The Anderson intelligencer. (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, November 02, 1876, Image 1

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BY HOYT & CO. ANDERSON, S. C, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 2, 1876._ VOL. XII--NO. 16 RATES OF SUBSCRIPTION.?Tito Dollars |fel?ni\um,apaTjj{yTJbLLAB.for six months. . liberal deductions made to clubs of ten or Tiore subscribers; . . - b'W a - SATES OF ABVERTISING.?Or.e Dollar per square oi one inch for the first insertion, and Fflty Cents per square for subsequent insertions less than tSSSr^t^""'- N? adTe*ti**ime.,lt8 counted less .^^^l^pnirwts^riiil be madejirith those wishing <0*5v?rwse for three, sir or twelve months. Ad? vertising by contract must b? confined to the im? mediate business of the firm or individual contrac? ting. ,y vo Obituary Notices exceeding five lines, Tributes of Respect, and all personal communications or matters .of individual interest. wDl be charged for n-t advertising rates. Announcements of marriages and deaths, and n?UMB3Jfrteligious character, are respectfallT solicited; and Ttm be inserted gratis. THE SONG OF THE BLOODY SHIRT. Dedicated to Governor Chamberlain by a Charlestonian. r- - ers weary and worn, or sat' in ungovemed rage, ^JK^p.nigEdead. Ttm]"vrVtS\ Writer 1 For "outrages" on the alert, fie sang, with a voice of delorous pitch, The Song of the Bloody Shirt. Write 1 write! write! While the cock is crowing aloof; .'Andwrite! write! write! Full fourteen columns of proof. "It'soh! to be a slave. Along with the barbarous Turk, And to die my own political grave If nothing comes of this work. Lie! lie! lie! Till the brain begins to swim; Lie! lie! lie! Till the eyes are heavy and dim. Barnwell and Aiken and Hamburg, Hamburg,-Barn well and Aiken, Till I get upja-plausible lie at last, . Unless I .be much mistaken .. Oh! men with sisters dear, Oh j MerjLwith-jnothers and wives, It is nbtpauer-he's wearing out, ^But^^a^^j?itience and lives. As tb^^flpfrom. his pen doth squirt, BntCbaajfe^rlain sews with a double thread | A shjc?^aa^^ll as a shirt. But why da I talk of a shroud, When I know it is not for me ? I have no fear of its" terrible shape, F?fifs madeforhim, I see. It's made for hini,T see, Because of the- lies be tells, Oh. Gfod! to tbink that in human heart Such devilish folly dwells. Lie! lie! lie! His labjorrdoes.not abate, And what-are its wage ? The negro vote And the'white man's endless hate, Defeat at thepolls in November next, A name' forever disgraced, And a character blotted: with such a stain As never can be erased. Lie! lie! lie! And issue yonr proclamation: Lie! Be! He! And repeat false- declarations; Disband the rifle clubs ; The rifle clubs disband, ' But the sword of justiceshall strike you down ? With an all-avenging hand Write! write! write! And scatter your lies abroad, And write! write! write! A tissue of falsehood and fraud, While underneath these statements false, The rays of truth will pe6p, Asyour own "judges" sweep away The harvest you fain would reap. Oh! but to breathe the breath Of truth and justice and peace, With Hampton at the helm of State, When all our woes shall cease. To escape this living death, And feel as we used to feel, . When black nor white knew the woes of ' want, Or the frauds which cost a meal. ?h! for that blessed time When our State shall be redeemed, The time pfwbich/or jnany a year "A' people oppressed have dreamed. That time should come to ease our hearts, Though our rifle clubs disband, For In sold phalanx still 1 uy Hampton we will stand. ?With fingers weary and worn, With eyelids heavy and red, A Governor sat in-ungoverned rage, Writing till well nigh dead Write! write! write! For "outrages" on the alert, . , .-fie sang with a voice of dolorous pitch, '' In ? tone to convince neither poor nor rich, The Song of the Bloody Shirt. The German Fusiliers?A Change of Front The German Fusiliers is one of the oldest boti 3 of citizen soldiery in the country, andTast year* celebrated its one hundredth anniversary. The Fusiliers sealed with their blood their devotion to the cause of the Colonies in 1776, and from that time to the present the corps has been held hi honor and respect. The FusiIiersf*h?tMav, borrowed some rifles frofA1 the Stale. They are now di re<^ro^urn?. these arms to the Chief of Police" in'Charleston, and their com? manding offic^wsf eque3ted to inform Go v. Chamberlain whether the German Fu? siliers still exists- as. an organization or not. The^F-usHiers are Democrats to a man, and a letter requiring them to sur? render the rifles, and to'say whether they are still in existence,' comes from Gov? ernor Chamberlain. : When the Fusiliers celebrated their one hundredth anniversary, Governor Chamberlain was invited to be present and to respond to the sentiment, "The* State of South Carolina." His letter acknowledgi.n^tl^compliment is printed elsewhere. Jn that letter he says that he appreciateltftfre "botfor very highly, and specially regrets, to be unable to attend ; fa?'^coveted the honor of helping to open the series of Centennial celebra? tions which South Carolina will institute in. memory of her Revolutionary heroes and history." In such words he ad? dressed an organization that, if unlawful at all, was as unlawful then as it is now; an.organization which is denounced, with every other similar body, as "engaged in pruuiutiug illegal objects, and in com? mitting open acts of lawlessness and vio? lence, This organization, by reason of Governor Chamberlain's misrepresenta? tions, is by the President declared "to ride up and down by day and night in arms, murdering some peaceable citizens and intimidating others." What a fall? ing off is here! The Fusiliers are what they always have been. They deserve every honorable word that Governor CKajpaberlajn spoke of . them, and yet, to serve a political purpose, he brands them as rioters and assassins. In his letter to the Fusiliers, Governor Chamberlain also said : "Every man is my political friend whose honest purpose is to give peace and prosperity to South Carolina." "Every man'is my political foe who would* for any cause, stay or tfejjn ,back the returning tide which is tfelring these blessings to our people." This is as little in keeping with his pres? ent position, as his letter is with bis acts. Governor, Chamberlain,whatever bis own intentions, is the. leader, of the Elliotts and Whittemores and Bowens, who are desperately struggling to defeat the men whose "honest purpose is to give peace and prosperity to South Carolina." They TOOiriheltmated as bis friends a year ?rfbjjaftjdBwn'o are at all times the friends of good go vernm en t an d peace, are no long? er worthy, in his sight, to maintain an or? ganization whose history is written in shining letters in the annals of American freedom. -a ffktj >&ua?jps make no.? resistance to Soy lalvrarcfrde'r*, however arbitrary, but through them, as representatives of Ger? man integrity, manliness and fortitude, every Gern&n'i? trie United States is in? jured and scorned.?News and Courier. ^ ?s the trial of .a breach-of-prouiise suit was about to begin in Sau Francisco, a juror.a.rosc and asked to be excused be? cause he was engaged to be married, and con?equen^hls'mifi.d was not free from brasV:''Se was excused. A REMARKABLE POLITICAL MEET? ING. The Notorious Judge Whipper Speaking on the Invitation of Democrats?Riotous Demonstra? tions by Colored Republicans. Columbia, S. C., Oct. 18,1876. Of all the public meetings which have been held in this State during the pres? ent political campaign, no other has per? haps excited so much interest, or was so full of significance, as that which took place in Colombia last night. When I state that the notorious W. J. Whipper (the corrupt negro politician who was elected Judge of the most important cir? cuit in the Stale at the same time with the not less notorious F. J. Moses, Jr., and whose joint election has perhaps caused more excitement here and more attention abroad than all the other doubt? ful experiments of bis party in the State,) was present, and invited by the Demo? cratic Committee to divide time and speak on the issues of the day as viewed from his political standpoint, the full import of the sceue may be appreciated. The meeting was an impromptu affair. Judge T. J. Mackey, who had just re? turned from a visit to New York, was invited to deliver an address, and notice had been given early in the day of his intention to do so. He failed to make the necessary railroad connections, how? ever, and did not arrive at the hour ap Eointed. As a large crowd had assera led in front of the hotel for the purpose of hearing him it was determined to in? vite other leading gentlemen to take ms place, and in accordance with this plan Colonel J. G. Gibt?, D. Wyatt Aiken (Democratic candidate for Congressman from this district,) and Colonel J. G. Bacon delivered stirring addresses in be? half of General Hampton. Despite the usual and standing orders of their lead era to the contrary, a large crowd of ne? groes had also assembled, and listened to these speakers in quiet and without in? terruption. Passing over this part of the proceedings as of" no special interest I come at Once to the feature of the occa? sion. The chairman of the meeting an? nounced on behalf of the Democrats that they were willing, and even anxious, to hear from the other side, and invited them to put up any one they desired to hear, assnring them of a respectful hear? ing so far as the whites were concerned. W. J. Whipper, who happened to be in town attending the sitting of the Supreme Court, which had the matter of his elec? tion under consideration all day, was present, and was at once loudly called for by his partisans, who were informed that he desired to speak. No more ob? jectionable selection could have been made, as no man in the Republican par? ty has said more or done more to com? mend himself to the hostility of the whites. He has counselled violence of every description and on every occasion, and has come to be regarded as the most bit? ter and incendiary speaker of his party in the State, not even excepting his great* colored rival Elliott, or his white antago? nist Chamberlain. I meution these well known facts incidentally to indicate the feeling which animated the whites in the crowd of his hearers. Notwithstanding this sentiment, however, and notwith? standing the fact that his speech was . t bold, denunciatory and aggres site in tone, he was given a respectful hearing with bnt one or two exceptions, on the part of individuals who challenged his statements or accepted his own oft re? peated challenge to disprove their accu? racy. His speech was in large part a rehash of Ingersoll's charges against the Democratic party. He said that it was responsible for all the ills of the war and for the million graves which had been filled between 1861 and 1864. He charged the whites of the- State with de? liberate massacre of unoffending negroes at Hamburg, Aiken and Ellenton, and in every county of the State. He glori? fied in the burning of columbia, and said the Democrats were responsible for it, as, in short, for every disturbance ?all the suffering and corruption, pover? ty and want?which now afflicts the peo? ple. He claimed lor the Republican party of the State that it had freed the negro and the poor whites alike, and con? tinued, for perhaps an hour, in a strain which, while it elicited frequent demon? strations of applause by reason of its re? peated appeals to the passions of his col? ored hearers, could not fail to excite cor? responding feelings of indignation ou the part of the whites. He was once or twice ordered by individuals in the crowd to "come down," but these demands were met by the chairman of the meeting with requests that he would speak as long and freely as he pleased and with renewed assurances that he could do so in safety, and he only concluded when he had ex? hausted his material. In the midst of his speech an incident occurred significant of the feeling of sus? picion and enmity which animated both himself and his followers. His voice giving evidence of weariness after a half hour's exertion, a gentleman near the stand politely offered the speaker a glass of water from the pitcher used by the gentleman who bad preceded him. Cries at once arose from a score of dusky throats, "Don't touch it, don't touch it I" "They want to poison you I" &c, &c. He was cunning enough to pretend to accept their suspicions as well grounded, and, though standing greatly in need of the refreshment, refused to accept it. When he had finished his address he was assisted from the stand by white Demo? crats, woo also assisted him in donning his overcoat, and was escorted to the sa? loon of the hotel and there "treated" to refreshments of a stronger kind, which he accepted. In lieu of further remark of my own I quote, as follows,. from the ] Union-Herald (Republican,) of this place, j as to his treatment throughout the even- j ing: "Mr. Whipper made a powerful speech, in which it was evident he won the sym-! pathies of every one of his race present to his cause. It is due to the Democrats present to say that notwithstanding the terrible arraignment Mr. Whipper made against their party they behaved like gentlemen and gave him a patient and an attentive hearing." With his speech all order ended. Mr. C. F. Jenney (white) rose to reply to him, and then ensued a scene which de? fies description and which at one time threatened to end in a riot. Mr. Janney attempted to speak, and began his argument by accepting Whip peps challenge to lay his finger upon any corrupt act of his (Whipper's) life which would disqualify him from acting as Judge. What followed I will dispose of as briefly as possible, as there was no order or sequence in the proceedings owing to the confusion which prevailed. ; Mr. Janney at the outset stated that he could prove that Whipper had been , bribed t>y a witness who was at hand. I Whipper and the other crowd vociferous? ly demanded the proof to be produced, and Mr. Janney replied by calling at once upon the witness, a well-to-do far raer from a, neighboring county, who, having ascended the stan-;, raised his hand and testified that he himself had paid the pseudo Judge, at that time a member of the Genera! Assembly of this State, THE SUM OF FIFTY DOLLARS to secure his vote and influence for the purpose of obtaining the repeal' of the charter of a certain ferry, the interests of which were opposed to those of his own on account of its proximity. Names and dates were given, with other corrob? orating circumstances unnecessary to be repeated here. This expose created a marked sensation in the crowd, which Whipper desired to counteract, and de? manded then and there the right to reply. This was refused, whereupon he declared he would be heard, and attempted to in? terrupt the.speaker by harranguing the crowd in his immediate neighborhood. A scene of indescribable confusion re? sulted, the throng being swayed to and fro in its excited mood and cries and shouts of various purport rending the air on all sides. The excitement ran so high that the Democratic speaker called upon the Chief of Police and United States officers present to preserve order, declaring emphatically that if they did not the whites who bad called the meeting would do so for themselves. This threat, and the fact that five or six drunken negroes who had been particularly boisterous were immediately arrested by the colored policemen and hurried off to the guard bouse, bad some effect in quieting the disturbance, and the speaker attempted to proceed in his reply to Wbipper's argument. THE DEVIL OF DISORDER was up, however, and could not be laid, and for the next hour and a half the meeting was characterized by ineffectual attempts to be heard and preserve order on the one side and by whoops and yells of interruption and irrelevant inquiry on the other. Mr. Jauney finally gave up the contest, aud Adjutant General Purvis (colored) was called upon by the negroes to take his place. . At this point the Chief of Police inter? fered, and, appearing on the stand, an? nounced that as he had found it impossi? ble to preserve order, aud as many of the crowd were already drunk or fast becom? ing so, and as the numerous arrests already made seemed to have little or no effect in deterring others from creating a disturbance, he felt it his duty to ac? cede to a request just made by several peaceable citizens, and order the meeting to disperse. This was at midnight, and the curtain fell upon the only scene which has come under my observation of a disorderly public meeting in South Carolina. Your readers are left to judge who exercised most forbearance and who were the dic-turbers of the peace. The meeting was called by Democrats for the purpose of hearing a Republican judge, and was broken up by negro rioters. A Danger Ahead?Counting the Electo? ral Yote. It does not seem to be generally known that there is no provision, constitutional or legal, which disposes of questions con? nected with the counting of the electoral vote. The electors meet at their respec? tive State Capitols on the first Wednes? day of December of the year in which they are elected, vote by ballot for Presi? dent and Vice-President, and transmit a record of their votes to the President of the United States Senate. A law of Congress piovides that the electoral vote shall be counted by the two houses, in joint session, on the second Wednesday in February next succeeding the meeting of the electors of Pr?sident and Vice President. But there is no present mode of determining, by joint action, whether the vote of any particular State shall be received or rejected. What has been known as the Twenty second joint rule met this difficulty, and by it the counting has been governed for the last three Presidential elections. Un? der this rule, when the two houses as? semble to count the vote, as soon as any objection is made to the vote of any State for informality or any other reason, [ the housed separate to vote on the objec | tion, each in its own chamber; and if [ either House objects to the counting of I the vote, the vote of the State objected to is thrown out. Owing to a lack of concert of action between the two Houses last winter, no joint rules were adopted^ i The Senate adopted the joint rules, ex? cept the Twenty-second, and the House j did not concur. The House suspended the Sixteenth and Seventeenth joint rules, and the Senate returned the resolution with the statement that, as the House has not notified the Senate of the adop? tion of joint rules for the session, there were no joint rules in force. In case of disagreement about the count, there is, therefore no tribunal, at present constitu? ted, to decide the question. The whole power "3 virtually in the hands of the President of the Senate, at present, but the two houses can, of course, adopt joint rules next winter. There is no likelihood, however, that the Repub? lican Senate will agree to any rule that gives the Democratic House the power to reject the vote of a State, and ^n like manner the House will not consent to give that power to the Senate. These facts and suggestions were brought out in the debate in the Senate last spring on the bill introduced by Senator Morton. He prepared an Act of Congress accord? ing to which, in the case of a sin? gle disputed return from any State, the vote should not be thrown out unless by agreement of both Houses, while in the case of double sets of returns either House might reject the vote of the State. In the course of the debate it was sug? gested that, as there was no final arbiter, the country might one of these days find itself involved in a civil war on the ques? tion of who is elected President. When the electoral votes were couutcd in Feb? ruary, 1873, objections, for different rea? sons, were made to receiving the vote of Georgia, Mississippi, Texas, Arkansas and Louisiana, In the case of five votes of Georgia the objection was that the candidate for whom they were cast were dead. The objections in the other cases were on the score of informality or irr regularity. Each house, under the Twen? ty-second rule, considered the objections. The Senate voted to count the vote of Georgia, Mississippi, Texas and Louisi? ana, and.not to count the vote oT Arkan? sas. The House concurred.as to Missis? sippi and Texas, and did not concur as to Georgia, (5) votes of which States were, therefore, not voted. Very little attention was paid to this, at the time' because the vote for President Grant was overwhelming ' but if the election had been close, the exclusion of the votes of these States might have changed its whole character. The House, in tbo ab? sence of a joint rule, has no means of making effective its opposition to, or sup ort of, the reception of the vote/of any t?te; while, if the acting Vice-Presi? dent should refuse to count the vote of any State, and he is a bitter partisan, what remedy has the House or the coun? try??Nexoe qtnd Courier. ? All a geographical mistake on Grant's part. Those troops were wanted iu.Indiana, not South Carolina. Congratulatory Address of the National Democratic Committee to the People of the United States. Fellow-Citizens : We congratulate you as patriots, as partakers with us in the common destiny of American free? men, upon the result of the October State elections. We rejoice . in the victory which the people's ballots have-bestowed upon the friends of reform, in the valley ot the Ohio, where the Republican hosts had an overwhelming ascendency in every Presidential election since 1856. We rejoice in the assurance these elec? tions convey that your ballots will bestow decisive majorities to the allied forces of Democracy and Reform in the November elections throughout the Union. But we rejoice not as partizans; we rejoice with you as fellow-citizens. And when the decision of. .this week of one million of voters along the valley of the Ohio shall be ratified next month by the fiat of eight million voters through? out the whole Republic, we shall still rejoice, chiefly for the reason that not one of its citizens can miss of an equal share with us who are Democrats, in the political peace and good will which will then and there be established among all sections, races, classes and conditions of men, and in the prosperity of which political peace, based on equal rights and fraternal good will in the first condition. Upon the three States of West Vir? ginia, Ohio and Indiana, were concen? trated all the influence of the administra? tion, all- their efforts, and all the vast sums of money forced from the one hun? dred thousand office-holders of the party in power. These were fearful odds, not again to be contended against so concentrated; for in the November elections the contest will be in every one of the thirty-eight States upon the same day. Nevertheless, against these odds the Democrats and reformers of West Vir? ginia and Indiana have been victorious, and in Ohio they have all but rescued a State hitherto deemed hopeless, and have created an assurance of victory in No? vember. If it fall to our lot as a National Dem? ocratic Committee to congratulate the people of the Union upon this victory in the first battle of the campaign, it is only because.Deraocrats have been honored to be the leaders.of the people in the work of national regeneration. . The victory won, the''victory still to be won, will* be a deliverance as much to Republicans as to Democrats. The patriotic masses of the Republican party may be thankful that the misdeeds of their unworthy leaders have been re? buked and are to be arrested. The suf? fering whites of the South may lift up their heads to greet the dawn of a better day for them .as well as tbe nation at large. The colored citizen may share the general joy that he will soon cease to be the stock in trade of corrupt politicians, but shall enjoy his rightful liberties and his equality before the law amid univer? sal good will. " As for the Reform Democracy, to whose standard victory has been tied, with all her g?r lands on, it-only remains for them to welcome every ally, every friend, close up the ranks and press on, shoulder to shoulder, under the banner and with the one watchword reform. Fellow-citizens, peace between all the sections; prosperity in all of our homes; of these you have for years been de? prived by the mistaken solicitudes of pa? triotic Republicans, played upon by sel? fish and corrupt leaders, who have kept fanning the dying embers of civil strife in order to. escape inspection of the trusts which they have betrayed. For eleven years you have had the name of peace. At no time have you had the substance of peace. In lieu thereof you had the grinding taxation and wastful expenditure of war. Just before, every election every year you have had the preaching of a new crusade against a section utterly defeated in war, and anxious only to be completely recon? ciled in peace; - For eleven years the power of the men who have seized away the control of their party from tbe hands of its statesmen and founders has been supreme in almost every department of the Federal Govern? ment. Discarding the hope, of prolonging their domination by beneficent public measures, they have created and trafficked upon public calamities* ( The policy they have adopted has been worked out. Its failure has been absolute. In place of past performances these same corrupt and selfish leaders now proffer promises already broken as their titles to further trust. Having prostrated our manifold indus? tries by the vast aggregates and the worst methods of federal taxation they now again solicit your confidence as the in? struments of retrenchmentand reform. Having debauched the public service, and having just nosf, in the face of open day, assessed their army of one hundred thousand office-holders?the people's ser? vants?paid by the people's taxes?in order to create immense corruption funds to frustrate the people's will, they now profess to be the champions, of civil ser? vice reform. Having imposed upon the, Southern States the rapacity, fraud and plunder of the carpet-bag governments, having almost ruined the prosperity of the South, having created terror, uncer? tainty and confusionJn all the productive: industries''of the South," which furnish most of the exports of our whole country, keep in motion the commerce and manu? factories of the North and East, and furnish a; market for the agricultural pro? ducts of the West, they now propose, by reuewal of the same fatal policy, .to pro? long their own power in hope of conceal? ing their misdeeds, and for this purpose they do not hesitate to renew the cry of intolerance; to revive the dying memo? ries of fraternal strife, and to appeal to the fears and prejudices of the timid and ignorant. Fellow-citizens, these men and their measures have been completely tried and have completely failed. An oppressive taxation, an exhausted South, an impov? erished North, a fluctuating currency, the enterprise of an industrious people locked/fast in the paralysis of hara times ?such is the outcopie of their political policy, such are the achievments of their long supremacy. Your ballots in No? vember can alone dictate a change of measures and a change of men. Shall not the uprising of patriotism along the valley of the Ohio go on to a complete and beneficial revolution in the adminis? tration of the government of the United States? Will you not, by the voice of over? whelming majorities at the polls, proclaim your invincible faith, after all tliesd years' of corruption and passion, in the high immortal principles of government by the people, for the people, in simple lion esty auastrict economy, as the supreme, wisdom of ;public.policy, in justice as the mother of.power, and in civil freedom as; the be-all and the .end-all of a true Re? publican nationality? 'Will you not build'up a newiJprosperi? ty for all the peopfe, on the old. founda? tion of American self-goverhrhentj oti peace, reconciliation and j fraternity be-1 tween all sections, all classes ana all races embraced within our Systems of American commonwealths; on frngality and economy in all governments; on honesty and purity of administration,' and having lost your prosperity through governmental misrule, regain that pros? perity through governmental reform? We commit this great issue to the intel? ligence and conscience of the American people, with an unfaltering trust in the wisdom and justice of their decision. .. AMOS S. HEWITT, Chm'n. Frederick 0. Prince, Sec. New York, October 13, 1876 THE PEACEFUL REVOLUTION. The Cause of Reform ts Marching On, Conquering and to Conquer. Washington, October 22,1876. The gloom and despondency which settled on the Republican managers after the full returns from Ohio and Indiana, still continue, and the desperate efforts to throw off this feeling and to replace it with hope have signally failed. Instead of improving it has become more and more confirmed. Chandler finds himself in the condition of a commander who staked, a whole campaign on the fate of a single battle, and came out of it with a broken and demoralized army, much inclined to revolt, without dis? cipline, and nearly without ammunition. Nothing reveals weakness like defeat. Then it isthat discontent, jealousy, envy, malice, and disappointed ambition speak out. This is the sort of refreshment with which Chandler's committee has been de? luged for ten days. No word of comfort has come; but complaint from every quarter '? at the false issues of the cam? paign ; the waving of the "bloody shirt" as a national banner; the putting for? ward of Blaine and other corrupt leaders as the representatives of reform inside ; the fabricated charges against Mr. Til den's personal character, and the false figures made in the Treasury to deceive the country. There has been no rally of the party in the sense of recovery from a stunning blow, or as illustrating any confidence in success. On the contrary, there is a panic here now which is far worse than that first witnessed, because the reports received from Wisconsin leave hardly any doubt that Tilden will carry that State largely, while Michigan is threaten? ed in a way to give Chandler the most serious concern and alarm for the result. In fact, the reaction, since Ohio and Indiana virtually decided the Presidency for Tilden, would be amaziugif the noble army of neutrals; numbering perhaps half a million of voters, and scattered chiefly over twenty States, did not pro? verbially rush over to the strong side, and thus explain this wonderful change in the aspect of the campaign in less than a fortnight. All over the Northwest the Republicans are throwing off the yoke of party rule, so that Illinois has become nearly a doubtful State, and there is a rebellion in Minnesota and parts of Iowa. This revolution has spread into Penn? sylvania, and the awakening there is causing Cameron and his crew an anxiety they have never before felt. But what troubles the managers most here, is. the intelligence from the city and State of New York. The large accessions to the reform ranks from among solid men who have never before cast any but a Repub? lican vote, and who are now determined to deposit their ballots for the Democratic candidates, are fully reported to Chandler and his confederates, and make them very blue indeed. But this is not the worst by any meaus. Chandler has found in his frequent jour? neys to New York, and especially the last, that the merchants and bankers who used to contribute thousands, will not give a dollar to help the Republican ticket. They know that the effect of the calumnies of Blaine, Morton, Ingersoll, Boutwell, and the outrages of the Admin? istration against the South, has been to react on their material interests. While this warfare is kept up there can be no 1 real peace; and without peace prosperity is practically impossible. If a Republican Administration, head? ed by Hayes should come into power, Grantism would not only be continued, but at the end of four years this same sectional strife wb'uld'be again renewed, as it was in 1864, 1868, 1872, and 1876, perhaps even more intensely than now, and with the most disturbing effects on trade and the; relations of the two sec? tions. This agitation in the interests of politicians alone cannot go on without serious derangement of business, to be felt more directly and severely in New York than in any part of the TJnion. Hence it is that the Republican mer? chants and. bankers will not aid to. keep? ing up a system which is at war with all their best interests, and threatens new dangers to the tranquility of the Uniou. They sec that the only raode.of removing the Southern question from politics is by the election of Samuel J. Tilden. Polit? ically, they may not prefer him to others on their own side, but he can do in this freat matter what he did iu regard to 'weed's Ring: end the evil and provide a remedy. , Letters from inside the Republican or? ganization in New York, represent its condition as hopeless, confused and dis? mayed. It is stated that Mr. Morgan has emphatically refused to answer the de? mands for more money, that his peculiar friends regard the prospect as cheerless, and that the probable falling off in the Republican vote by conversions to Til den, and by refusal to go to the polls at all, reaches to every part of the State, and will swell up to very many, thou? sands. The Administration has lost all head, if it ever had any. There is no direction, no steady hand.at the helm, and no sound sense of any kind. The last experiment of seuding the army to South Carolina under false pretences, has reacted to the injury of the very cause it was intended to promote. The splendid submission of the Carolinians to this daring, outrage was exactly what the conspirators did not expect or desire. They incited -re? sistance to their own troops, but | the scheme did.not succeed. ;In spite of this infamous proceeding, , which wiJL.yefc. bring its authors to grief, if the House of Representatives does half its duty next winter, Wade Hampton will probably be elected Governor, and the vote of the State be cast for Tilden. So much for . public rascal'ty and its. approaching downfall and pnnishmeht.?New York Sun. ? The leaves begin to put ou their golden tint, but don't go into convulsions over it.<>: Leaves always do this every fall. ? The Centennial arithmetic man 'has been at/'.work, and estimates, that; $95; 000,000 has been left in Philadelphia by. visitors the past six months. ' :. i ? What'becomes of liberty under the constitution when, a shameless carpet? bagger can overturn a who*.e'State and garrison it with Federal troops ? This i? the^o.uth Carolina problem, ? The number of civil employees' un? der ' President Bu?hanau was! 42,527;' under Liucoln in 1868, when the war was at its height, 47,375; under Grant in 1869,54,207; under Grant in 1873, 85;*: 680; under Grant in 1876,102,350. iq A LETTER FROM GOV. TILDEN. He Defines Ills Position in Regard to Southern Claims. New York, October 24, 1876. To Hon. Abrami S. Hewitt: Sir?I have received your letter in? forming me that representatives high in authority are publicly representing that, the South desires, not without hope, .to. obtain payment for losses by the late war, and to nave provision made for the rebel debt and for the losses of slaves. As the payment of such losses and claims was not made important enough to deserve the notice of either convention at; the time it.was held, you also ask me to state my views in regard to their cognition by I the government. Though disposed, my? self, to abide by the issue made up already, I have no hesitation to comply with your request. The fourteenth amendment of the con stitution expressly provides as follows: "The validity of the public debt of the United States authorized by law, includ? ing debts incurred for payments of pen? sions and bounties for services in sup? pressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned;;' but neither the United States, nor any State, shall assume, or pay, any' debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebel? lion against the United States, or any claim lor the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations and claims shall bp held illegal and void." This amendment has been repeatedly approved and agreed to'by Democratic State Conventions of the South. It was unanimously adopted as a part of the platform of the Democratic National Convention at St. Louis on June the 28th, and was declared by that platform to be universally accepted as a final settlement of the controversies that engendered the civil war.' My own position on this sub? ject had been previously declared on many occasions, and particularly in my first annual message of January 5, 1875. In that document I 'stated that "the Southern people were bound by the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth con? stitutional amendments; that they had joined at the National Convention in the nomination of candidates, in the declara? tion of principles and purposes, which form an authentic acceptance of the re? sults of the war embodied in the last I three amendments to the organic law of the Federal Union, and that they had, by the suffrages of all their voters at the last National election, completed the proof 'that now they only seek to share with us, and to maintain, the common rights of American local self-government in a fraternal union under the old flag, with one constitution and one destiny.'" I declared at the same time that * the questions settled by the war are never to be re-opened. The adoption Of the 13th, 14th and 15th amendments to the* Federal Constitution closed one era in our poli? tics. It marked the end forever of the .system of human slavery and of the struggles that grew out of that system. These amendments have been conclusive? ly adopted, and they have been accepted in good faith by all political organiza? tions and the people of all sections. They close the chapter. Tbey are and must be final. A11 parties hereafter must accept and stand upon them, and hence? forth our politics are to turn upon ques? tions of the present and the future, and not upon those of the settled and final past. Should I be elected President the pro? visions of the fourteenth amendment will, so far as depends on me, be main? tained, executed and enforced in perfect and absolute good faith. No. rebel debt will be assumed or paid. No claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave will be allowed. No claim for any loss or damage incurred by disloyal persons, arising from the late war, whether cov? ered by the fourteenth amendment or not, will be recognized or paid. The cot? ton tax will not be refunded. I shall deem it my duty to veto every bill pro? viding for the assumption or payment of any such debts, losses, damages, claims, or for the refunding of any such tax.-*; The danger to the national treasury is not from claims of persons who aided the rebellion, but from claims of personsire-? siding in Southern S&tes, or having property in those States, who were, or, pretended to be, or who, for the sake of aiding claims, now pretend to have been loyal to the Government of the' Union.' Such claims, even of loyal persons, where they are from acts caused by the opera? tions of war, have been disowned by the Sublic law of civilized nations, con em tied by the Bupreme Coiirt of the United States, and only find any status by force of specific legislation of Congress. These claims have become stale, and are often tainted with fraud. They are nearly always owned in whole or part by claim agents, by speculators or lobyists, who have no equity against the tax payers or the public. They should in all cases be scrutinized with zealous care. The calamities to individuals, which were inflicted by the late war. are for the most part irreparable. The Government can? not recall to life the million of our youth who went to untimely graves, nor.com? pensate the sufferings or sorrows of their relatives or friends. It cannot readjust between individuals the burdens of taxa? tion hitherto borne or of debts incurred to sustain the Govern ment, which are yet to he paid. It cannot apportion anew among our citizens the damages or losses incident'to military operations or rcsultiug iu every variety of form from its measures for maintaining its own existence. It has, no safe general rule but to let bygones be bygones, to, turn, from the dead past to a new'and better future, arid on that'basis to assurepea'ce", reconciliation and fraternity between-all sections, classes and races of our people, to the end that all the springs of our pro? ductive industries may be quickened and, a new prosperity" created, in which"the*1 evils of the'past shall'be forgotten^ ?' >'?'?" [Signed]- Samuel J. Tilden. The Ohio Democracy.?The Ohip; Democratic State Comrriit?ee has issued' an address1 to the' Democracy1arid friends of reform in that State.' The address re? fers to the Democratic triumphs in In? diana and West Virginia, and to the small Republican majority, in Ohio. It claims,that by a change of two votes in each precinct, or a gain of one. per .cent.!' on the late State vote, it will be Sufficient1 to make Ohio sure for Tilden; It also* claims that the Democrats can make these gains, and even more, by a sVgb.t. effort, and begs them to do their utmost!. At a meeting of the State 'Commitfee^ri' Wednesday,' Senator.' Thurman nraaVn' speech, in which he declared that it was in the power of the Democrats tof carry Ohio ?t the. November election. In bitr ter' Words he den?uacW'the proclamation^ ordering the troops?to South Carolina, declaring it an outrage upon a free peo? ple and a disgrace to the nation.-Triftani-r. j ? The New York Herald, which is more powerful than Gr?nt, especially as the latter's lease of! 'official life'is,(!briefy declares emphatically that the redemp? tion of South Carolina, from. Chamber? lain's tyranny in "an indispensable step toward the restoration of peace and pros? perity." ' w ? TUE GERMAN F?SILIERS. One of the Old Revolutionary Or? ganizations Ordered to Disperse -?The Contbadictoby.Wobds and . Acts of Governor Chamberlain; . The following letter requiring the Ger? man Fusiliers to surrender their'arms should be read in connection with the letter written; last year upon the occasion.' of their. Centennial celebration. Both letters come from Governor.CbahiDerlain: State of South Carolina- T Executive Chamber, y ?' Columbia, October20,1876. J CapU A. Melchers, German Fnsilier^ Charleston, S.jC.j ,u. .... .,-???( Sir?On May 18,1876, as. appears .by the records of the adjutant-general's'' of? fice, you received from the Savannah and Charleston Railroad Company two hun? dred and fifty (250) rifles and equipments, complete, belonging to the State, for the use of the German Fusiliers of Charles? ton. I am now compelled by my;offieial du? ty to direct that the above named arras be forthwith delivered to Cant. H. W. Hendricks, chief of police of Charleston, who is authorized to act.for the State in receiving them. I further request to be informed by you forthwith whether the German Fn siliers still exist as an. organization or not, and I refer you to my proclamation of the 7th instant and that of the Presi? dent of the United States of the 17th instant. . ,. .:. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, D. H. Chamberlain, Governor South Carolina, The Centennial Letter. State of South Carolina; ' . Executive Chamber, Columbia, May l, 1976. A. Melchers, Esq., President-German Fu? siliers, Charleston, S. C: ' My Dear Sir?I have received with peculiar pleasure your invitation in be? half of the German Fusiliers of Charles? ton to attend their Centennial anniversa? ry celebration on the 3d instant, and to respond to the sentiment, "The State of South Carolina." I appreciate this honor very highly, and I specially regret to find it impossi? ble for me to accept your invitation. 'I have feared that it might be a little in? explicable that I should be able to go to Lexington but not to Charleston to at? tend a Centennial celebration; but I know I ought not to doubt that you will accept my-present assurance that.public duties and labors which.have accumula? ted during my recent absence are of such a nature as to make it unreasonable for me to leave Columbia at this time: I trust too that you will to no extent attribute my absence from your celebra? tion to a want of interest or sympathy in any celebration which speedily concerns Charleston or South Carolina. It was a great privilege for me on a recent occa? sion to speak of our State in the presence of many thousands of our Northern, brethren, and in some sense in the pres? ence of the whole country. No native of South Carolina, however devoted to the traditions and fame of his State, could have failed to be deeply moved by the cordial manifestations seen on that occa? sion of viva spirit of fraternal kindness on the part of all who joined in those patriotic services towards South Carolina. It would afford me the utmost pleasure to be able i;o testily in person to this great and increasing feeling of fraternity be? tween the North and the South on the occasion of your celebration. ? ., , I should rejoice also to, do whatever I might by my presence or'words to make a suitable expression of the feelings with which 1 know South Carolina responds to all sentiments and acts which tend to national! harmony and repose. Others! who are better able than I to perform such a service will be present with you, and will give voice to all the- precious memories and hopes which your celebra? tion will call up. I cannot regret my absence on your n'ccduntj'but only, on my own, for I covet the honor of helping to open the series of Centennial celebrations which South Carolina will institute in memory of her Revolutionary heroes and history. I Above all things, my dear sir. ' I trust your, celebration will speak ana enforce the great present lesson -and duty of po? litical and'social harmony between all the sections of our country and the basis of the settlements which are now em? bodied in ,the constitution of the nation. Upon that basis let. a new prosperity grow up, which shall cheer and bless all races and conditions of men who dwell in South Carolina. Political differences, ought to be significant and valued,, only as they marlc the greater or less, fidelity of our parties to the common pur? pose .of making our government and pub? lic service honest, patriotic, pure-and. elevating. Every man is my political friend whose honest duty is to give peace and prosperi? ty to South Carolina. Every man is my political foe who would, for any cause, stay or turn back the returning tide which is bearing these blessings to our , people. , . ? May your celebration give strength to our national feelings, to our honorable State, pride, to our firm, resolution to make South Carolina worthy to-day of the men who a hundred years ago, with faith and courage, preserved her freedom' and. honor, and who transmitted to us blessings which are ;still greater, than tjhose. enjoyed by any other nation. ! Again expressing' my profound regret at my necessary'absence f rbm your patri? otic celebration,.1 give you tbia;?enti-:' faent : "The German Fusiliers of Charles-1 ton?May their constant and highest aim be to perpetuate the spirit which made South Carolina in 1775 the heroic and unconquerable defender of American freedom and nationality." Respeotfully and gratefully, I" Your fellow-citizen and servant, D. EE.: Chamberlain; ?'il ? "The President; has at lastipnt -his,, foot down," says a Radical organ. He has also put it in. It would have been better for him and hls'^arty if he had kept itup and out. "'?'?'f"7 ",: j ^'Senator Conkling writes to a friend that his illness shuts him up, and that he knows.little of the world's news. ..He's a, lucky Radical if he hasn't heard the news fr'dm'the October electi?r)'s:,t'r f ' i ? Some'of the jerks'in'the ;G?vern-f inent departments refuse to-pay the addi? tional assessments levied upon ? them. They are saving their mopeynpw. ftp <pay, their own. funeral .expenses, and prefer to leb'^e Repubiicah'party bury itself.5 ? ?mntiVmlias' cosif the country &l' the rate of about two-thirds of a ?'billion of dollars a year. Is it any wonder the Jieople are wearing out with this gigantic ancctof corruption, and,gasping for a change'of doctors ? ' ? Chamberlain,, Grant, Cameron and .Taft majrdo their w?rst; but they cannot flatten South Carolina;.any flatter than: she now is. She is, ]the great national pancake, and even Massachusetts extends., to her the butter and molasses of a sin? cere sympathy.1 LEGAL ADVERTISING.--We.are comwljed-to require; Cash.' payments for ad vert iiing ordered by Executors, Administrators and other fiduciaries, and herewith Append the rates for the ordinary notices, which will only be inserted when the money comes with the order: Citations, two Insertions,"'- ' - ? - $8.00 Estate Notices, three insertions, - ? 2.00 Final Settlements, five inaertiocs ? - 3.00 <TO^RRE8I^NpEwrs:?Jh order to recelre attention, communications must be accompanied by tue true.name and address of the writer.. Re? jected manuscript* will cot bo returned, unless the necessary stamps are furnished to repay the postage thereon. 4Sf; We, are not responsible for the views and opinions of our correspondents! ? ?' ?' All communications should be addressed to "Ed? itors Intelligencer," and all cheeks,. drafts, money orders, <Jcc, should be made payable to the.order of a fi - 4COJ,i Anderson, S. C. ^ I Drngooniug the South. The designs of the administration upon the Southern States can . no . longer be doubted! . The threatened interference by the bayonet with the freedom of elec? tion is more than R-bruial fulmen. Fed? eral troops, acting under 'Washington orders, are scouting certain counties of South Carolina and arresting leading members'Of the opposition'.; ' -Ail'the men seized belong to one party.' Ellis' single fact suffices to.expose and condemn the whole proceeding. It takes,two to make a quarrel, and if there are1 disturbances in South Carolina' demanding the inter? vention of Federal soldiers, it is incon? ceivable that the offenders should all be of the same party connection:'.There are no such disturbances' or reasonable pretenses of any. South Carolina is as quiet in all her parts as New York;'and neither Governor Chamberlain, who calls ?for the troops, nor Attorney General Taft, by whose commands the arrests are made, affects to believe that'the peace of the State is endangered in the slightest degree. It would be very convenient for both of these; men if they could honestly assert that South Carolina is in need of Federal protection at this time. Such a plea would make a tolerable' ex? cuse for the high-handed measures in progress,: .In the absence of such -a jus? tification these political schemers and their Washington friends are driven to another expedient.. They profess to be? lieve that the South,Carolina Conserva tives are intimidating and coercing vo? ters of the other party?that the minori? ty are tyranizing over the majority?that the few are bullying the many I Aside from the intrinsic absurdity of this no? tion, there is no proof of its foundation in fact. The evidence is all the other way. Governor Chamberlain and his myrmidons at home and his abettors of the administration hold the State firmly in their grasp. They, and not the oppo? sition, have the absolute control in Sonth Carolina. Those of the whites and their colored allies who are seeking to free the State from this deadly thraldom are, above all things, anxious to avoid giving any occasion or excuse for Federal meddling. They have repeatedly offered, their ser? vices as militia, under command of the Governor himself, to enforce"the laws against all violators in the State. These tenders have been steadily rejected?for no other reason than because the Gov? ernor wished to make it appear that the State was in a turbulent and desperate condition, as. a hollow pretext for invi? ting the interference which has now been made on other grounds equally untenable. The arrests now being made will be limited in number"according to the de^ sires of Governor Chamberlain and his political counsellors. They could cause 10,000 or 20,000 active men of the oppo? sition to be seized and placed under bail or in prison, if they cared to do it. Evi? dence could be ds easily manufactured for that number of cases as for any other. But they will probably be content to ar? rest and annoy.only 100 or 200 of their opponents. This would save trouble for the military and the Federal officials, and would answer the same purpose of overawing the white and black Conserva? tives of tne.Stato. There are. doubtless some voters in South Carolina who will take 'the alarm from these proceedings and abandon their design of voting against Governor Chamberlain and his party in order to gain their good, will and avoid difficulty. But we mistake the temper of the American people?wheth? er they live in South Carolina or else where-T-if 'these wanton, dictatorial and wholly unjustifiable. measures have the effect of frightening voters out of their own convictions. Such a course must, on Jhe contrary, contribute to nerve up and .unite all good citizens* to make , one su? preme effort %rJthe?l Overthrow o? a gov? ernment system which, under the pre? tense of defending the right ' of suffrage, wantonly overrides it in the boldest man? ner. That such an effect should be most widely and powerfully felt, the party in South' Carolina for whose injury these ar-" resfcritre made should be studiously care-; ful to. obey the;laws and i keep the peace, as it is now doing. [ .Such a, policy puts the administration'wholly in the wrong, and must hurt it in the canvass.?New Yerk Jwrndl'of Ommerce. The Electoral Vote. Electors meet together at their, respec- ' tive State capitals on the first Wednesday of Decernber of the year in which.. they,. were "elected, vote by ballot for President and Vice President, and transmit a record \ of their vptes to the President of the Uni? ted States. Senate. A law of, ? Congress provides, that the electoral vote i shall f'be . counted hy the two Houses. in joint ses- . skmi'on the second Wednesday in Febru arymext succeeding the meeting, of the : electors of. President and.yice-rBresident. The question has arisen as to whether what has been known .as the twenty second joint rule of the' two'Houses is how in force.' It provides that the Houses . shall assemble in the Hall of-the House of Bepresentatives at 1 P. M., . and. that. the President of the Senate shall , be their presiding officer:- No vote objected '? to by either house- to be counted;. In! case ^^disagreement the Senate retir.es, 'and Jboih. bodies deliberate, pn the admis ,&ion or. rejection of the vote of any State. '?id case they agree on ieasselmbling the vote is counted, but in case they are di? vided the vote is not counted. Suchare the provisions, of,-the., ra'&.in. queatip.n, t. but it is denied that there is any such rule now in force. - ?. WaSbiti^rFfcbr>' .respondent of the New Y^wl? Trwunee?yst "Domoflrats &e?e-,hayg rnsserted, tbatin. i cage, the ^ectjjm, oft Gpv.j H^ayea.?bquld:. turn upon accepting the vote of South 'Carolina the. Hou^jyojlld.object, arid-' under the twenty-second joint rule, which provides that if eithe>"House per?iri objecting to.receive'tne vote of au^sSlate it shall not be receiyed*they would pre? vent its being-i&unted,: ana thus defeat die election of Hayes. - Several similar cases'hffveformed thV subjeefcof?x?sc?s^ sion iiere;: ? It is,, however, a fact, though ,not1geperaHyn known,, t^t thus far the Forty-Fourth 'Congress has not adopted an^r joint Tules;'' Each Congress enacts it^ow?^fllesi The prtcticelias been' at - the opening :of j the session >to pass resolu- , tions adopting,{he.rujes of theprevious^ Congress, ana generally such a resolu- . fji?n passes as a matter of course. ;; At1' [the last session, however, the JJouse adopted the rules,: the Senate failed to i concur, and consideration of,.the. subject: I went over under an objection to .present^ consideration by Senator Edmonds. As a final result the session closed without j Adopting', joint rules,and-;,the, tyepty second rule fell with-the rest. .Tbjsiieft\ the jojiBt convention. fprvj:ounting- the electoral vote without'any: ruTes other than the. constitutional provision for its meeting and the opening of the votes' by President of the Senate.and the counting O^^rV" .:m .... M ; .i .. Sjjj ^ty'^^ionaiy-l-'-^a^' asked the cause of his' poverty. ? "Principally," said he, "because I have preached sc hlUflh:witho.^t;rm,tes.', , ,!/; ..,:- ? iIt was??! little threewyeiir plfl whop when a carpenter had been -called in to ease the doors,! ran;J|^r:an i.adjoimng .. room to tell her mother! 'tnafr he was " "taking the/skin off the' dc^r.'" - -