BY HOYT & CO.
ANDERSON, S. C, THURSDAY, AUGUST 17/1876.
VOL. XII-NO. 5.
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OCH CENTENNIAL LETTER.
Scsxight axd Shadow?PhotogkI
jhy as a Fine Art?Early Da
tjuerreotypes?auld lang syne?
how we looked twenty years
Ago?Grand groups of the Living
and the Dead.
Special tbrruptmdenee oj fite Ander ton Intelligencer.
Philadelphia, August 11,1876.
At the eastern end of the 'Memorial
.Hall stands a modest, unpretentious build?
ing, dedicated for the time being to pho?
tographic art. This is an art that, like
telegraphy, has grown from almost noth?
ing to its present collosal proportions in'
the memory of living men. It seems
only like a few years ago since I looked
ou the first daguerreotype, and: I recol?
lect how I twisted and turned it, and
held it in different lights to make out the
lace that I was not quite sure was there
or not. Then came attempts at photog?
raphy; the first I ever saw being called
a Talbotype. It was supposed to be the
picture of a country, house, but it looked
like a mud-scow struck by lightning/
Then came the Hilotype, a type of which,
if successfully carried out according to
the original design of the inventor, would
have sent a man without benefit of the
clergy to the State's prison or a lunatic
asylum. The men'who have made the
art what it is to-day, are, many of them,
fortunately, still alive; they are our.
friends and our neighbors, and while
ranking very high in our estimation as
artists and as men, they have always
seemed much nearer to us than the.
knights of the chisel.or the brush." Pho?
tography is essentially the - poor man's >
?art. By it he becomes a traveler and
a critic, and brings back the associations
of childhood years after they have van?
ished, and it surrounds you with the
faces of loved ones "when the silver cord
as Joost d and the'golden bowl is broken."
Enter.ag the eastern door, you find in a
rritch on the left an exhibit of Doremus, of
Patterson, X. J. The artist has evident?
ly not confined his excursions to the
limits of the city of Patterson, for we
find ourselves surrounded by views of the.
, . Mississippi, and scenes of the far west.
Or the opposite side of the hall, Charles
Faxon gives us a picture of Joe Jefferson
as Rip Van Winkle; not a little pocket
edition of a great man, but a full life
sized portrait of the worthless vagabond
Dutchman just as he.appeared when he
r-andered about through the enchanted
mountains of Katskill. Schwind and
Kruger, of New York, have a magnifi?
cent case of pictures, and Holyland, of
I :a.ltimore, has some excellent artistic
groupings. A little ^beyond, Allen and
Eowell have a splendid collection of por?
traits; Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips,
and Charles Sumner hang side by side.
Near by is a picture called "Dressed for
the Bridal," by Moser, ?f Chicago, a
work of especial merit, and near it the
colored portrait of a lady, which is a pic-,
tu re of the highest order. Sarony, of
New York, has not a large exhibit, but
one of his pictures, a scene from the play
of Pique, lately performed at. the Fifth
Avenue Theatre, is unsurpassed by any1
picture in the collection.
A frame hangs against the north wall
which interested imr exceedingly.?Is it
was a number of.likenesses, almost every
face of which I knew in years long gone
bye. The Daguerreotypes were taken, by
Fitzigibbon, of St. Louis, over a quarter
of a century ago, and then, no doubt,
they wer? considered very fine specimens
ol the wonderful dagucrrean art. The
originals of many of those likenesses
have passed over Jordan's stormy banks,
and now stand on the other side, and
those who still survive, find the almond
tree begin to flourish, and discover that
the grasshopper is a burthen. The dra?
matic profession is largely represented;
a little light stripling of a girl is the por?
traiture of Maggie Mitchell, our Maggie,
the little witching, winning mortal, who,
as Fanchon and Barefoot, has danced her
way into all of our hearts, and year after
year as she came around, we went to see
her do the same thing over and over
again, till it seemed we had known her
all our lives, and we never realized that
we ourselves were growing old, or that
the little girl that charmed, us in "Auld
L.mg ?p*ne," is now a stout, matronly
woman, a substantial bank account, and
with silver threads among the gold, and
the crow's feet are battling for lines upon
those cheeks that we all were dying to
have a kiss at bye-bye, vton che ami.
Beautiful as you looked twenty years
ago, we can't stop here to make love, we
have grave matters on hand?nothing
less than the canons of art/to say noth?
ing of the small, arms?so. let. usipatojon
to the next. This is Mrs. Coleman Pope.
It is more than thirty years ago since I
first saw her at the old Broadway. Thea?
tre. She was then in the zenith of her
beauty; a woman tall and stately, a sort
of mixture of Venus and Diana. Oh I
what a face, what a neck, what arms,
what?no, I shall stop right here; I will
only remark that she wore a short tunic
that reached the knee. I went home
and dreamed of her all night, and thought
I should like to be an actor. Poor wo?
man ! If she still survives, she has rheu?
matism, and pains in her back, and neu?
ralgia, and all those miserable ailings
that remind us that it is about time m
balance our ledger.
There arc several pictures of Gustavus
Brooke, one of the very best actors that
over visited America. Melodramatic in
many things, he had as much of the stuff
in him of which good actors are made as
any man I now remember, and what a
glorious voice, it seems to me I can al?
most here it now, though the waves of
the ocean closed over him many years
ago. The ship in which he bad engaged
passage for Sidney was sunk in sight of
the British coast, and lighting a cigar a
fee minutes before she went down, poor
Brooke met his fate like a Briton and a
hero. Estelle Potter, well known through
out the W?st -and California, is also
among the number. She, too, can be no
chicken by this time, but like the rest of
us discovers that time still rolls on. The
Bateman Children have a place in the
list; alas, children no longer. I don't,
know if Kate, is a grand-mother yet; if
she is not, uo doubt she will be. And
Eliza Logan is among the number; a
splendid actress and an admirable wo?
man.
. Next we come to the illustrations of
the "Seven Ages," by Lundy, of Cincin?
nati, excellent in conception and execu?
tion. Gutekunst, of Philadelphia, has
some i magnificent portraits, which will
give him a foremost position in the ranks
of American artists. Particularly good
are the likenesses of Mr. Goshorn, the
director general, and also of General
Hawley, president of the commission.
Hawley should do something handsome
for Gutekunst, for Gutekunst has done
something very handsome for Hawley.
It will astonish the good folks of the
nutmeg State if that picture ever goes to
Hartford; in fact, I think that it aston?
ishes Hawley himself when he looks at
it; bully for Gutekunst, if ever I have
my likeness taken, Gutekanst is certainly
my man.
Bradley and Rulofson, of San Fran?
cisco,, have some admirable California
scenes, but their exhibit is not -what
might be reasonably expected from so
great a firm, ranking as they do among
the very best photographers in the United
States. Brady has a number of magnifi?
cent specimens of portraiture,?"?and no
place in this exhibition combines any
greater interest than his. In the space
of a few feet hang a number of faces,
which call up a world of widely different
association, and yon look on them with
the assurance that they are all true to
the.life. Just think of it! here hang the
faces - of Edgar Allen Poe, Audubon,
Henry Wilson,' Lincoln, Grant, Calboun,
Farragut, Webster, Jackson and Morse.
No such group can be found in the limits
of America in so small a space, and I
doubt if they can be found in the world.
The likeness of General Lee was taken
some years before the war, bat on it is
the same calm sweetness of expression
which even disaster and defeat was not
able to destroy. Next to him, in civilian's
dress, sits General Grant, and near him
Lincoln, the likeness being the one best
known to the American people. Jack?
son's portrait was taken at the hermitage
a little while before his death, and Web-;
ster's just after he had made his celebra?
ted reply to Hayne. Farragut is taken
in full naval costume; he stands with a
field glass'in his hand, and you canal
most hear him sing out, d-n the tor?
pedoes! as he did while standing in the
shrouds of the Hartford. Calhoun is
there, too, and Edgar Allen Poe. None
of these faces represent peaceful lives;
all of them have more of storm than
sunshine; the poor poet of the "Raven,"
as well as the statesman and warrior.
The names of the, group fill a large space
in our .American..history, and. will as
iong as history is remembered. Among
the grandest specimens of photographic
art ever seen in any country, is the array
of pictures of rural scenery, by Vernon
Heath, of England. America has done
much for the photographic art, but in
the American collection there is nothing
to compare with them, nor indeed would
there be in any collection if it were not
for the exhibit of Irish scenes, by Payne
Jennings, of Dublin. I know not to
what point of excellence future genera?
tions may raise the art of photography,
but certain it is, in our time no such pic?
ture* have been seen in America as the
pictures exhibited by Mr. Jennings. I
know not which to admire most,, the
artistic merit of the selection, or the
superlative excellence of the execution.
Its like has never been seen in the Uni-.
ted States, and I doubt if its superior
can be found in the world.
The weather, which was terrifically hot
two weeks age, has suddenly changed,
and is now delightfully cool. Mrs. Max?
well, the famous Colorado huntress,'had a
magnificent repeating rifle presensed by
a number of admiring friends. The
Cambridge crew are hard ai vork on the
Schuylkill, working like beavers, and
living like Spartans. Yankee Doodle
had better look out, or the prize cup of
the centennial regatta may be found
hanging up in a boat house on tvi banks
of the Thames.
Yours truly,
BROADBRIM.
Machanics Should Read and Re?
flect.?The young mechanic of the
present day should be an earnest reader.
Whether learning a trade, operating a
machine, or drafting designs for the
builder, he should be a lover of useful
books. They will serve as an adjunct to
his succe*?. They will make him a
broader and happier man, giving him
continually fresh themes for thought and
pleasing topics for meditation. Books
are to the mind what food is to the body.
They fill and strengthen it. They add
vim, force, and vitality to its every func?
tion. They furnish that life which is the
mainspring of all action; and benefit
their admirer in manifold ways. Do not
then, neglect so rich a boon. But read
much and read carefully.
We cannot all be rich, orgreat, orpow
erful; but we can all build for ourselves
inviting palaces of wisdom, where the
best and noblest of every age may come
through the silent but immortal agency
of books, to store our minds with' the
rarest samples of their genius. These
choice legacies, too, will stand by us, and
remind us, when trades, fortunes and
friends fail, to comfort and satisfy our
drooping spirits. Who, then, would
think of living without the associations
of interesting books? No young man
should.
The world is full of rending matter, and
it is utterly impossible to read all; still
every apprentice and tradesman can find
leisure enough to acquaint himself with
so much as is necessary to perfect him as
a mechanic?broaden him out as a citH
zen. Read, theo, by all means. Read
slowly ; read carefully ; rend with reflec?
tion ; and reflect with reading.
? It is a bad night when mosquitoes
cannot sleep.
'ring OF THo true metal.
THE VOICE OF REAL STATES?
MANSHIP IN ALABAMA.
Speech Delivered Before a Large Dem?
ocratic Gathering at Johnson's Wells,
near Huutsvllle, by General L. P.
Walker, on the 21st of July.
Fellow Citizens: The National
Democratic party inaugurated at St.
Louis, on the 27th of June, 1876, a polit
cal campaign that will be forever memo?
rable in the history of the country. The
Convention had many characteristics un?
usual in avowed party assemblages. Al?
though it had in it many men of nation?
al' reputation, recognized leaders of the
party, it was, nevertheless, pre-eminent?
ly, a Convention of the people, and not
of the politicians. It represented popu?
lar sentiment far more than party fealty.
It discarded the old traditions that re
quired a surrender of the popular judg?
ment to the behests of the party leader,
and sought in its nominee the represen?
tative of an idea, rather than the favorite
of a clique. Never before, in the history
of the country, was the distinction so
strikingly exhibited between popularity
and strength.
Hendricks and Bayard?par nobile
fratrum?were universally popular.?
Loud huzzars followed every mention of
their names. Men grew hoarse with
shouting their ptaises, and the music of
many instruments intensified the enthu?
siasm. On the contrary. Governor Til
den was not popular. Great reformers
never are. There was no magnetism in
his name, no jubilant and shouting ad?
vocacy proclaimed bis merits. The
thought he represented, the idea he em?
bodied, were too serious for intemperate
and thoughtless vociferation. But the
convention, in the wise exercise of a
reticence of judgment, preferred the man
of strength, without popularity, to the
man ot popularity without strength.
This discrimination was an inspiration.
No forethought could have provided for
it, as no premeditation could prevent it.
It overrode an opposition unparalleled for
intensity and strategy, combining wealth,
intellect, official position, and, in rare
degree, public worth and private repute.
Its importunities and activities were
marvelous, and its organization and gen?
eralship admirable. No army, with ban?
ners, on the i eve of battle, was ever
maneuvered more skillfully; yet this
opposition vanished under the domina?
tion of public opinion, as semblance dis?
appears before reality. A nomination,
thus gained, means victory; not the per?
sonal triumph of a man, but the glorious
installation, in the sacred Temple of
Constitutional Liberty, of the idea the
man represents.
That idea is reform ; not a superficial
and transitory reform, vagrant and un?
steady in its .movements, sensitive, to
criticism, and obedient to party necessi?
ties, but Radical, thorough and excessive,
reaching the evil wherever it may be
found, whether in Republican or Demo?
cratic, practices.
Our declaration of principles perfectly
outlines the form and pressure of the
evils that harrass the country; it pene?
trates the subsoil in which the tap-root of
corruption is planted, and is the living
and breathing embodiment of the spirit
of constitutional government. It de?
mands the abdication of a corrupt party
which seeks to live after its mission is
ended, and the great issues that gave it
soul and spirit have passed into history.
It demands a restoration of the old habits
of simplicity, and honesty in the public
service. It demands a purification of
the whole edifice of government, from
dome to foundation-stone. It proclaims
that "reform is necessary to rebuild. and
establish in the hearts of the whole peo?
ple the Union."
Great as were the evils of war; terrible
as were the sufferings of our people, im?
poverished and bankrupt at its close,
what the country has endured from car?
pet-bag tyrannies, borne with heroic for
I titude, appeals to the manhood of a great
nation, with a potent eloquence, stronger
than party, allegiance or sectional
estrangement This declaration means
national Government, with restored con?
fidence, returning prosperity, home rule,
revived memories of the glorious past,
one brotherhood, and the Union as it was
under Jefferson and Jackson, and as it
will be, thank God! once again, under
Tilden. It proclaims that, "reform is
necessary to establish a sound currency,
restore the public credit, and maintain
the National Honor." Mr. Webster
said, "of all the contrivances for cheating
the laboring classes of mankind, none
has been more illusory than that which
deludes them with paper money. This
is the most effectual of inventions to
fertilize the rich man's field, by the sweat
of the poor man's face."
It seems to me that the very shades of
Andrew Jackson and Silas Wright, and
all its great leaders, who have departed
this life in the faith of Jie father*, and
who gave to its principles strength, unity
and power, would rise in mutiny were
the Democratic party to repudiate the
seminal idea of Democratic faith, by re?
cognizing as constitutional or permanent
any other currency than gold and silver.
Since Abraham bought the cave of Mach
Eclah as a burial place, for silver shekels,
ard money has been the only recognized
currency of the world, by all civilized na?
tions. Mere promises to pay, though at?
tested by the sign-manual of royalty it?
self, when kingly authority was recog?
nized as divine, is "a changing standard
of value in the hands of the people," dis?
reputable to the government, unjust and
oppressive to the masses, and profitable
only to the usurer, who speculates upon
the necessities of the poor, or the
fears of the timid.
In the eleven years of peace, the fluc?
tuations in values, resulting from the de?
preciation of the currency, itself con-1
stantly changing by 'ebb and flow, as sub?
ject to every wind of political doctrine,
as the waves of the sea to the physical
laws of nature, would have paid the
uational debt, great as it is, five times
over. The record, the traditions and
principles of the Democratic party all
favor what Mr. Webster called "the
money of the constitution." But a re?
turn to this constitutional currency must
be gradual. We cannot restore specie
fiayments by any policy of sharp or vio
ent contraction, neither can hard money
be coined by mere legal enactment. Re?
sumption must be the natural result of
confidence in the purity, honesty and in?
tegrity of the government, which will it?
self give to its notes the value of gold,
without disturbing the volume of the
currency, or tho rights of trade. In the
language of our platform, "it must be
preceded by a judicious system of prepa?
ration, by public economies, by official
retrenchment, and by wise finance."
Our currency circulation is now about
eight hundred millions, 8591,000,000
more than in 1861. This immense vol?
ume of currency, without fixed or stable
values has produced its natural fruits.
Under the wildest excitement of illicit
i speculation, which it engendered, values
were no longer regulated by the natural
law, of supply and demand. Fabulous
fortunes, upon false predicates, became
the heritage of individuals. Vast corpo?
rations, once the creatures, became the
master of legislation, and the Halls of
Congress marts where public trust was
sold for private gain. "Thou shalt earn
thy bread"1 by the sweat of thy brow,"
was no longer even a memory. Paul did
not plant, nor Apollos water, and men
lived not by the energies of labor, but by
the chances of speculation. In one
sense, at least, the Utophia of the great
dreamer became the actual life 0$ our
people. The hour of atonement has
come. Property bavins gone far beyond
its actual value, by the law of compensa?
tion, has fallen greatly below its intrinsic
worth. The normal consequence is
panic.
Alarm and anxiety, doubt and appre?
hension, bro?d over all the 'industries of
the country, and its wonderful material
activities lie prostrate and helpless under
universal financial paralysis, with an in?
debtedness, national, State and munici?
pal, appalling in its magnitude. The in?
terest alone on the national debt, is, in
round numbers, including that paid on
the Pacific Railway bonds, $100,000,000,
and on the State and municipal debts,
?82,000,000. So that, for interest on
debt alone, the national and local gov?
ernments reauire $182,000,000 yearly
from the people. The enormous charac?
ter of this burden is best shown by com?
parison. The British Government pays
annually, in interest on its national debt,
$122,000,000, and on its municipal debt,
$13,500,000. Thus, the British Govern?
ment, for the same purposes as ourselves,
pays, in round numbers, $135,000,000,
while we pay $182,000,000.
And yet there is really little compari?
son between the actual wealth of Great
Britain and that of the United States, for
the former is incalculably the richer.
The parallel is still more discouraging in
the costs of the administration. The im?
perial revenue of Great Britain is. about
$338,697,000, and the amount raised by
taxation for local purposes is about $104,
337,000. So that the the whole cost of
governing the country is say $465,534,000.
The revenue of the government of the
United States is $290,000,000, and the
amouut raise*d by taxation for local pur?
poses is about $330,000,000. So that the
whole costs of government in the United
States is $620,000,000 against $465,534,
000 in Great Britain.
Local taxes alone in the United States,
are within a fraction of the entire reve?
nue of the British government. Yet that
government supports and maintains a
prolific royal family, plants and protects
distant colonies, 'ana governs in vice?
regal munificence, a great Eastern Em
Sire. But bring the comparison home,
bmpare the costs of government, now,
with preceding administrations, and the
picture is still more revolting. The costs
of Washington's administration, in its
highest expenditure, was a little over
$4,000,000; that of John Adams less than
$7,000,000; that of Jefferson less than
$8,000,000; that of Monroe less than
$17,000,000; that of Jackson, with In?
dian wars, less than $31,000,000; that of
Van Buren less than $38,000,000; that
of Polk, with the Mexican war included,
less than $54,000,000; that of Pierce
$60,000,000; that of Buchanan a little
tfver $60,000,000; and that of Grant's
'?st year, over $294,000,000.
- The increased expenditure in adminis?
tration, necessitated a proportionate in?
crease in Federal taxation. Thus, the
Federal tax, in 1850, was $40,000,000; in
1860 it was $60,000,000, and in 1870, $45Q,
000,000. In 1850 the population of the
United States was 23,101,876, pay?
ing a Federal per capita tax of $1.72;
in 1860 it was 31,443,321, paying a like
tax of $1.91. and in 1870 it was ?8,558,
271, and paid a like tax of $11.67. It is
thus seen that the increase of public ex?
penditures, excluding the interest on the
Eublic debt, has been, since 1860, two
undred per cent, while the population
of the United States has increased only
forty per cent.; and the Oratio of Fed?
eral taxation, per capita, has increased
from 1860 to 1874, about six hundred per
cent. What has become of this immense
increase of taxation, taken from the earn?
ings of the people ? It has not paid the
public debt; it has not filled the public
treasury; it is not hoarded for resump?
tion. Where then is it? It has been
squandered under the guise of official ex?
penditure, in the license of party corrup?
tion ; it has been used to debauch the
morals of a great party through the in?
strumentalities of civil service; and it
has organized and perpetuated unconsti?
tutional satrapies in the Southern States
to overawe a conquered and submissive
people, and suppress the freedom of the
ballot-box, that carpet-baggery, with all
its train of evils, might rule and rain
what war, in its most gigantic propor?
tions, had not destroyed. How long can
the country bear this pressure? No
doubt we possess great material capabili?
ties, a marvelous power of recuperation,
and a hopeful vigor of vitality as expan?
sive as the spirit of liberty and broad and
continental as the territory we inhabit.
But these capabilities and powers have
their limitations. This is shown in the
general depression of business; in the
impoverishment of corporations and indi?
viduals ; in the timidity of credit; in the
bankruptcy of States, and in the uni?
versal cry of* "hard times." The remedy
for all this lies neither in undue contrac?
tion nor inflation of the currency, nor,
yet, in forced and premature resumption
of specie payments. The disorder is
radical, and although not immedicable, is
beyond the quackeries of legislation.
The remedy?there is but one?is in the
hands of the people. It is embodied in
one word?Reform?but like truth, this
word is many sided. It affects every
public question, and embraces all general
interests.
The declaration of principles, made by
the St. Louis Convention, a masterpiece
in literary excellence, in historical pre?
sentation of the issues involved in the
election ; in the arraignment of the Re?
publican party for the neglect and abuse
of its groat opportunities, and in recall?
ing the people to the solemn appreciation
of the duty they owe to the country, in
restoring to the government its purity,
and to the nation its safety and its honor,
itself suggests the mode and measure of
relief.
Public expenditures, licentious and
criminal, both in degree and amount,
must be diminished; official accounta?
bility, lost in the mazes of Republican
misrule, must be reclaimed by the peo?
ple, and restored to the government.
Economy and honesty, alike in private
life and public station, must walk hand
in-hand, the perilous height, and bridge
the chasm that lies between the country
and its restoration to prosperity.
Give back to the people and the gov?
ernment that "chastity ot honor that feels
a staiu like a wound." Erase from the
decalogue of official life, the calumny of
Autolycus in the play, "What a fool
Honesty is! and Trust his sworn brother,
a very simple gentleman !" Do this, and
the goal of our deliverance is in sight ;
the sea of our misfortunes is no longer
shoreless, but the harbor of safety fics
within our reach.
If private credit is wealth, and public
honor is security, are they not worth pre?
serving ? If the principles of Constitu?
tional liberty ana Republican Govern?
ment are in peril, shall they not be res?
cued? Whose mission is this?- Are we
to expect reform within the party, which
brought upon the country the evils that
make reform necessary ? When did vic?
torious error ever reform itself? A long
lease of power, made irresponsible by
popular majorities, so large as to promise
perpetuity has intoxicated the leaders of
the Republican party, who found the ad
ministration of the government honest,
pure and impersonal, but who have made
it alike, the source and end of a venal
and corrupt personal aggrandisement,
that would! have abashed Robert Wal
pole, in the very prime and vigor of his
audacious profligacy.
The great public offices, so long closed
by party misrule to public observation,
have been opened for investigation by a
Democratic House of Representatives in
Congress, and tbe magnitude of the
crimes against the people, no less than
the turpitude of some of the highest of
those intrusted with official power, have
been exposed to the gaze of an outraged
and astounded nation. Can such a party,
so governed, be reformed within itself?
And if it could, what evidence has it
giveu of such purpose ? In its Conven?
tion it voted down the only reform can?
didate it had. The highest number of
votes he received was 126, out of 756.
The issue was squarely made before the
party, and in its Convention Mr. Bristow
represented the only idea of reform in
the party, and that was simply an effort
to make the civil service honest in its
most subordinate agencies. He paid the
penalty of his venture.
' The birds of night that had built their
nests in high places of the nation, drove
him in ignominious disgrace from the
synagogue of the party. "Doth a foun?
tain send forth at the same place, sweet
water and bitter ? Can the fig tree bear
olive berries? either, a vine figs? ?Wbat
good can come out of such a Nazareth,
when they stone to death their only
prophet?" Is it to be found in Gov.
Hayes' letter of acceptance, coerced by
the power of a public opinion, more
omnipotent than party organization, and
which at best, is only a clean thread run?
ning through a dirty tissue. Declara?
tions and promises, made in the face of
imminent danger, under the duress of
political necessity, so exigent that it will
not accept any middle ground, are not
convictions but subterfuges. What re?
form has Gov. Hayes ever inaugurated in
his official career?
? What extravagance has he ever elimi?
nated from the burdens of the people?
What corruption has he ever exposed to
indignant criticism of an outraged coun?
try? He is a gentleman?and that is
commendation?when gentlemen are not
so common as to pass unobserved in pub?
lic life. But something .more is needed
in the Chief Magistrate of a great nation
than the private virtues that adorn do?
mestic lite. He must possess the indi?
viduality of leadership, the cotfrage of,
strong'convictions; faith in his destiny,
and confidence in his genius. He must
be a master-general?the throne itself/
greater than all tbe powers behind it.
Governor Hayes was nominated because
he had none of these characteristics, and,
fire-eminently, because he was not. a
eader. His convictions had never crys
talized into a single idea or principle.
If he had faith in his destiny, it was the
subordinate and inferior destiny of mere
Earty allegiance; if he had confidence in
is genius, it was the confidence of silent
admiration.
What idea "does he represent, what
principle does he illustrate, but the idea
of centralism and the principle of profli->
gacy? Grant him honest purposes, pa?
triotic aspirations, and the spirit of a na?
tionalized administration of the govern?
ment, will the political Polvpherai, by
whom he is surrounded, ana who have
only one eye, and cannot see how great a
majesty there is in a united and harmo?
nious brotherhood of States; in a restored
simplicity of expenditure; in an honest1
and faithful responsibility of the public'
service; in a recovery bf all the great
economies; allow to his administration
so great a departure from all the rules
and traditions by which they have gov?
erned the country and oppressed the peo- j
pie for the last ten years? No. Gov.
Hayes is the political ward of the reject?
ed "leaders of the Republican party, and
will be under their direction and subject
to their control in the administration of'
his high office.
Reform, to be worth anything, must
begin by a change of party administra?
tion. We must return to the simple
principles of Jefferson, and the honest
Sractices of Jackson, and this can be
one only through the ascendancy of the
Democratic party. The central light in
our platform is "as a beacon upon the.
top of a mountain, and as an ensign on
a hill," and the relief which it promises
is "rivers of water in a dry place; as the
shadow of a great rock in a weary land."
It appeals to the conscience of the
nation; to its honor, its manhood and its:
virtue. In the name of all the harrassed
industries of the country; of silent facto?
ries; of bankrupt corporations; of ruin-'
ed agriculture; of perishing commerce;
of impoverished labor, and of prostrate
and dishonored credit, it invokes the
judgment of the people upon the corrup?
tions of the party in power, and invites
trust in the principles we proclaim, and
the leader we have selected. It was said
of the first Emperor Alexander, of Russia,
that his" personal character was equiva?
lent to a constitution. It may with equal
truth, be said of Governor Tilden, that
his public career is to the exposition of
the platform, like an illuminated seal to
a royal writ. It is a sacred pledge, above
suspicion, that the solemn promises-made
by a great party, will be nobly fulfilled
by its chosen representative.
The feeling that compelled Governor
Tilden's nomination was an outgrowth
from both parties, a reflection of the
moral sentiment of the whole country,
of which he is the only true apostle, for
single-handed and alone he unfurled its
banner, and bore it the fire-front of bat?
tle. This was a heroism greater than
that of leading victorious cohorts to
foreign conquests. It threatened martyr?
dom in the house of his friends, by his
own people, and upon the altar of his
own party. There is no word large
enougn to paint his courage, and no
honor too high to be his reward. Can
such a cause, with such a leader, perish ?
Shall this campaign, inaugurated by the
people against the profligacy of Republi?
can administration, end in disaster and
defeat ? Is the moral sentiment of the
country dead? Creeds change, opinions
alter, parties rise and fall, but the prin?
ciples of hoiior, honesty and patriotism,
survive, and are as enduring as the moral
law itself, which, written on the tablets
of eternity, God himself will not change.
These sentiments, with their potent ener
fies, kindled their sacred fires in the
earts of the people, and found voice
and personal representation in the nomi?
nation of Gov. Tilden, and will receive
this compliment and answer only in the
civic revolution that inaugurates him
President.
Yet it is more difficult to revive faith
in honest government than to create it.
To succeed, nothing should be left undone
that patriotism may accomplish ; for the
Eroverb says, "it is not easy to take a
one out of a dog's mouth." If this cam?
paign ii to bear fruit, it must be an in?
vasion. No Fabian policy ever took a
citadel, or won an empire. There is
often inspiration in peril, and it is always
greatest when the peril is extreme.?
Need I say, that in all probability, this is
a final struggle for a icstoration of the
government to its constitutional limita?
tions? The popular judgment, with its
bounded horison, will measure the possi?
bilities of restoration by the result of the
contest. If we fail, it will be the third
time in succession, irresponsible power
will bo enthroned, as the one principle
of administration, and licensed corrup?
tion/ its twin brother, will receive hom?
age in all the high places of the nation.
After the public exposures that have
disgraced the national administration
which represents, at home .and abroad,
the honor of the government and the
majesty of the people, shall we, by our
supineness, permit the party in power to
remauguratc the orgies of profligacy that
have marked the career of its highest
and lowest officials, and brought dishonor
upon the great republic founded by Vir?
ginia and Massachusetts, and made hon?
orable among the nations of the earth by
Washington and Adams? Not if we
value the heritage of our fathers; not if
we honor their great names; not if we
recall in this Centennial year the memo?
ries that were solemn and sacred facts a
hundred years ago; for "whatever things
are true; whatever things are honesty
whatever things are just; whatever
things are pure; whatever things are of
good report," are involved in this issue,
and wait upon your judgment.
Letter from General Wade Hampton.
Cashier's Valuby, N.C., Aug. 7.
Editor? Columbia Register:
It was only a few days ago that I saw
in your paper the letter of Gen. Butler!
suggesting my name as that of a proper
candidate for the position of Governor of
the State; and though fully appreciating
the import and manner of the honor done
me, my first impulse was to decline the
nomination at once and unconditionally.
But by the advice of friends, in whose
judgment I place great confidence, I de?
ferred responding publicly to the com?
munication of General Butler until some
indications should be given as to the
policy the State would pursue in the ap?
proaching election. The recent* call by
the Executivo Committee of a conven?
tion, and the tone of the press in com?
ment iug on this action of the committee,
seem now to point unmistakably to the
nomination of a full State ticket by the
convention, and it is due to my friends,
as well as to myself, that my position
should be fully understood. As to the
policy the State should adopt, my iudg
ment is clear that the convention should
enter into no compromise or form no fu?
sion with the Radical party, but that it
should present to the State a full ticket,
made up of her own true, tried and trus?
ted sons?men whose characters give the
best assurance that their election would
bring peace, prosperity and' honor to the
State, and for. whom oar people.can vote
without the sacrifice of feeling or princi?
ple. CBut while this is my settled convic?
tion, my faith in the patriotism of my
fellow-citizens who hold, opposite views
is so strong that I shall cheerfully acqui?
esce in the policy adopted by the conven?
tion, whatever it may be.' I trust that
this spirit may animate all the delegates
to the convention, and that when that
body has spoken authoritatively, ill who
honestly seek reform will be found work?
ing zealously and earnestly for the best
interests of our State. There is no hope
for us but in harmonious' counsels and
united action; and While patriotic'men
may differ honestly as to the best policy
to be pursued, it is the dear duty of al!
to sustain that adopted by the "conven?
tion A Should this body determine to
adopt what is known as the "straight
out" policy, it will then be called on to
select our standard-bearers, and in the
choice of these it should be perfectly
untrammeled, looking solely to the avail?
ability of those chosen. As for myself,
so far from desiring the nomination, I
deprecate it greatly, for to become a can?
didate at this time would involve the
highest sacrifice I could' make for the
State; and I therefore hope that my
friends who have been kind enough to
present my name will add to the obliga?
tion they have conferred by supporting
some one of the many able .and distin?
guished gentlemen who have been nomi?
nated, and who will unite the whole
State. To such a one, I pledge my own
cordial and hearty support. I recognize,
however, the paramount claim which the
State has, in this supreme hour of her
mortal suffering, when she is struggling,
not only for existence, but. for all that
makes life worth possessing, upon, every
son who loves her; and if, after a full and
mature deliberation, the true representa?
tives of her.honor, her virtue, her intel?
ligence and her patriotism think that'll
can best consolidate and harmonize all
the parties who seek reform in our State:
.affairs, I shall cheerfully obey her call
.made upon me, at whatever personal sac-1
rifice. While I have neither sought nor
desired official station, I am now, as I
have ever been, ready to serve the State
in any position to which-she might call
me. > I only ask that this call snail be1
made with unanimity, and that those
making it mil be fully prepared, like
myself, to make any sacrifice and to de?
vote every energy and every effort to the
redemption of our "Prostrate State."
WADE HAMPTON.
The Uses of Charcoal.?By keeping
charcoal in a hog pen there will be but
little or no disagreeable smell such as is
usual. The hogs appear to thrive better
and faster, than in a strong smelling sty.
They will consume quite a quantity,
which* undoubtedly does them good.?
Some should be powdered and some left
in chunks; the powdered absorbs the wet,
and the hogs will eat the stumps as they
desire it. The refuse makes a most ex?
cellent manure for onions or any vegeta?
bles. By putting a small quantity in the.
horse stable every day, under the horse
it will absorb the wet, and keep the sta?
ble perfectly sweet and wholesome. As
it is removed from the stable, keep it
under shelter, dry it and bow it on the
meadows; the increase in the crop will
pay for the trouble. Cow stables will re?
ceive the same benefit and produce the
same results. It is also invaluable in the
poultry house in keeping it wholesome,
for the fowls, and making a most valua?
ble manure. The fowls will consume a
part of it, and are not so liable to disease.
It is also very desirable in sheep pens or
yards. By putting a bushel or so of the
powdered charcoal down the water closet,'
it will remove the disagreeable smell
which generally attends such places, and
will remove the great objection there is
to cleaning them out. When charcoal is
powdered and a little dropped into a
potato hill when planted, it will double
the crop, aud will improve the quality
beyond expectation. An objection to it
is that it is black and will blacken any per?
son that bandies it. I have powdered it
by pounding it on the barn floor, and also
by putting it through an old cider mill
but it is undoubtedly dirty work any way
you can fix it. But "he that would catch
fish must not mind getting wet."?Cor.
Country Gentleman.
? The extreme height of misery is a
small boy with a new pair of boots and
no mud puddle.
Governor Hendriek's Letter.
Indianapolis, July 24,1876.
Gentlemen?I have the honor to ac?
knowledge the receipt of your communi?
cation, in which you have formally noti?
fied me of my nomination by the National
Democratic Convention at St. Louis as
their - candidate for the office of Vice
President of the United States. It is a
nomination which I had neither expected
nor desired, and yet I recognize and ap?
preciate tbe high honor done me by the
Convention. Tbe choice of such a body,
pronounced with such unusual unanimi?
ty, and accompanied with so generous an
expression of esteem and confidence ought
to outweigh all merely personal desires
and preferences of my own. It is with
this feeling, and I trust also from a deep
sense of public duty, that I shall now
accept the nomination, and shall abide
the judgment of ray countrymen.
It would have been impossible for me
to accept the nomination if I could not
heartily indorse tbe platform of tbe Con?
vention. I am gratified, therefore, to be
able unequivocally to declare that I agree
in the principles, approve the policies,
and sympathize with the purposes enun?
ciated' in that platform.
the standard of reform.
The institutions of our country have
been sorely tried by the exigencies of
civil war, and, since the peace, by selfish
arid corrupt management of the public
affairs, which has shamed up before civil?
ized mankind. By unwise and partial
legislation every industry and interest of
the {people have been made to suffer, and
in the Executive departments of the gov?
ernment dishonesty, rapacity, and venali?
ty have debauched tbe public service.?
Men known to be unworthy bare been
promoted, while others have been de?
graded for fidelity to official diity. Pub?
lic office has been made the means of
private profit, and the country has been
offended to see a class of men who boast
the friendship of the sworn protectors of
State, amassing fortunes by defrauding
the public treasury and by corrupting the
servants of tbe people. In such a crisis
of the history of the.country I rejoice that
the Convention at St. Louis has so nobly
raised the standard of reform. Nothing
can be well with us or our affaire until
the public conscience, shocked by the
enormous evils and abuses which pre vail,
shall have demanded and compe [led an
unsparing reformation of our national'
administration,""in its Bead and in' its
members." In such a reformation the
removal of a single officer, even the Pres?
ident , is comparatively a trifling matter,
if the system which he represents, and
which has fostered bim as he has fostered
it; is suffered to remain. The President
alone must not be made the scapegoat for
the enormities of the system which in?
fects the public service and threatens the
destruction of our institutions'. In some
respects I hold. that t h a i present I Execu?
tive has been the victim,.rather than,the
author, of that vicious system. Congres?
sional and party leaden have been
stronger than the President. No one
mac could have created it, and the re
mo val of no .one man can amend it. It
i 8 thoroughly corrrupt, and must be swept
remorselessly away by the selection of a
government composed of elements entire- ?
If. oe?,"arid pledged to radical reform. -
' The first work of reform must evident?
ly be the restoration of the normal opera-1
tion of the constitution of tbe United
States, with all its amendments The
necessities of war cannot bo pleaded in a
time of peace. The right of local self
government, as guaranteed by the consti?
tution of the Union, must be every where
restored, arid the centralized (almost;
personal) imperialism which has been
practised must be done away or the
first principles of the Republic will be
lost. '
repeal of the resumption clause,
Our financial system of expedients
must be reformed. Gold and silver are
.the real standards of values, and our na?
tional currency will not be a perfect
medium of exchange until it shall be
convertible at the pleasure of the holder.
As I have heretofore said, no one desires
a return to specie payments more earnest?
ly than I do; but I do not believe that it j
will or can be reached in harmony with
the interests of the people by artificial j
measures for the contraction of the cur-'
rency, any.more than I believe wealth or
permanent prosperity can be created by
an inflation of the currency.' The laws
of finance cannot be 'disregarded with;
impunity. The financial policy of the
government, if, indeed,: it deserves the
name of policy at all, baa been in disre?
gard of those laws, and .therefore has dis?
turbed commercial and; business confi?
dence as well as hindered a return to
specie payment*. One feature of that
policy was tbe .resumption clause of the
act of 1875, which has embarrassed the
country by the anticipation of a compul
I sory resumption for which no preparation
I has been made, and without, any assur?
ance that itwould be practicable. The
: repeal of that clause is necessary that the
i natural operation of financial laws may.
be restored, that the business of tbe couu
try may be relieved from its disturbing;
and depressing influence, and that a re?
turn to specie payments mar be facili?
tated by tbe substitution of wiser and
more prudent legislation, which shail
mainly rely on a judicious system Of pub?
lic economies and official retrenchments,'
and, above all, on the promotion of pros?
perity in all the industries of the peo?
ple.
RESUMPTION A. BACKWARD step.
I do not understand tbe repeal of tbe
resumption clause of the act of 1875 to
be a backward step in our return to specie
payment, but the recovery of a false step;
and although Jbe repeal may, for a a time,
be prevented, yet the determination of
the democratic party on this subject has
now been distinctly declared. There
should be no hindrances put in the way
of a return to specie payments. "As such
a hindrance," says the platform of the
St Louis Convention "we denounce the
resumption clause of 1875, and /lemand
its repeal."
I thoroughly believe that by public
economy, by official retrenchments, and
by wise finance enabling us to accumulate
.the precious metals, resumption, at an
early period, is possible without produ?
cing an "artificial scarcity of currency"
or disturbing public or commercial
credit; and that these reforms, together
with the restoration of pure government,
will restore general confidence, encourage
the useful investment of capital, furnish
employment to labor and relieve the
country from the "paralysis of bard
times."
With tbe industries of the people there
have been frequent interferences. Our
Elatform truly says that many industries
ave been impoverished to subsidize a
few. Our commerce has been degraded
to an inferior position on the high seas,
manufactures have been diminished, ag?
riculture has been embarrassed, arid the
distress of the industrial classes demands
that these things shall be reformed.
The burdens of the people must also be
lightened by a great change in our sys?
tem of public expenses. The profigate
expenditures which increased taxation
from $5 per capita in I860 to $18 in 1870,
tells its own story of our need of fiscal
reform.
LEGAL ADVERTISING.?Vi* are compelled to
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jected manuscripts will not be returned, unless the
necessary stamps arc tarnished to repay the postage
thereon.
STB- We aro not responsible for the riews and
opinions of our correspondents.
All communications should be addressed to "Ed*
itors Intelligencer," and all checks, drafts, money
orders, Ac, should be made payable to the order
of hoyt a co.,
Anderson, S. c.
THE CHINESE QUESTION.
Oar treaties witb foreign powers
should also be revised and amended in so
far as they leave citizens of foreign birth
in any particular less secure in any coun?
try on earth than they would be if they
bad been born upon our own soil; and
the iniquitous coolie system . which,
through the agency of Wealthy companies,
imports Chinese bondmen and establshe*
a species of slavery and interferes with
the just rewards of labor on our Pacific
coast should be utterly abolished.
civil service reform.
In the reform of our civil service I
most heartily indorse that section of the
platlorm which declares that the civil
service ought not to be "subject to change
at every election," and that it ought not
to be made "the brief reward of party
zeal," but ought to be awarded for proved
competency, and held for fidelity in the
public employ. I hope never again to
see the cruel and remorseless proscription
for political opinions which has disgraced
the administration of the last eight years.
Bad as the civil service now is, as all
know, it has some men of tried integrity
and proved ability. Such men, and such
men only, should be retained in office ;
but no man nhould be retained on any
consideration who has prostituted bis
office to the purposes of partisan intimi?
dation or compulsion, or who has fur?
nished money to currupt the elections.
This is done and has been done in almost
every county of the land. It is a blight
upon the morals of the country, and
ought to be reformed.
the common schools.
? Of sectional contentions and in respect
'to our common schools I have only this
to say?that, in my judgment, the man
or party that would involve our schools in
political or sectarian controversy is an en?
emy to the schools. The common schools
are safer under the.protecting care of all
the people than under the control of any
party or sect. They must be neither
sectarian nor partisan; and there must be
neither division nor misappropriation of
the funds for their support. Likewise I
regard the man who would arouse or fos?
ter'sectional animosities and antagonisms
among his countrymen as a dangerous
enemy to-his country.
the strife of race and color.
All the people must be made to feel
and know that once more is established a
purpose and policy, under which all citi?
zens of every condition, face and color
will be secure in the enjoyment of what?
ever rights the constitution and laws de?
clare or-recognize; and that in contro?
versies that may arise the government is
not a partisan, but, within its constitu?
tional authority, the just and powerful
: guardian of the rights and safety of all.
The strife between the sections and be?
tween races will cease as soon as the1
power for evil is taken away from a party
that makes political gain out of sceues of
violence ana bloodshed, and the constitu?
tional authority is placed in the hands of
men whose political, welfare requires that
peace and good order shall be preserved
everywhere.
A compliment to governor tilden,
h It will be seen, gentlemen, that I am
in entire accord with the platform of the
Convention by. which I have been nomi?
nated as a candidate for the office of Vice
President of the United States. Permit
me, in conclusion, to express my satis?
faction at being associated with a candi?
date for'the Presidency who is first among
his equals as a representative of the spirit
and of the achievements of reform. In
his official career as the Executive of the
great State of New York, he has, in a
comparatively short period, reformed the
public service and reduced the public
burdens so as to have earned at once the'
gratitude of his State and the admiration
of the country. The people know him to
to be thoroughly in earnest; he has
shown himself to be possessed of powers
and qualities which fit him, in an eminent
degree, for the great work of reformation
which this country now needs; and if he
shall be chosen by the people to the high
office of President of the United States, I
believe that the day of his inauguration
will be the beginning of a hew eta of
peace, purity and prosperity in all de?
partments of our government
' I am, gentlemen, your obedient ser?
vant,
THOMAS A. HENDBICKS.
To the Hon. John A. McClernand,
Chairman, and others of the Commit?
tee of the National Democratic Con?
vention.
. Caster and Rosier.
The Alexandria Sentinel, in publishing
some incidents in the life of Coster, says:
Grant's cavalry bad been thoroughly re?
organized, nnder Sheridan, with such
lieutenants as Custer, Torbert and Wil?
son. The Confederate cavalry, too, was
in the flower of its strength and confi?
dence. Each was feeling for the enemy's
lines in the dense forests of Spotsylvania,
and frequently sudden encounters were
the result In one of these a regiment of
Rossels command became suddenly en?
gaged with a portion of that of Caster, at
very close quarters, necessitating a charge'
through a narrow open space, ? up to the '
edge of a wood in which Ousters men
were posted, and from which, being part?
ly protected by a fence, they delivered a
destructive fire, which, with their visible
knowledge of the enemy's superior posi?
tion and strength, made the Virginian's
falter. Kosser, as was his wont, dashed
into the open field to rally them. Of
commanding and striking figure, he did
not dream that over that One of foes,
directing and controlling their fire,
flashed an eye like Mars to command,
but impressive as a woman's to the claims
of friendship, and which,. even in the
moment of bloody strife, recognized him
as an old friend of West Point, was beam?
ing upon him in kindness and love.?
There was many a horseman who won?
dered that day why the enemy's fire so
suddenly ceased, when Bosser, recog?
nizing the uselessness of a further attack,
withdrew his men. But the next day, as
they kept moving By the flank, following
the Federal cavalry and the line of the
^wing," a farmer whose house they
passed handhed a Confederate trooper a
note addressed to General T. L. Resser,
which bad been left with him by a Fed?
eral officer. The note was delivered as
addressed, and read somewhat thus: *
Dear-: [The name used was the
old familiar nickname of West Point, not
now remembered by the writer.] You
expose yourself too much on the field,
old fellow. I recognized you yesterday,
and with difficulty saved your life by
stopping my fire. Don't do so again, but
live to laugh over old times after the war
with your friend,
G. A Ouster.
As Bosser rode along, at the head of
his column of bold riders in gray, his
dark face lighted with a pleasant smile
as he read the letter, and he broke into a
hearty laugh, remarking that "Fanny"
(the nickname given to Caster by his
comrades for his fair complexion and
waving blonde hair) always was a good
fellow, but a little too fond of brag
ging._m
? There are six million Baptists in
this country.