. Yet, t i the clique of priestly conspirators who have got a temporary hold of the government pf France, his death, comes os the greatest of blessing."., whilo in Berlin there is no reason to doubt that it is sincerely regretted. Regretted for pre cisely thc sams re-ssou that it is regretted in Italy or in England-that it removes one great obstacle to the ascendency for which restless factions are Btriviug, and which, once gained, would inevitably bring France into collision with Germa ny or Italy, or both, and so kindle once more the flames of a European war. That such a disaster will be averted is, I repeat, ?tili probable ; but with such mo mentous issues pending, who can be con tent to exchange a certainty for a proba bility? And even iliac is only a narrow view, a most imperfect glimpse of the tremen dous consequences that may follow the disappearance of M. Thiers from the stage. Those of us who believe that the hope of Europe lies in the stead- growth of Republican ideas are those v. ho must deplore his death the most. The wreck of the French Republic would do more aud worse than bring war and disaster upon that one country. It would dis credit the Republican idea, discourage Republican effort all over Europe, and postpone to an indefinito but certainly distant future, not merely the triumph of Republican institutions, but the develop ment of freo popular institutions under governments still remaining monarchical in form, as in England. Thiers' idea of a republic was not that of Jefferson, if you .ike. It was incomplete, but it was probably the only conception of a re public which at this moment the French people were willing to accept. He had a clear eye, if not for what might be pos sible hereafter, for what was possible uow. lie thoroughly understood the political timidity and tho political ignor ance of the untaught majority of his own countryman. Ho announced the maxim, which for all French Republicans of a practical kind-for M. Gambetta first of all-hos passed into a political axiom ; that the Republic must be Conservative or it would not be. His accession to the Republican party outweighed every other adhesion and argument in its favor, for one decisive reason. He was not a Re publican by sentiment, by theory, by preference, or by personal interest, but a Republican because he had become con vinced that it was tho only settled form of government possiblo in the circum stances. Ho never concealed the fact that he would have restored tho mon archy if ho could. It was the final proof of his surpassing ability that he perceived the impossibility of putting either branch of the Royal family again on the throne. Few men in the history of the world, who have grown old under one set of ? UK!? auu lllnilluliuua, ii.nv; u??? ?w.C M* emancipate themselves, toward the closo of their lives, so far as to adopt and act upon a new and wholly different tot. I may remark, in passing, that the Grlean ists never forgave him. They hated him with a hatred that in men of stronger natures would have been ferocious, and that in them was venomous. I never had any relations with Thiers that would give rise to a feeling of personal loyalty to him. but when of late years I heard him talked of by Orleanisis, I aiwny? felt that I should like to walk out of the room. They believe that in 1872 be might have made the Comte de Pari? King, and be cause bo did not, believe he would not do it. They say he "betrayed" them. Their sole idea of duty was fidelity to a family, and they detested M. Thiers be cause when compelled to choose between the interests of tho Orleanists and the welfare of France, he was patriot enough to prefer his country. If I wero writing Thiers eulogy, which I am not, or were his historian, and de sired him to present tho best possible figure in history,**! should put aside everything he did before 1870. Not that be did not deserve the fame he had won before. He deserved it all. His aston ishing abilities have perhaps never been rated > high. As journalist, historian, orator, diplomatist, parliamentary leader, tactician, talker, politician, even states man in all bul tue highest sense, his rep utation was world-wide before 1870, and was genuine. But it is for his services to France that Thiers will be longest and most honorably .remembered, and his real nervioe? to Fi un co before 1870 hud been of a negative kind. To speak more plainly, he had done France more harm than good. To bim?, more than to any other man, was due the survival and per ?etuation of the Napoleonic superstition. Iis "History of the Consulate and Em p'w\" from beginning to end, is one long, unscrupulous panegyric on tho First Na poleon, which ?nly its consummate, lite rary art saves from wearisome fulsome ness. Its circulation surpassed every thing ?vor heard of in the annals of his torical literature. Nearly a million and a half volumes had boen soid within a ?ear after the work had been completed, t made the Second Empire possible, for the S^oond Empire was Duilt. in the be ginning, upon nothing but the memory of the First. M. Thiers must ever bear a large portion of tho responsibility of that great crime, and of the disaster which it finally brought upon France. His opposition to thc adventure of Princo Louis ; his arrest on the night of tho 2d of December; his long exile from public life; his return to it when parliamentary opposition became possible, and his pro test against the declaration of war in 1870, aro all to be set down to his credit. But they are hardly more than tho record of good intentions and unavailing efforts to undo some of the ill he had already done. To the same period belongs, also, his unhandsome opposition to the unity of Italy and Germany, and his champion ship of the temporal power of the Pope. His real greatness and the period of bis real usefulness to France begins after her disasters. His"'journeys over Europe in search of an ally for * rance were unsuc cessful, and so were his first efforts for an armistice; but his negotiations in 1871 eared something for his country ; and his work whilo Chief ot the Executive Power was on a scale which entitles him to have a place among European states men next after-with a long interval, no doubt-Prince Bismarck himself. His efforts toward the foundation of tho Re public are to be placed even higher than those by which tno debt to Germany was paid and tho soil of Franco freed from hostile occupation. It is tho fashion among Radicals-I have heard it in New ?ork as well as in Paris-to reproach i bim with the putting -down of the Coin- i muno, or rather witb the severity visited i upon the Communists. There was, per- i haps, Borne needless killing by thc troops, i but the perii was of a kind which not ! only justified but demanded a relentless I seventy. The lenBt suspicion of coin- i ni ici Ly with the Commune would have i been fatal to the Republic. The Com? i munists have not forgiven this any more < than the Orleanista forgave him a difler- i ent proof of the tame abiding principle -hi? devotion to hi? country; to the \ whole of his country, rather than a part . -nor than ibo Clericals forgave his re- i fuoAi to be the tool of the Ultramontanes, 1 whose cry is Rome first, France afterward. I M. Veuillot, the Ultramontane professor I of charity and. brotherly lovet intimates ; in his polite way that M. Thiers is now roasting in hell. "God did not leave him : time to die. Now see him, perhaps, I among those who wish they had never 1 lived I" The Bonapartiste bated him aa > a party of horse-jockeya and brigands i might wau* hate ino man who stood im- ? movably in their reckless path tn another j reign of plunder and oppression. But 1 the people of Franco believed in him, and trusted him. Here in England. < eulogy is cn every lip, and Borrow in all loyal hearts. I began this long letter meaning to cay something about his placo ; in English opinion, but I must content myself with saying thrt his old animosi- i ty to England, sna distrust c-nd jealousy cf her, has not alienated English respect for his character, or cooled English admi ration for his splendid abilities. The feeling of profound regret for his death, and, above all, for his death attbiecris'iB, is universal among those Englishmen and they are an immense majority-who wish voil to tho French Pepublic. G. W. S. How 1*05-1\ Cards are Made. The paper upon which postal cards aro printed comos in sheets about twenty-two inches by twenty-eight inches in size, and is packed ic boxes containing about 2,000 sheets, and weighing 630 pounds each. After the boxes are unpacked the first thing in order is the printing. This i<? done by two Hoo cylinder presses, each of which prints fifty cards at a sin gle impression. The printed sheets aro then placed in racks and allowed to dry for two days, in order to prevent any blotting or defacement. Now they are ready for the cutters, of which they aro three, at present. By the first, which is a rotary cutter, the sheets are divided crosswise in ten strips, containing four postal cards each. The sheets pass in through this machine aa rapidly as one cnn follow another. Tho Btripa aro then collected in packages of one hundred euch, Lue edges uro mude c&uctly even, and the packages are then placed on the iron tables of the cutters, which sever them in the opposite direction. Of these cutters there are two, both known os tho Cranst -1 "undercut." Ten packages of one h ..idred sheets each, after leaving the rotary cutter, aro placed in tho "un der-cut,"* a lever is pulled which sots the machinery in motion, and up comes a heavy knife with a diagonal motion, and there are four hnndred poaUl cards com plete in a twinkling. A bil of brass is removed, allowing the uncut packages lo be moved up a proper distance mule.- tho knife, and the process is repeated. The cards aro then taken in bunches conve nient to be handled, and the edges aro carefully brushed to remove all dust and "feather." They then pass into the hands of eighteen girls, by whom they are counted out iuto packages containing twenty-iiva carda euell. x nreuly pack ages are placed in pasteboard boxes, which again are packed in wooden boxes, containing from 1,000 to 26,000 cardo apiece. Tho presses uro now printing about 1,000,000 cards a dav. The contract re quires that 1,000,000 cards Bhall be mado in a day if the demand is so great. It is not expected that many visitors will enter the rooms in which the cards are made, but precautions are taken to prevent lu ? ?O?? or abstraction cf ci rd". Every Bheet printed ia reg5- l^red by the press, and the company is compelled to give an .veount of every ono. If a few cards **, it would cause considera ble trou A ..though the loss might be trifling. Any cards that ar? spoiM in the cutting, or defaced in any way, are retained and destroyed by the govern ment inspector. - Next month the people of Colorado are to decide whether they will-allow female suffrage The electors have been pretty thoroughly canvassed in public ; out .?o information is given of tho secret influence and inducements that may have boen used ta betray or color then judg ment. Aa Lucy Stone and rome of her companions are conducting the affirma? , ti ve crusade, there is a pretty fair chance ? that the grant will not be made. Letter Lom (Jen. M. C. Butler-An Emphatic Denial. /Vom thr OAumlia iUyliiW. It ia with great pleasure that wc elvo proininouce to the annexed letter from General M. C. Butler, Senator elec* frou* South Carolina, in reference to the slan derous allegations concerning his sup posed interference with tho prosecutions of ex-officials in this State, in tho most emphatic language, General Butler has set tho seal of condemnation upon the baso insinuat ions of thc New lork Sun corres|?onden, whoso solo aim and pur poso is to discredit every prominent man in South Ca-ul,na. IL is a lamentable feature of the times that so many persons, who at heart arc true to the atuso of De mocracy, seem ready to believe the slan ders and misrepresentations against pub lic men. But tho occasion which hos called forth this letter, and many other instant:- s which have como to our Knowl edge, convince us that thcro is e largo element of our population too ready and willing to accept inresponsible statements as to the motives and actions of their public servants. Doubtless this is true of other communities. Thc growth and continuance of such unworthy and un just suspicious deserve tho reprobation of all houest men, who would restore the public our y ice to tho purity and rectitude of our fathers. A persistence in this course will drive away from official sta tion men who are bast calculated to servo tho State, and will tend to bring to the surfaco a class of politicians who can only thrive upon tho downfall of others. Tho manly independence of General But 1er, in rebuking this improper spirit and maintaining the right to his own opin ions, is quito refreshing, although charac teristic of the man. Iiis devotion and fealty to tho State cannot be questioned by any one, and the exulted serviceof^ the past-no less than the just expecta tions of tho futuro-entitle him to th? unreserved confidence of every truo and loyal citizen of South Carolina. Tho letter is as follows: EDOBFIKUyS. C., Sent. 13, 1817. Capt. James N. Lipscomb, Chappell'* De pot, S. C.: MY DEA lt SIR--Your lotter of the 10th instant was received last night on my re turn from Aiken Court. You euclose a letter of September 2 from Charleston tc tho New York Sun, written, I presume, by tho correspondent of thut paper from Charleston, in which it is made to appear that I advised the discontinuance of the prosecutions against the Radical ox-otficinls, with sun dry other charges which I cannot repeat in detail. You say that tho reuding of this letter "produced a feeling of horror and dread throughout tho State, and many of your (my) most devoted political ind personal friends aro deeply exercised aver it," and beg mo to "brand it in the most public ana decided manner." I proceed to brand it by saying that whoever says, or intimates, or hints that l have advised tho discontinuance of thc mid prosecutions is a liar, and whoever believes it is a simpleton. Now, I think, the branding part has boon done, and for the publicity, I will have to depend upon "ou. This letter to tho Sun is written, as IJ ' \m informed, by a Radical ex-official of South Carolina, now living in Charles- ! ton, who got his position oy treachery, sustained himself while thcro by duplic ity, and having been ousted on account | of his imbecility and venality, now seeks to make a living by lying nnd slander, Tho letter which "you" enclose i?*a speci men of his capacity i.n that liuc, and ono copied in the Journal of Commerce, of the 12th instant, wherein ho refers to my. I having purchased a "State warrant," is another. I never before heard of such a paper as a "Staio warrant," such ns he describes, and tho statement is, thercforo, a He made of whole cloth. It is bad enough to be villified and tra- ! duced by Radical political traders, but! when one who has tried to do the best he could for the State and tho restoration of good government, and who feels that while ne does not pretend to havo beca entirely unselfish, yet he made some per- ' sonal sacrifices for the public good, has to be subjected to the suspicion of his friends, who ought to know that such statements are falso, is somewhat dis couraging. I do not deny that I have exerted my self earnestly to secure my scat in thc United States Senate. I have felt thnt it was ray duty to do so, but I have made no bargain.* to secure my elution, as you know, and shall make nono to get my seat. My being scated mc;- not help tho State in thc estimation of some, but thc seating of my competitor would no doubt bo regarded by till as a public calamity. If I am to succeed, I must bo allowed to do so in my own way. and not turned asido by avery lying scribbler, who sees fit to slander me ; if not, I had hotter abandon the field, and either let. Corbin take the scat or some other Richmond enter the field. I do not mean by this that I nm be yond or above criticism, but I do mean to say that suspicions and "dreads," based up- II such stuffs as that contained in the enclosed letter to the Sun, which is false in every essential particular KO far as :t relates to mc, is disgusting and ab ? surd, nhave had nc hing to uo with the ?rosecu lions of thd Radical ex-oflicials. t Ts not my brsincss, and I h.:ve pur risely avoided all connection with them, huvo expressed my t lunion to members.] of the committee and tc General Conner, the Attorney General, as to the manner of conducting thoso prosecutions, and shall exercise that privilege again when ever my judgment leads me to do so and those gentlemen are willing to hear me. I think the committee of investigation and the Attorney General have done well, and are entitled to the highest com mendations for their service, but I cer tainly have a right to an opinion. My being a Senator elect, surely docs not de prive mo of thi? If it docs, tho Senator elect mav go. and I will maintain my right, and if scurvy scribblers misrepre sent my opinions and actions, and friends suspect or doubt them, why I can only despise thc one and pity the other. You need not have apologized for hav ing written mo as you have. I should have felt hurt had you not dono?so with the information in your possession. I beg that you will give this letter what ever pubilicity you think the occasion rc ?aires. Thanking you for your kindness, am, very truly, your friend, ? ? . ? !>_..... .... JIL. * '. UUlbbl*| - When a Bulgarian male child is born it has a salt bath. From that time to his seventh year he is not washed un der pain of mortal sin. A Bulgarian fe male is allowed only one.washing during her lifetime.'* This is according to church ?tnci|Mtiio. The correspondent of tho New York Times at Russian headquarters declares that their filth is only surpassed by their cowardice. No wonder tho cleanly Turk despises them and their so-called religion. - Wbon you see a woman standing on a kitchen chair, looking up at a ragged hole in the plastering, while she holds a hammer in her right hand and her left thurn in her mouth, there is your chance for a candid opinion about tho nail works. LEON GAMBETTA. The Great Political Leader whom He Mahon baa Ordered to Prison. From l?t ~\irU F?garo. Leas than ten years ago I waa present ono morning at ono of tho police courts of Paris. ??. Vivien, a gentle-spirited. {mike man. was presiding. If tie had >een stern, ne would have not listened to tho bold speech of the then unknown lawyer, Gambetta. When his turn came to speak. Gambetta arose. I was struck by tho largeness of his robe. . Ile had selected at tho common vestiary, for ten cents, the largest one he could find, in order that ho might have the freest ac tion possible for gesturing. His long black huir, which had not then begun to tum gray, hung in disorder about, his broad shoulders. It was evident that no barber had touched his head that morn ing. His powerful neck roso out of a sh?i collar which fitted so loosely that his oreaat was partly d'scovcrcd. His head was thrown forward. His blind oyo was not discernible, bu* his profilo stood out clearly marked in strong lines. When ho spoku it was Uko the roil of thunder. His southern accent was marked, but not disagreeable. His man ner was emphatic, and he held ono's at tention. I nave forgotten what he said, but there remains tho impression of an orator filled with youthful vehemence, too verbose, but sonorous and possessed of passionate earnestness. On taking his scat, those who would not admit it to-day E[ave him a congratulatory shake of the land. Ho did not appear astonished at his reception. It was as if a fortune teller had foretold his success. Ho left the court room proudly conscious that ho hud made an impression. He took a cab, doubtless his first, and drove away. When Gambetta entered tho Assem bly, in 1869, ho created a great deal of curiosity. Peoplo went to seo him as tl.c-y would to see u lion tamer, thinking he would bo eaten up. But ?.hoy were disappointed. Gambetta held hw ground. When tho Empire had fallen, and Paris j was blockaded by thc Piussians, Gam betta, as minister of war, escaped from tho city by balloon. He landed at Tours. 3liortly afterward I called upon him. Ho was nutting up ut a lar-,o building which had been used us u college before tho war. It was about midnight when I called. After waiting about an hour in the aute-chambcr I was admitted into tho presence of tho Dictutor. He wu? ieated in a large easy chair beforo a fire, with both of his feet on the table. Ho received mo kiudly, but the only part of the conversation that I now remember ivas this parting remnrk of Gambetta: "I go to-morrow for the army of the Loire. I will meet you at Berlin." I mw him next day at the depot. He had in a largo great-coat. His hat was a poor adair, not at all in accord with his s?lices, though it bespoke his humble erigin. Ho Btood waiting for the train. Inc of his secretaries WUH with him, car rying his portfolio, whiio a servant was tinar by with an armful of wraps. He bowed as tho train moved off. I havo mown persons to become giddy by being suddenly elevated to power, but Oam j'jtta seems to grow cooler in proportion ia ho rises. At this period of Qambetta's ?rs-t elevation ho did not forget his friends. Evory one who over took a bot tle of wino or a glass of soda with him in Ibo Latin Quarter, when 'oe was a Bmall lawyer, got ah office. Tho fathor of one A Gambottn's friends told me one day thiB anecdote : The Dictator invited his ?on to Bup wi:h him. After tho soup bad I) eon removed, Gambella remarked: "I have only a little sub-prefect's position in tho South to offer you." After tho BOC md course ho continued : "No; you shall bc sub-prefect at Toulon." During the dessert ho aaid : "My friend, you shall bo prefect." To-day M. Gambetta rolls along rather j than walks. Ho hos becomo fut. His hair is getting gray. He still wears a nutty hut, tho only thing that ruinai ns the .ame after so muny vicissitudes. He live* in the aristocratic quarters, near the Champs Elysees, at 53 Rue do la Chauseo d'Antin. He never goes out unless ac companied bj two friends, like tho Bo man Consuls of old. In the streets per sons often turn to look nt bim, and if one bows Gambetta returns thc salute with an air prouder than u king, for ho does not smile. Gambetta was cut out to bc tho lead er of his party. He ha? an influence over his followers, derived from tho pres tige power always gives; and if they threaten revolt, he has the weight of his journal, La R?publique Francaise, and thc constant popularity of his name to crush them with. M. Gambetta appears in three roles, all of which contribute to his success. Ile is a man of the people, a Democratic Cosar, and the chief of a Srcat political pnrty. In thc Assembly lero are t./o Gambettas. Tho ono, swayed by his former habits oflife, in terrupts tho speakers, questions them, and shows a fearless und rough spirit of opposition.' The other appears in tho tri bune when ho rises to address tho Depu ties. This tribuno, which unnerves, eli cit cs and overawes so many speakers, calme, cools and quiets ' Gambetta. There he stands, with his head thrown forwud as usual. H? M not tho most re fined nature. His voice is more heavy than strong. When ho is pathetic it seems forced. His grating invectives irritate rather than destroy. Sometimes ho seem3 to lose himself in u kind of Honorons language, und in a curious bal ancing of hiB. sentences. Ho is not a master of irony, but is, perhaps, the first contemporary orator in thc Ass?ir.uly. His voice resounds sometimes as if it came through a mask of the ancient Ro man stage. Ho becomes vehement, and then tho tribune holds a great orator. Yot ho says only whnt he wishes to say. There aro two natur*1', in this speaker one, that of the cold politician ; another, that of the fiery orator. The lost is the obedient slavo of tho first. When M. Gam oct ia descends irom tho trimme, rest assured that the politician does not regret ono of the premeditated transport* of the orator. LONG WHIFFLETREES ON PLOUGHS -Most ploughmen have so long whiffle trees that it is often impracticable tc make any plough work satisfactorily, Excellent ploughs aro denounced ac worthless, and rejected, simply becaus*. tho double whiffletree or the ox yoke wai too iong. nut the ploughman never sus poets wherein consists the true cause ol the difficulty. Our own practice from boyhood has been to moko doublo whif fletrees for ploughing never more than two feet between tho points of attach/ ment of the singletrees, which were about twenty-three inches in length. When il was desirable to plough narrow furrow slices, thc singletrees were attached only 1 twenty-two inches apart. Let a plough man attempt to plough with a double ; tree aix feet in lengtb.and he will ivudity understand why a plough will ??-t run correctly when tho double-tree i-1<> . long Tho plough will ba drawn too fur fmin the furrow to the unploughed >nuiiid, unless tho ploughman make? M t-.oi-tuul ? effort to prevent the implement from eui ; ting, a furrow-alico wider than can b. properly turned over, ^ r^OAL^AD VBRTmirC.-Tt* ara compelled to and herewith append th? (atc* tor tba OHHUJ?? netto-, wmcn win onir M ?paervea when tho money oom?? with thoura? t rv Citation*, two li?eVtfone, - ' - . . ? #s.00 Estate Notice?, three lrmrUonu, . . 2.00 Final Bettlementa, five Insertion? > - ?4M IX) COBJtEdJmXDXN7B/~*-la order to receive fj??Syjn, communicstl'jn? must be Meow pan I ed JecteYmanuKrlpt? w?l?cot be ret ?rn'cd/?n lesa the nioaaaary fcUmpa are farnlabcd to repay tho poe ta?? thereon. Hf We are riot rcsponilble for tho vlewa and op?stons or eui co; i^mri?oul?. . All coinosBBleatJsas should bc addressed to"Sd .tora Intelligencer." sad all cheeki, dralle, money order?, Ac, should be mad? payable to tho order E. B. MU lt HAY A CO., ?.: _ Anderson,B. C. General News Saramarr. - Potatoes are so plenty in Kansas as to be hardly worth marketing. -T- Owning aud tilling tho soil, how cuer humble tho plot or limited the cap ital, ls the aim and pridu of all classes in Western Europe, - The grounds surrounding tho war monument at Berlin aro to be na /cd ??Uh stones from the several battle-fields of the Franco-Prussian war. ' - Von Moltke says that it is not yet possible to form any just estimate of the truo value of the German army, because it bas not been*beaten yet. - A colossal statue of tho late Andrew Johnson is to be set up us a monument to his memory near his old Tennessee home. It-is of white marble, and is be ing carved m Philadelphia. - The Oouit Circular says that many American belles, who have married French noblemen, have lived to repent their act, as they aro never cordially re ceived by the French aristocracy. m - The removal of the Southern Bap tist Theological Semiuary from Green ville, S. C., to Louisville, Ky., was effec ted during the summer. The Baptist, of Koiiiuoky have offered $300,000 to endow it. About sixty students have already entered. - Tho editor of tho New Orleans Democrat asserts that "the present hat ti-ja of Plevna aro of vastdmportanco to the civilized world." And yet a great Georgia statesman does not even "keep up" with the war in Europe nrid cares no moro about it than a dog fight. - Gen. Joe Johnston is credited with the statement that both sides were great ly demoralized after the first Bull Run battle, and that he now believes it would have been better for the South if tho North had won that battle, for in that event the war would have probably onded there. - Until lately it was not uncommon for the excited and delighted Cubans to throw doubloons in place of flowers to a favorite actress or danseuse, upon the stage. Miss Adelaide Phillipps was thus greeted at the Tacon Theatre on a cor taiu occasion ; so were Lola Montes and Jennie Lind. - The Presbyterian Church in Ireland has 5 synods, So presbyteries, ?f>9 congre gations, 639 ministers, 78,445 families, and 107,262 communicants. Tho austen- - tntion fund amounts to $122,000 ; tho total ministerial incomo for the past year was $513,000. The average salary of the ministers was $870. - Tho Grand Duke Nicholas allows no pilfering by tho troops under his com mand. Any offender detected is tried by court-martial and shot. So strictly is tho ordor obeyed that Gen. Zotoff him self had to do without chickens for some days because tho Bulgarians refused to sell him a fov, . for his private table. - A- machine has been invented in Now York, mounted on wagon wheels, which is intended for use on farms in the West. It deluges the ground behind it with smoke from burning chips and brim I stone, and holds ?ra smoke dows long i enough to suffocate evey potato bug, I locust and other insect that comes within i its influence. 1 - Senator Dawes, of Massachusetts, is represented to express approval of the President's* Southern policy, and to say that if it fails tho Republican party ought to take caro that tho couutry shall see that it fails because the Southern States are not prepared for such treat ment. Guess tho Sena' or need not fear on unit groUDii. - Tho Russian Birzhovuiya Vedomosti calculates in a recent issne that the war will by the autumn have cost Russia not less than 850,000,000 roubles, of which 282,000,000 are already gone (a rouble is about eighty cents.) Its expenses will almost necessarily keep Russia quiet for a good many years, a circumstance which, having regard to the Cazrewitz's known dislike of Germany and Germans, may not be without satisfaction to Bis marck, among others. ' - At tho final interview between Howard and Joseph, before tho latter toc k tho war path, Howard gave the Nus Perce the ultimatum of going upon tho reservation, as his land was wanted ; and - when Joseph, protesting that his tribe had ever been friendly with tho whites, and had kept tho peace in its ancestral . J__"l._I it._i. I. __VJ-.1 _" VaiIo/o, ut'Uuicu linn- ?IQ nuum uu> &u upon tho reservation, Howard replied that the Great futher in Washington "had soldiers enough to forco him on." Thereupon, it is said, the Indian an swered : "White man says what is not BO; white chief tells lifts." It was a shocking thing to say to the fraudulent Christian soldier ; but Joseph must now begin to think -it was just about true, that there are not enough soldiers to drive him on to the reservation. - A Ne?? York letter of Saturday says : "Tho merchants generally testify to sat isfactory business this week. As hereto fore noted, tho ani>e?<>onably warm weather has been a drawback to Borne lines that deal in whiter goods,.but apart from that, there is no complaint. To day there waa a Bteady movement in - nearly all makes of fall fabrica. Cottons Iwere in moderate request; prints quiet in first hands, but activo with lobbers. ? Rprnrrno's prints are reduced to six cents. G'inguams and dress goods are in better request, os likewise men's woollens. In hides and leather, boots and shoes, tobac j co and iron trades, there is a decidedly improved feeling. The last mentioned . cannot, indeed, bo said to be much more active than hos been, but merchants are much more confident of the future than ; they have Leen fdr somo time, and that is something." Gi ABS AND ITS PHENOMENA.-The elasticity of glass exceeds that of almost i all other bodies. If two glass balls are" made to strike each other at a given ieee, . tho recoil, by virtue of their elasticity, , will be nearly equal to their original im > petus. Connected with its brittleness are i some very singular facts. Take a hollow i sphere, wita a noie, ana stop tne note ; with the finger, so as to prevent the ex ( ternal and internal air from communica ting, and the sphere will fly to pieces by tho mere heat of the hand.. Vessels mode of glass, thai have been sudd nly \ cooled, possess the curious property of j being able to resist hard blows given to them from without, but wiU be instantly \ shivered by a small particle of flint ? dropped into their cavities. This prop erty seems to depoud upon tho compara ' ?t.*. thickness cf tbs botte*T. * the thicker p the bottom is, tne more certain of break age by this experiment. Some of these Teapots, it is stated, have resisted the [ stroke of a mallet given with sufficient , force to drive a nail into wood; and [ heavy bodies, such as musket balls, pieces ? of iron, bita of wood. jaspeT, stone, etc., have been cast into them from a haight '. of two or three feet without say effect. yet a fragment of flint not larger than a ', pea dropped from three inches nigh, has . made them fly. As tho perfection of entirety'idopeuda i upon tho perfection of min utim. so no . ono can hope for robust health of the en i tire system if tho blood should become . in the least impure. Ita standard of Surity ls best maintained by the use of fc, Bull's Blood Mixture.