The Anderson intelligencer. (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, August 03, 1876, Image 1
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BY HOYT & CO. ANDERSON, S. C, THURSDAY, AUGUST 1876. _VOL. XII-NO. 3.
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OUE CEXTEXNIAL LETTER.
hunting;- abound fob a cool spot?
? The Turkish Bazaar?The Tuni?
sian Calf?Relics of the Holy
Land^Wood prom Mount Olive?
Heckee's Old Mill?Champagne
' on Ige?Ast, Science, Mechanics,
and Agriculture wilting under
a heat of 105? in the shade.
Special Correspondence oj the Andernn Inkllijtncer.
Philadelphia, July 27, 1876. ,
A week or two ago I started on art
subjects with all the glory of inspiration.
My soul was filled with the grandeur of
my theme. Painters and sculptors were
mj daily companions. Baracaglia, whose
wondrous ichisel had created the "Flight
of Time," had shaken me by the hand.
Corona, $he author of "Love's First Mes?
sage,''.had borrowed my tobacco poach,
and had honored me by taking a smoke.
I had loaned my morning paper to Baraci,
and had invited Calci to lunch and lager;
in fact, I was getting on swimmingly. I
was rapidly arriving at that degree of
nonchalence and artistic respectability
which marks the man of travel and ex?
perience, when up goes the thermometer
to 105? in the shade, and knocks me
higher than a kite. My collar wilts, my
cuffs begin to crawl up towards my el?
bows, unseemly shadings make the back
of my linen duster look like a map of
undiscovered Africa, where the big patch
between my shoulders might stand for
the Albert' Ynuze, and the. long line of
perspiration dewn the middle, marks the
course of the Nile from the outlet of the
lake to the "Delta. It is well understood
by scientists that there is a point where
the thermometer fail v when even the
sensitive qdcks?7er loses its power and
becomes like a ball of stone; it is even
so with brain; no brain can act in this
fiery heat; eve:.y energy sinks down ex?
hausted and overpowered before the ter?
rible vigor of the sun, the like of which
has not been seen for more than fifty
years. Under these circumstances I
thought I would do some light skirmish?
ing in the open air instead of keeping in
the buildings, which were very much
like ovens.
The Centennial Grounds teem with
objects Avhich would make the place in
teres^ang if all the main buildings were
removed. Passing down the avenue that
leads from the Horticultural Hall, a little
beyond' the Gorerament building, you
come to-the Turldsh Bazaar. The bufld
ing is octagon in shape, and as a speci?
men beck of - the -Turkish bazaar may be
considered a miserable failure. Around
the edge are seals called by courtesy di?
vans, on which lazy fellows who have
nothing else to do loll and. smoke, look?
ing all the time as though they did not
enjoy it a bit; occasionally sipping a
very dirty, muddy coffee from very little
cups, and not uufrequently you can see
some young gentleman from the country,
who wanted to tell the boys after he got
home that he had seen it all, rushing
out behind the tent to relieve his stom?
ach .after enjoying the luxury of a Turk?
ish-smoke. The Turks we have here are
dirty, baggy, worthless looking fellows,
and if these are fair samples of their
brothers-on the Boephorus, the sooner
the Servians wipe them out the better.
Close at hand are some little booths,
where are sold olive wood relics from
Jerusalem and the Mount of Olives;
they are cut in little crucifixes and rosa?
ries, and all sorts of pious amulets, which
are eagerly gobbled up by centennial
visitors, because they come from the
Holy Land, and are retailed by genuine
Turks. I have no desire to shake any?
one's confidence in the authenticity of
the relics they have bought, but I am
willing to make affidavit that one of the
Turks, and in fact one of the most active,
has kept a clothing store on Market
street for several years past; he attends
the synagogue every Saturday, and looks
upon pork chops with abhorrence; how?
ever, I must confess that when be gets
on his little cap and his loose, baggy
breeches, he makes a pretty good Turk.
Across a few steps from the Turkish
bazaar is the Tunisian Cafe, and if you
will accept my assurance for it, it is an
exceedingly big name for a very small
affair. This, like the Turkish bazaar, is
an octagon building, and ornamented in
the most barbarous taste. On a raised
platform on one side sit three as misera?
ble looking vagabonds as you would de?
sire to see?lean, thin, hungry looking
fellows. - One plays on a sort of a fiddle,
another beats a drum, and the third raises
the devil generally with a pair of cracked
symbols. Now, I am a lover of music, I
took to it naturally; in my childhood my
earliest musical investment was for a
jews-harp, and this was supplemented by
a drum, till most of the neighbors were
struck with the extent of my musical
acquirements; boot-jacks, tin pans, and
old glass bottles frequently rewarded my |
musical efforts. I merely mention this
to show that I know what music is, and 1
I tell you of all the vile abominations in
the way of sound I ever heard, this Tu?
nisian music is the worst. I fly for relief
from it to the gigantic fog-horn, whose
terrible brag brings up the liveliest ap?
prehensions of Gabriel; the filing of a
saw would be positive harmony alongside
of it, and a Chinese gong would sound
like orpheus lyre.
When I tell you that the horror of
their instrumental music was supplemen?
ted by the villainy of their singing, in
which the chief element was the barba?
rous discord.; you may judge that any
place would be a relief from such torture,
so I fled as dogs fly from butchers in
China, and passing over to Agricultural
Hall in search of a cool spot, at last I
struck it. In the north wing I discov?
ered an old wind mill, just such a one as
Don Quixotte might have charged in be?
half of the fair Dulcena. The giant
arms were flying around and down, I
sat upon the ground to enjoy the luxury
of the breeze the^ created, meanwhile
laughing at the poor wretches who were
sweltering under a heat that registered
105?in the shade. I inquired the name
of this benefactor of mankind, and found
it was Mr. Hecker, of New York, the
inventor of Hecker5s Farina, and Beck?
er's self-raising flour. Not satisfied with
raising, the wind on a hot day, he had
opened a sort of public refactory, where
cakes, puddings, blanc manges, and all
sorts of delicacies were dispensed gratis
j to the hungry million. The name soun?
ded familiar like something I had seen
or heard before, and on reflection I re
i membered that riding on top of a stage
through the Bocky Mountains, away up
j among the peaks near the line where the
snow never melts, I saw on the rocks on
one aide, "S. T. 1860," and on the other,
"Hecker^ Farina and self-raising flour;"
and now here at the world's great exposi?
tion I renew my acquaintance, and am
indebted to the wings of his old mill for
a gentle fanning, with the thermometer
at 105?.
A joke has just got out which has kept
Philadelphia on a broad grin tor the last
week. A Frenchman connected with
one of the great Champagne Vineyards
of France, took occasion at a public
dinner-table, at one of our principal
hotels, to assert that there was not a
bottle of wine made in America fit for a
gentleman to drink. An American gen?
tleman sitting by asked him if he con?
sidered himself as a judge; he assured
him that he did. The stranger then of?
fered to bet him a thousand dollars that
he could not tell without looking at the
labels, the different brands of established
champagnes. The Frenchman immedi?
ately accepted the bet, depositing $1,000,
and agreed, moreover, to be blindfolded
daring the trial.
The American was to furnish the wine,
and the loser was to pay for it; it was
further understood that a generous sup?
per was to wind up the festivities of the
evening. All being prepared, a large
party of friends were assembled at :a
crack restaurant on Chestnut street, and
the trial began. Cork No. 1 flew, and
the moment the Frenchman got a smell
of it, he knew it was Mumm. Cork No.
2, and he recognized Rhode rer. Cork
No. 3, Clicot was easily discovered.?
Cork No. .4, and Charles Heidseck was
named without hesitation. Cork No. 5,
and Versenay appeared like an old friend.
Bets ran high on the Frenchman; all
the Yankees were eager takers; the trial
over, the- bottles were examined, and
every bottle that was used was found, to
come from the cellars of the Pleasant
Valley Wine Co., of Hammonsport, State
pf New York. The same company, that
received medalfl at Vienna and Paris for
the superior excellence of their wines.
The Frenchman was furious, and it was
only by the interference of friends that
he was prevented from wreaking ven?
geance on the crowd of his tormentors on
the spot; a duel is talked about hetween
the principals in the affair, so I expect
next week to hear of pistols and coffee,
supplemented by a coroner's inquest. '
,After four dreadful days of insuffera?
ble heat, on Thursday night we were
blessed by a storm that raged for an hour
or two with the fury of a hurricane; the
lightning never stopped its lurid, glare
for a moment, and peal after peal of
thunder crashed about our heads with
the roar of a thousand cannons. The
result was, however, that Friday was one
of the most delightful days of the sea?
son.
The attendance has been light. No
returns are given from the tnrnstyles.
Sun strokes have been numerous, but the
medical department refuse to give any.
information of the number. The Cin?
cinnati Light Guard has arrived after its!
very foolish and wearisome march of
800 miles under a torrid sun; they have
been the past two months on the road;
seven men have sunk exhausted by the
way-side, and all the rest look worn and
haggard. Next week, if the weather is
cool, I shall return to the Art Gallery;
rill then I am
Yours truly,
BROADBRIM.
Extraordinary Offer to South
Carolina Yotjhg Ladies.?The princi?
pal of the Culpeper Female Institute,
located at Culpeper C. H., Virginia, sends
us a communication of special interest to
young ladies who wish to obtain a com?
plete education, but are unable to pay the
cost. He offers to receive three pupils of
this class from. South Carolina, affording
'them the best instruction in all the usual
college branches, including languages
and music, and make no charge except
for board and washing, about $15 per
month. This offer is made by the gener?
osity of a benefactor who desires to re?
main unknown, and out of the considera?
tion for the circumstances of many fami?
lies in our State from whom advantages
to which they were once accustomed are
now withheld by the hand of adversity.
The Culpeper Institute stands among the
foremost in the Old Dominion, has a full
corps of teachers, and its location, in the
far-famed Piedmont region, is unsurpass?
ed. Those interested will address Dr.
Win. R. Vaughn, Principal, Culpeper C.
H., Va.?News and Courier.
How to Get out of Debt.?To a
young man in debt, Benjamin Franklin
gave the following advice: Make a full
estimate of all you owe, and of all that is
owing to you. Reduce the same to note.
As fast as you can collect, pay over to
those you owe. If you cannot, renew
your note every year, and get the best
security yon can. Go to business dili
' gentry, and be industrious; waste ho idle
moments; be very economical in all
things; discard all pride; be faithful in
your duty to God, by regular and hearty
prayer morning and night; attend church
and meeting regularly every Sunday;
and do unto all men as you would that
they should do unto you. If you are too
needy in circumstances to give to the
poor, do whatever else is in your power
to do cheerfully, but if you can, help the
poor and unfortunate. Pursue this
course diligently and sincerely for seven
years, and if you are not happy, comfor?
table and independent in your circum?
stances, come to me and I wijl pay your
debts.
? A straight line is the shortest in
morals as well as in geometry.
HAMBURG fN CONGRESS.
A Campaign Debate? Congressman
H?ge Waves the Bloody Shirt.
The debate in Congress upon the Ham?
burg affair originated from an amend?
ment offered by Congressman Smalls to
the military appropriation bill as follows:
"Provided, That no troops for the pur?
poses named in this section shall be
drawn from the State of South Carolina
so long as the militia of that State peace?
ably assembled are assaulted, disarmed,
and taken prisoners, and then massacred
in cold blood by lawless bands of men
invading the State from the State of
Georgia." This amendment provoked
discussion for two days, but we are un?
able to give a full report of the debate.
Hon. L. Q. C. Lamar, of Mississippi,
made an eloquent defence of the South,
and we append herewith bis remarks:
Mr. Lamar: Mr. Chairman, I do not
propose to discuss or analyze this terrible
and disgraceful affair at Hamburg, al?
though I think the gentleman from Ohio
(Mr. Garfield) has not given a fair
and impartial statement of the circum?
stances in which it originated. But
those circumstances are of no mo?
ment here upon this question, nor are the
provocation which led to the final fear?
ful tragedy involved in the proposi?
tion now before us. Nor are they in my
opinion (and here I differ with the mem?
ber from Ohio) the legitimate topic of
debate or discussion on this floor; they
belong to another tribunal to which the
Constitutions of States as well as that of
the Federal Government remits these
subjects. Whether in the circumstances
and these provocations the whites or the
blacks were most to blame is a question
to which I shall not now recur. Through
all the confusion which has been thrown
around this transaction (and I must say,
notwithstanding the honorable character
of the informant of the member from
South Carolina, which I do not question
in the slightest degree, his document was
evidently written, and perhaps very natu?
rally, under great exasperation and ex?
citement), through all the uncertainty
which exasperation and exaggerations
have thrown around this subject, there is
one fact which gleams out acknowledged,
is indisputable. It is that a body of
white men did without authority of law
put to death a number of black men, who
had been taken as prisoners; I mean who
had been captured and deprived of their
liberty, but who were not prisoners in
the legal sense of the term, inasmuch as
those capturing them had no right under
the law to deprive them of their personal
liberty. Now, sir, I wish to say here in
my place?ana what I say here just as it
drops from my lips and falls upon the re?
porter's notes is at once Bent throughout
the entire South, and every constituent of
mine in every home and hamlet will read
what I say; and even if I were base or
ignoble enough to utter here what I
would swerve from there, as has been
falsely charged against Southern men,
the Record would always convict me?in
my place here and with the responsibili?
ties surrounding me, I assert that no ex?
cuse or palliation can possibly be found
for these outrages ana this barbarism.
[Applause.] As a Southern man and as
a Democrat I have a remark or two to
make upon this subject. Mr. Chairman,
we of the South have a lawless class pre?
cisely as you of the North have lawless
classes. As a consequence we have riots
in which human life is lost precisely as
you have such riots, with this difference:
Ours without preconcert flame up in dif?
ferent localities aud are confined to short
periods of time, while yours in more than
one instance have held several counties
in terror, have extended over months of
time, and have involved a larger loss of
human life, defying the authorities of
your States. There is another.fact which
I wish to mention. In those Southern
States where disorders and violence occur
there are governments of a peculiar
character and type, invariably govern?
ments of one character and type. They
are governments which are called Re?
publican governments, but it is a spurious
republicanism which has no identifica?
tion or sympathy with the views and
purposes that have inspired the following
of the great Republican party of this
country. And, sir, those State govern?
ments have invariably encouraged these
disorders and these murders by their in?
efficiency, by their imbecility, by their
'cowardice, and by their connivance, for
they have in every instance not only
failed to punish these murders, not only
failed to administer justice, not only
failed to execute the laws, but they have
used the occurrences as occasions to
appeal to Congress and to the North for
help in maintaining the powers which
they are so ruthlessly exercising. The
gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Garfield)
asked if it was a sporadic case or one
typical of the general condition of things
South. I answer that there is no com?
munity in the South that is not thrilled
with horror at such occurrences. Sir, it
is a wonder that society does not go to
pieces under the operation of govern?
ments that allow such lawlessness to
stalk abroad in the land unpunished.
They are governments which live on
violence and disorder, and when they
cannot have violence they provoke ifr in
order to use it as an instrument of politi?
cal power. A word in answer to the
argument of the gentleman from Michi?
gan (Mr. Conger) Saturday, in all good
temper. The use of the army never pro?
duced any good effect in such cases as
this. The troops always get to the scene
of the disturbance after the occurrence
and too late to prevent it, and as a means
of righting personal and private wrongs,
as a means of preventing violence to per?
sonal security, the army is slowj cum?
bersome, is ineffective, and almost use?
less ; and in spite of the efforts of the |
army officers to the contrary, whose
actions cannot be too highly commended,
it is converted into a monstrous engine
of political oppression and corrupt politi?
cal intrigues. Tbat is the only use to
which it is put in the South. The gen?
tleman must see how inappropriate the
use of the army is in such cases. A riot
like this in the streets of a town or village
is not a thing for the Federal Govern?
ment to intervene about, for it violates
no Federal law, it does not conflict with
national authority, it has no relation to
the exercise \ of the right of suffrage.
This was a riot like the riots which
occurred in the State of Pennsylvania in
the mining regions, or in Indiana, where,
on the day of the last election, three or
four colored men were killed; or like
that which occurred the other day in
New Jersey, where Beven men were
killed, two of them put to death by ston?
ing. Why do you not apply the same
remedy there ? Why confine your Fed?
eral intervention to prevent murder, and
riot to one section alone? What is the
remedy in this case ? It is clear. It is
the duty of the Governor of South Caro?
lina to take prompt and severe measures
to have apprehended and punish the
men who committed such a crime. He
cannot use measures too vigorous or too
summary to bring the men who shot
down these prisoners in cold blood to a :
swift retribution. I understand the elo?
quent and gifted Georgian (Mr. Hart
ridge) to promise the co-operation of the
Governor of Georgia, if the case touches
Georgia in any way, to bring these men
' to condign punishment. Is the Govern?
or of South Carolina doing anything in
that direction ? If he is he will meet
my support and praise and that of the
good citizens of South Carolina; but if
instead of doing that he is rushing to
Washington to invoke once more the
demon of discord and sectionalism, to
drag their material of passion through
this Chamber, he will not be doing that
which will prevent disorders in that
State. I say, sir, if there is lawlessness,
it is because these so-called Republican
governments have been not only corrupt
and lawless themselves, but also because
they have encouraged it by giving it im?
punity through their imbecility and cow?
ardice, and often by actually inciting it.
I say that wherever, as in the State of
Arkansas to-day, the Governor has ruled
with a firm hand and enforced the law,
lawlessness has been crushed out and all
citizens, black aud white, are alike secure.
Governor Garland has in one year nut
down the spirit of lawlessness in that
State, and it is now as peaceable a com?
munity as any in the country. I repeat,
it. is not the fault of the people, whose
property, interests and business invest?
ments and industrial arrangements de?
pend upon peace and order, and are
utterly ruined by such disorders, but of
Sovernments either too inefficient to put
own crime or so much interested in pro?
ducing tha? they furnish provocations to
it. Why, sir, the other day Governor
Kellogg, of Louisiana, appointed as a tax
collector to a parish in that State?so I
read in the press?a man who was a cap?
tain of a band of murderers and robbers.
If he had sent his police to hunt him
down and shoot him like a wolf, him and
his marauding band, he would have done
his duty. But instead of that he legal?
izes robbery and theft by making the
robber a public officer, and when riots
and disturbances grow out of such actions
as these he comes here to Washington
and calls on this Government to bring
about order. Sir, these occurrences are
ruinous to the South, they are unnatural
and morbific elements, and disappear
wherever this kind of men is eliminated
from political and social control in the
South, and management of affairs falls
into the hands of her own people.
"Our" Representative Waves the
Bloody Shirt.
In striking contrast to the effort of a
gentleman and a statesman, we give the
incoherent and inflamatory remarks of
Solomon L. H?ge, the mis-Representative
from the Third Congressional District of
South Carolina, whose opportunity for
wavingthe bloody shirt was not neglected.
Here is the report from the Ckmgresswnal
Record:
Mr. H?ge: Mr. Chairman, in rising to
speak upon this question, I will say that
I had hoped the occasion would not have
arisen at this late period, when I, as a
member of Congress, should be called
upon to rise in my place and speak upon
the subject that now is occupying the at?
tention of the House. I was in hopes
that the time had passed in South Caro?
lina when these outrages, these deeds of
blood and murder could ever occur again.
I was in hopes that they were forever
passed.
I can remember, Mr. Chairman, that in
1868, during the memorable election in
the Third Congressooal District, which
I had the honor to represent on this floor,
there were nearly three hundred of pur
citizens murdered, so that this outrage
that has been perpetrated in Edgefield is
nothing new in the history of South Car?
olina. Over three hundred of my con?
stituents at that time suffered loss of life
by adhering to and advocating the prin?
ciples of the Republican parly. But
while this state of affairs has existed, I
do not want to make the statement to-day
in this House, nor do I believe it, that
even in South Carolina all the white men
who belong to the Democratic party are
in favor of the murderers. I do not be?
lieve that. On the contrary, I know
there are many men in our State that
belong to that party who are as much
opposed to these deeds of blood and vio?
lence as I am. But I do state to-day,
and I stated from that knowledge that I
have gained from experience, after nearly
eleven years' residence in South Carolina,
and having been intimately connected
with the politics of that State during that
time?I do state that there is an element
in the Democratic party either controlled
or partly controlled by the men who
headed the band of murderers at Ham?
burg, a party headed by such men as
General M. C. Butler ana General Gary,
and men of that class, who by their acts
and their words, ? by their counsel to the
people who do these deeds of blood, urged
them on to commit these great crimes.
While perhaps General Butler would be
too much of a gentleman or too honora
able a man to choot a negro if he had
told him to run off, for the mere pleasure
of seeing him fall, yet by bis advice these
dirty scoundrels and murderers who did
that shooting were actuated and encour?
aged to do these deeds of blood; it was
by just such men as Butler and Gary, of
Edgefield county. Those are the men
who advocated and recommended this
outrage upon the colored people; and it
was simply because they are members of
the Republican party, because they can?
not control their suffrages and get them
to put them in office by their votes. They
say to them, "You have to act with the
Democratic party in South Carolina, or
we will make you do it." The edict has
gone forth that a black roan in South Car?
olina must either vote the Democratic
ticket in the future or follow in the foot?
steps of those who fell at Hamburg. It
has placed my distinguished friend from
Mississippi?no, I do not know that he
would allow me to call him that?it has
placed him in a position to obtain a seat
upon this floor, to be elected to the Senate.
He says that they have peace in Missis?
sippi and in Arkansas. So they have ;
but it is the peace of the grave; it is
lasting peace to the colored man and to
the white man who dares to advocate
those great principles of civil and relig?
ious liberty that have been advocated by
the leaders of our party?principles which
came down to us from our forefathers,
and which it is our duty to perpetuate
and hand down to our children as a sa?
cred heritage.
There is this prejudice existing iu the
minds of the white people where slavery
has existed; it is one of the results of
that institution. This opposition to the
colored man and to his enjoyment of civil
and political rights has come under my
observation in South Carolina and other
States of the Union having a similar state
of society from the commencement of
reconstruction up to the present day.?
There is a deep-seated hatred against the
black man. There is but one thing be
can do to win forgiveness from his old
master; that is, to bow down to him, to
surrender all his political rights, and
agree to vote the Democratic ticket. Mr.
Chairman, the gentlemen from Georgia
who have spoken on this question
and condemned the acts of these ? men
must not forget that some of the men
from the soil of Georgia dared to cross
the Savannah river and invade the sacred
soil of South Carolina without any au?
thority of law, without being called upon
by its Government, and took part in these
murders, assisting in shooting down pri
vate citizens of South Carolina. And it
is not the first time citizens of Georgia
have crossed the Savannah river to in?
vade the rigbta of black men in South
Carolina. They have been doing it ever
since 1868 up to the present hour. The
edict has gone forth that thev intend to
carry South Carolina, that tbey intend
to do it peaceably if they can but by vio?
lence if necessary, just as Georgia has
been carried and is to-day under the con?
trol of the Democratic party.
The Chairman : The gentleman's time
has expired.
Mr. H?ge: I ask the gentleman from
New York to allow me to ask to print
additions to my speech. Does the gen?
tleman object?
Mr. Cook: I object to the printing of
any libel upon the State of Georgia from
any newspaper.
The committee rose and the debate
closed.
THE COTTON PROBLEM.
How shall the Farmern secure Paying
Prices for the Staple.
Cokesbury, S. C, July 21.
To the Editor of the News and Courier:
I have read with pleasure, as you
doubtless anticipated, the communication
of your correspondent "8.," in the News
and Courier of the 19th inst. I welcome
"S." to the ranks of those who for five
long years have been laboring assiduous?
ly to effect what he at this late day con?
sidered so essential to the prosperity of
the South.
. Nearly three years ago the National
Grange, assembled in St. Louis, and com?
posed of a representative farmer of every
State in the Union except Rhode Island,
issued "a memoiial to the Cotton States,"
urging the cotton planters to diversify
their farming and contract the area of
cotton. That memorial contained these
words:
"If three million five hundred thousand
(3,500,000) bales are grown, they will be
consumed before another crop can be
gathered, and a remunerative market
Srice will be sustained by the consequent
emand. If four millions five hundred
thousand (4,500,000) bales are grown, the
large marginal excess will control and
depress the market. Is it not within the
power of our organization to control this
feature of our condition? Alternatives
for success are numerous, but we need
rely upon the single one of co-operation
in the determination to subsist at home.
With this end attained, there is no reason
why we should not be the happiest, most
independent and prosperous people on
earth."
This memorial was signed by the Mas?
ters of every State Grange, from North
Carolina to Texas.
It has been read by thousands of indi?
vidual planters, to hundreds of grangers
in their meetings, and had a perceptible
effect in many places upon the planted
area; but, strange to say, a diminished
area did not produce a smaller crop.
Just in proportion to decrease in area
was there an increase of effort ; a greater
effort to fertilize, and an application of
more intelligence to the production of
the crop. The result was a greater yield1
per acre, and an equally large crop upon
a decreased area.
Mr. Editor, I am an advocate of co?
operative effort in every general industry,
and have labored for the Southern farm?
ers until I have well-nigh reduced myself
to poverty in my efforts to organize them
for their own recuperation and prosperi
; and I am prepared to assure "S."
at there is already extant an organized
association of farmers more coherent,
more unified and more powerful than can
ever be created for any temporary relief
from present ills. The organization of
the Patrons of Husbandry is systematic,
complete, and admitting into its ranks
every man that could or would disinter?
estedly Unite in the effort suggested by
"S.;" and the subordinate branches of
this organization meet monthly, and are
in constant or direct communication with
each other. Through them good effects
might be produced; but even then it
see-ns impractical, because our Southern
farmers are loth to co-operate for any?
thing, apparently, except their own de?
struction. Out of the 40,000 farmers in
South Carolina, only about one-third are
members of the Grange, and about the
same proportion are members in' the
other Southern States. This one-third
might move forward solidly to accom?
plish the end proposed by. S." What
effect would this nave upon the other
two-thirds? And yet this one-third is a
vastly greater number than would ever
join a ''Protective Association," or be
bound by its regulations.
The platform and resolutions adopted
by popular conventions avail but little
unless tbey are the sentiments of a pre?
viously organized body. Township and
county organizations must be formed be?
fore a State Convention can speak even
suggestively. These conventions are ex?
pensive bodies, and especially so in South
Carolina; perhaps more so than in any
State in the Union. In Georgia the
farmers hold a semi-annual convention,
to and from which delegates are carried
free by the railroads? and during the con?
vention private families extend the hos?
pitalities of the town or city to?the dele?
gates. Almost everywhere else delegates
are transported at half the usual rates.
In South Carolina a different policy pre?
vails, and hotel accommodations are more
expensive and meagre than elsewhere.
Of all men, now-a-days, farmers have
least money, and for these reasons the
conventions advised by "S." would not
be attended generally, or, if attended,
would not sit long enough to effect the
end proposed.
The Georgia State Convention meets
in Gainesville on or about the 7th of Au?
gust. I suggest that "S." prepare a pa?
per upon the subject he has so well con?
sidered in your columns and submit it to
that body. I will venture to guarantee
it a warm reception and favorable con?
sideration. If that body, in their wis?
dom, should see fit to promulge a scheme
by which an effort shall be made in any?
wise whatsoever to relieve the depressed
and oppressive condition of the Southern
farmers, I p'edge my influence to make
the same practical among the farmers of
South Carolina.
Mr. Editor, I have presumed to send
you this article only because my name
was mentioned by you in your editorial
and by "S." in bis communication. It is
with no spirit of dictation that I would
speak, but so firm a believer am I in the
power of co-operation that I say, if the
farmers of the South will but unite they
can exact tribute from the world upon
the cotton question, and if the same solid,
compact union were effected among the
farmers of South Carolina, political as
well as industrial redemption is near at
hand, indeed, is now knocking at our
doors and asking admission.
Your obedient servant,
D. WYATT AIKEN.
? "What would be your notion of ab?
sent-mindedness ?" asked Rufus Choate
of a witness whom he was cross-examin?
ing. "Well," said the witness, "I should
say that a man who thought he'd left his
watch at home, and took it out to see if
he had time to go home and get it, was a
little absent-minded."
THE "HAMBURG HORROR."
Got. Chamberlain Considers It a Blot
on the Civilization of the South.
The folio wine is the letter of Go v.
Chamberlain addressed to Senator Rob?
ertson soon after the affray at Hamburg:
Executive. Chamber, 1
Columbia, S. 0, July 13, 1876. J
HonMT. J. Robertson, United States Sen?
ator, Wathingtou, D. C.:
Dear Sib?Your request for a state?
ment from me of the recent bloody affair
at _ Hamburg, in this State, was duly re
j ceived. I have waited before replying
until official reports and statements sh ould
be received. There are now before me
the official reports of the Attorney Gen?
eral and the Adjutant and Inspector Gen?
eral, the testimony taken at the Coroner's
inqnest and the written statements of
several other persons who were present
ami witnessed the whole or parts of the
affair. I will present to you as briefly as
possible the leading facts as they appear
from the evidences to which I have re?
ferred. ,
On the 4th of July irist., a company of
the State militia (colored) were marching
along one of the streets of Hamburg.
The street was over lOt eeet wide, and the
company was marching in columns of
four. While so mr-ching they were met
by two young white men in a buggy, who
insisted on keeping their course in the
street without regard to the movements
of the militia, and drove against the
head of the column, which thereupon
halted. Some parleying took place,
which resulted in the company yielding,
opening their ranks and allowing the
young men to proceed on their course.
On the following day the young men re?
ferred to took out warrants of arrest
against some of the officers of the militia
company, who were brought before a
trial justice for trial. The trial was af?
terward adjourned till four p. m. of Sat?
urday, the 8th inst. Before, that hour
arrived on Saturday, many white citizens
from the country around Hamburg began
to gather in the town and armed them?
selves with guns and pistols. The militia
company in the meanwhile had assem?
bled at their armory in the village, and
at the hour set for trial the defendants
did not appear.
At this point it has been stated in de?
spatches and newspapers that the militia
officers having defied the authority of the
trial justice, the citizens were called on to
assist the trial justice by acting as his
posse. Nothing of the kind in fact oc?
curred. The militia failed to appear be?
cause of their fear of injury at tue hands
of the armed white men, and the trial
justice, after formally calling them, took
no further steps to cause their presence
in his court on account of the excitement
and the evidences of an impending con?
flict. While affairs were in this condi?
tion, there being, according to nil ac?
counts, from 200 to 300 armed white men
from the surrounding country in the
town, a demand was made by the whites
for the surrender to them of the arms of
the militia. An hour or two passed in
negotiations concerning this demand, the'
whites informing the militia company
if the arms were not given up in a short
time?most of the witnesses say u. a half
hour?the whites would open fire on the
militia. The militia refused to deliver
up their arms, saying that the demand
was wholly unwarranted and illegal, and
that they had reason to fear for their
lives if they gave up their arms.
A brisk fire was then opened by the
whites upon the building in which the
militia was assembled, and soon after one
of the attacking party was killed by a
shot from the militia in the building. A
piece of artillery was thereupon brought
across the bridge from Augusta, loaded
with canister and fired several times at
the building in which were the militia.
This had the effect to cause the militia
: to endeavor to make their escape from
the rear of the building. . The town mar?
shal of Hamburg, a colored man, who
was living in the building, was instantly,
shot by the attacking party while thus
endeavoring to escape from the building.
Twenty or twenty-five of the militia were
captured by the attacking party and kept
under guard for several hours. Finally,
about two o'clock on the morning of the
9th of July, (Sunday,) after consultation
among their captors and. with complete
apparent deliberation, five of the cap?
tured militiamen were called out, one by
onb, and shot-to death in the presence of j
a large body of their captors. The rest
i of the captured party were either turned
loose or broke loose and ran. They were i
I fired upon as they ran, and three of them I
\ severely wounded, me of them prdbahly j
: mortally. Attorney General Stone thud
succinctly reports this part of the affair:
"Six men took A. T. Attaway out of the j
ring. He and his mother begged for his
life, but in vain. He was told to turn
around and was shot to death by the
crowd. David Phillips was next taken
out and was similarly killed. Pompey
Curry was next called eut. He recog?
nized among the bystanders Henry Oet?
zen and Dr. Pierce. Butler called on
them to keep the other men from killing
him. He ran and was shot as he ran,
one bullet striking him on the leg below
the knee. Afterward Albert Mayniart,
Moses Parks and Hampton Stevens were
killed. Stevens did not belong to the
company."
The Attorney General, who. has per?
sonally visited Hamburg, thus concludes
his official report to me: "Making due
allowance for errors in minor details, the
facts show the demand on the militia to
give up their arms was made by persons
without lawful authority to enforce such
demand or to receive the arms had they
been surrendered ; that the attack on the
militia to compel a compliance with this
demand was without justification or ex?
cuse, and that after there had been some
twenty or twenty-five prisoners captured
and completely in the power of their
captors and without means of making
further resistance, five of them were de?
liberately shot to death and three more
severely wounded."
Such was the affair at Hamburg. If
you can find words to characterize its
atrocity and barbarism, the triviality of
the causes, the murderous and inhuman
spirit which marked It in all its stages,
Jour power of language exceeds mine,
t presents a darker picture of human,
cruelty than the slaughter of Cluster and
his soldiers, for they were shot in: open,
battle. The victims at Hamburg were
murdered in cold blood after they had;
surrendered, and were utterly defence-;
less. No occasion existed for causing,
the presence of a single armed citizen at
Hamburg on the day of the massacre.
No violence was offered or threatened to
any one. It is, indeed, said, as usual,
that "the niggers were impudent," but
the evidence shows that all the actual
physical aggression was on the part of
the whites; that they made a demand
which they had no right to make, and
when that demand was refused, as it
should have been, they proceeded to en?
force it by arms, and crowned their suc
ecss in enforcing their demands by brutal
murders. Shame and disgust must fill
the breast of every man who respects his
race or human nature as he reads the
tale. To me in my official capacity?
wherein, as you will testify, I have done
my utmost, at no little risk of my per
sonal and political detraction from my
political friends, to remove abuses and
restore good government and harmony to
our people?the occurrence of such an,
appalling example of human passion and
depravity comes as a deep mortification
ana discouragement. What hope can
we have when such a cruel ana blood?
thirsty spirit waits in our midst for its
hour of gratification ? Is our civilization
so shallow? Is our race so wantonly
cruel? Such acts call for condemnation
and punishment. For condemnation as
a bloody blot on the record of your race
and mine, as a cruel affront to a race
whose long suffering, patient forbearance
challenge the admiration and gratitude
of the world; as a shameful dishonor to
the name of South Carolina. For pun?
ishment as a violation of the laws of the
State and a wanton blow at the peace
and happiness of our State. I am glad
to testify to the horror which this event
has excited among many here who have
not been wont to heartily condemn many
of the past bloody occurrences at the
South. Nothing, however, short of con?
dign and ample punishment can dis?
charge the obligation of society and our
State toward the authors of this causeless
and crnel massacre. Very respectfully,
your obedient servant,
D. H. Chamberlain,
Governor of South Carolina.
Gen. Butler Replies to the Governor
through the New York Herald, and
Excoriates the Slanderer.
Edgefield, S. C, July 21, 1876.
lb the Editor of theN. Y. Herald.
I have just read Gov. Chamberlain's
fancy sketch of the "Hamburg Horror,"
addressed to Senator Robertson; at Wash?
ington. After a few rhetorical flourishes,
bis Excellency says: "Such acts call for.
condemnation and punishment." I en?
tirely agree with him, and if he does not
take steps at once to have them condemn?
ed and punished, he should be -hurled
from the position which his imbecility
disgraces. I have been the object and
target of Radical malignity, and assigned
a position in this affair similar to that of
Sitting Bull in the Caster massacre. I
have been slandered and traduced by the
Governor's emissaries for,, doing nothing
more than my very plain and simple du?
ty, and I now challenge him to begin his
legal investigation. He knows my resi?
dence, and he knows that'the:presence of
U. S. soldiers is notjiecessary for my ar?
rest, or that of any other whit nan who
was at Hamburg. And befo.e that in?
vestigation closes, if I do not show that
the negroes were the aggressors, and the
whites not to blame, that the emissaries
of bis Excellency; were the instigators of
the riot, and that his appointees could
have prevented and did not prevent it,
that the company called militia was not
militia, but a band of rioters and high?
waymen, and that he is responsible for it
?if I do not show all this, and show be?
sides a condition of affairs at Hamburg
under a Radical government pretending
to be civilized, which would almost dis?
grace the purlieus of Comassee settle?
ment, I will undertake personally to an?
swer for the death of every man, white
and black, who fell in that riot.
! No man knows better than Governor
Chamberlain that what he states in that
communication to Senator Robertson is
false in every essential particular. No
one knows better than himself that he
has published it in the bloody-shirt out?
rage interest. But no matter whether he
has or not, I make him a very practical
proposition, and he shall not evade it.
j High sounding phrases such as he in*
dulges in, are better suited to another era.
of our history, when people were more
prone to be influenced by a sickly senti?
mentality, when Radical cant and Radi?
cal falsehood had larger and more will?
ing and attentive audiences. The Amer?
ican people are becoming eminently
practical, almost prosy in their pursuit of.
facts.
As you aptly suggest in your editorial,
"The Governor's campaign rhetoric is
another thing. Let him hunt up the
criminals concerned and punish them.?
If as he says the whites of South Carolina
reprobate the outrage,' let the Governor
teat their indignation by punishing the
offenders." The rhapsodies of a partisan
politician, fatally bent oh perpetuating
his personal.supremacy and the power of
hit party, is one thing, and the manly
discharge of duty by the. Governor, of a
whole State, in the interest of all, is an?
other. His Excellency ..has chosen the
role of the partisan, at the expense of his
official responsibility, ar.d if he does hot
make good his oath of office, to see that;
the laws are executed, let him stand con?
fessed a charlatan who would gamble
with the dearest rights of the people of
the commonwealth, and barter away the
fair name of the State, to the .end that
D. H. Chamberlain may continue to wear
the Gubernatorial robes of a State which
he cannot or does not govern.
Yours, &a,
'M.C.BUTLER
The Toeoh and-thS Bloody Shiet.
?A committee calling themselves
"Union Veterans," holding appointment
from a convention which met in Pitts
burg in September, 1872, 118818806(1811
address to the soldiers and sailors who
served in the army ana navy during the
late civil war. They are advised to or?
ganize for service during the Presidential
campaign, and are urged to come to?
gether in mass convention at Indianapo-.
Bs, Ind., September 20, 1976, to express
their sentiments, &c. The Democratic
party and the Democratic candidates for
the Presidency are roundly denounced
in this circular as traitors. They say
"it's the old fight again; the same party
and the same men are arrayed against
you." The committee desire, they say,
to organize campaniea, regiments,
brigades, divisions and corps of boys in
blue, with uniforms of hats, capes and
torches. This precious document is
signed by John A. Dix, Chairman;
James A. Garfield, Chairman Executive
Committee, and two Secretaries. In the
names of the Members' Committee are to
be found those of Major G. S. Merril and
Colonel>S. L. H?ge.
Does this mean the employment of
force and fraud to carry the election at
all hazards? The New York Herald has
charged its columns repeatedly of late
against Governor Tilden, seeking to place
him in some awkward, position In refer?
ence to the Hamburg matter. Has it
nothing to, say to these incendiaries, who,
in a time or profound peace? seek to re?
vive and profit by all the animosities of
the lato war??Columbia Register.
? A St. Louis woman aayB it is no
worse to en circle a lady's waist with your
arm in a ball room than to hug your
friend's sister on the back stairs. No
worse! Why, it is not as good!
? Robert Settle, a brilliant young
Democrat, takes the stump in North
Carolina in opposition to the election of
h is brother, Hon. Thomas Settle, the Re?
publican candidate for. Governor.
? This is the season of year when a
man drops wearily under a tree and says
to himself, "Live and breathe if you want
to; I am tired of this thing."
? England is introducing schools of
cookery with great success among the
working classes, to the great benefit of
morals and comfort.
Gen. Wheeler's Letter of Acceptance.
Malone, N. Y., Jnly 15,1876.
Hon. Edward McPherson and others, of
the Committee of the Republican Nation?
al Convention :
Gentlemen?I .received, on the 6th
inst., your communication advising me
that I had heen unanimously .nominated
by the National Convention of the Re?
publican party, held at Cincinnati on the
14th ult., for the office of Vice President
of the United States, and requesting my
acceptance of the same and asking my
attention to the summary of Republican
doctrines contained in the platform adop?
ted by the Convention.
'A nomination made, with such unanim?
ity implies a confidence on the part of
the Convention which inspires my pro?
found gratitude. It is accepted with a
sense of the responsibility which may fol?
low. If elected, I shall endeavor to' per?
form the duties of the office in the fear of
the Supreme Ruler and in the interest of
the whole country.
To the summary of doctrines enun?
ciated by the Convention I give ray cor?
dial assent. . The Republican party has
intrenched in the organic law of our land
the doctrine that liberty is tbe supreme,
unchangeable law for every foot of
American soil. It is the mission of that
party to give full effect to this principle
by "securing to every American citizen
complete liberty and exact equality in
the exercise of all civil, political and
public rights." This will be accomplish?
ed only .when the American citizen, with?
out regard to color, shall wear this
panoply of citizenship as fully and as
securely in the cane brakes of Louisiana
as. on the banks of the St. Lawrence.
Upon the question of our Southern re?
lations,, my views were recently expressed
as a member of the Committee of the
United States House of Representatives
upon Southern Affairs. These views re?
main unchanged, and were thus ex?
pressed: ?...
"We of the Nortri delude ourselves in
expecting that the masses of the South,
so far behind in many of the attributes
of enlightened improvements- and civili?
zation, are, in the orief period of ten or
fifteen years, to be transformed into our
model Northern communities. That can
only come through a long course of
patient waiting, to.which no one can
now set certain hounds. There will be a
good1 deal of unavoidable friction, - which
will call for forbearance, and which will
have to.be relieved by the temperate, fos?
tering care of the government. One of
the most potent, if not indispensable
agencies in this direction will be the de?
vising of some system to aid in the edu?
cation of the. masses. The fact that there
are whole counties in Louisiana in which
there is not a solitary school house is full
of suggestion. We compelled these peo
51e to remain in the Union, and now
uty and interest demand that we leave
no just means untried to make them good,
loyal citizens. HoW to diminish the
friction, how to stimulate the elevation
of this portion of our country, are prob?
lems addressing themselves to our best
and wisest statesmanship. The founda?
tion for these efforts must be laid in satis?
fying the Southern people that they are
to have equal, exact justice accorded to
.them. Give them, to the fullest extent,
every blessing which the government
confers upon the most favored?give them
no just cause for complaint, and then
hold them, by every necessary means, to
an exact, rigid observance of all their
duties and obligations under the consti?
tution' and its amendments to secure to
all within their borders manhood and
.citizenship, with every right thereto be?
longing."
.. The inst obligations to public creditors,
created when the government was in the
throes of threatened dissolution, and as
an indispensable condition of its salva?
tion?guaranteed by the lives and blood
of thousands of its . orave defenders?are
to,he kept with religious faith, as are all
the pledges subsidiary thereto/and con?
firmatory thereof.
. In my j udgment the pledge of Congress
of January 14,1875, for the redemption
of the notes of the United States in coin
is the plighted faith df the nation, and
national honor, simple honesty and jus?
tice to, the people, whose permanent weir,
fare and prosperity are dependent upon
true money as the basis of their pecu?
niary transactions, all demand the scru?
pulous observance of this pledge, and it
is the duty of Congress to supplement it
with such legislation as shall be neces?
sary for its strict fulfillment.
In bur system of government intelii
Eace must give safety and value to the
Hot. Hence . the common schools; of
thelandshould be preserved in all their
vigor, while,, in accordance with.'the
Spirit of the constitution, they and all
ieir endowments should be secured by
every possible and . proper guarantee
against every form of sectarian influence
or control.
There should be the strictest economy
in the expenditures of the government
consistent with its effective administra?
tion, and all. unnecessary offices should
be abolished. Offices should be con?
ferred only upon the basis of high charac?
ter and particular fitness, and should be
administered only as public trusts and
not for private advantage.
The foregoing are chief among the
cardinal principles of the Republican
party, and to carry them into full, prac?
tical effect is the work it now has in
hand. To the completion of its great
mission we address ourselves in hope and
confidence, cheered and stimulated by
the recollection of its past achievements;
remembering that, under God, it is to
that party that we are indebted in this
centennial year of our existence for a
preserved, unbroken Union; for the fact
that there is no master or slave through?
out our broad domains, and that emanci?
pated millions look upon the ensign of
the Republic as the symbol of the ful?
filled declaration that all men are created
free and equal, and the guarantee of their
own equality, under the law, with the
most highly favored citizen of the land.
To the intelligence and conscience of
all who desire good government, good
will, good money and universal prosperi?
ty, the Republican party, not unmindful
of the imperfection and shortcomings of
human organizations, yet with the honest
purpose of its masses promptly to re?
trieve all errors and to summarily punish
all offenders against the laws of the coun?
try, confidently submits its claim for the
continued support of the American peo?
ple. Respectfully,
William A. Wheeler.
? "Carl Schurz," aays the St Louis
Olobe-Dcmocrat, the leading Republican
organ of the West, "is on our side this
time, but we think we can win the fight
nevertheless."
? A lady in St. Joseph, Mo., has be?
come so accustomed to watering her
flowers that she was out with her water?
ing-pot in the rain recently, sheltered by
an umbrella.
? It is given on the authority of a New
Orleans paper that there is in that city a
hog with his ears so far back that he can?
not hear himself squeal.
? It is said that a coat of tallow ap?
plied to rubber boots will draw out the
sulphurvand render them much less liable
to crack,