Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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RATES OF SUBSCRIPTION?Two Dollabs per annum, and Oxx Dollar for six months. Subscriptions are not taken for a less period than sis months. ?: Liberal deductions made to clubs of ten or more subscribers. RATES OF AD VERTISUVG.?One Dollar per square ol one inch for the first insertion, and Fifty Cents per square for subsequent insery?ns less than three months. No advertisement counted less than a square. Liberal contracts Trill be made with those wishing to advertise for three, six or twelve months. Ad* vertisinc by contract must be confined to the im mediate business of the firm or individual contrac? ting. ? Obituary Notices exceeding five lines, Tributes of Respect, and all personal communications or matters of individual Itter est, will be charged for at advertising rates. Announcements of marriages and deaths, and notices of a religious character, are respectfully solicited, and will be Inserted gratis. Ttv TinvT & no ANDERSON, S. Q, THURSDAY, JULY 20, 1876. VOL. XII-NO. 1. LEGAL ADVERTISING.?V?<s are compelled to require cash payments for advertising ordered by Executors, Administrators and other fiduciaries, and herewith append the rates for the ordinary notices, which will only be inserted whon the money comes with the order: Citations, two Insertions, - $3.00 Estate Notices, three insertions, - ? 2.90 Final Settlements, five Insertions - - 3.00 TO CORRESPONDENTS.?In order to receive attention, communications must be accompanied by the true name and address of the writer. Re? jected manuscripts will not be returned, unless the necessary stamps are furnished to repay the postage thereon. SSr We are not responsible for the views and opinions of our correspondents. All communications should be addressed to "Ed? itors Intelligencer," and all checks, drafts, money orders, Ac., should be made payable to the order of HOYT 4 CO., Anderson, S. C. THE TILDEN CAMPAIGN SONG. by CARL brett. Air, Dixie. In the land of com and the land of cotton Radical rogues are ripe and rotten? Look away I look away! All too long have the rascals ruled us? Look away! look away! , chobcs. ' So I mean to vote for Tilden, For Uncle Sammy Tilden! On Tilden's side I'll stand with pride, And work and vote for Tilden. Honesty now is what's the matter; All the thieves we'll force to scatter? Look away! look away! Driving the rats from' the Treasury bnildin', Clearing the track for our Sam Tilden? Look away! look away! Chobus.?So I mean to vote for Tilden, etc. "Whiskey rings and revenue robbers, Salary grabbers and railroad jobbers Look away! look away Leeches that stick to the public pockets, All must go up and away like rockets Look away! look away! CteoBus.?So I mean to vote for Tilden, etc. North and South are again united, Equal and free, and no one sb'ghted? Look away! look away ' Tuck in your shirt that's duty and bloody; Such a foul fraud can fool nobody? Look away! look away! Chobus.?So I mean to vote for Tilden, .etc. Justice and truth nave long been scanted. Honesty now .is the thing that's wanted? Look away! look away! Look alive, then, and be sure to remember; Vote for reform, boys, next November Look away! look away! Choxcs.?So I mean to vote for Tilden, etc. OUR CENTENNIAL LETTER. ? ? - The Opening or' the Second Century of the Republic?The Assemblage of Magnates?The Celebbation on the FotrBTH of July?Scenes about Town?Repose among the Wondebs of the Abt Galleby. Special Correspondence oj the ?nderton Intelligencer. Philadelphia, July 13, 1876. At last the long-expected day has come and gone, and we have reached our hun? dred years. Nothing has occurred in the least to max the general harmony of the occasion. Our motherland, forgetful of ] the strife and bitterness of past conflicts, sends one of the foremost gentlemen of J England to do us honor. Germany, un? mindful that we are annually depriving her of millions of her choicest sons and daughters, flashes her greeting across the sea, and bids us a hearty God speed. Our old-time cousin and friend, Canada, loving, as she does, her institutions and hier Queen, nevertheless, through her Press Association?representing no less the patriotism than the intelligence of | the New Dominion?joins in cheers for the young Republic and hoorays for Yankee Doodle. It is especially gratify? ing that this should be so, and that na? tions representing even the despotisms of | the world rejoice in our success. When I closed my last letter, it was on the eve of the third of July. The whole city was in a state of breathless expecta? tion for the night parade which was to precede the ceremonies of the fourth. Towards evening on the third the popu? lation residing in the upper portions of the city and its environs turned their faces towards the scene of the procession. Street cars were crowded, horses strug? gling for life, conductors swearing, men quarrelsome, women screaming and scold? ing, till it really seemed as if the utmost limit of human patience had been reached. Wagons and carriages, of all characters and styles, festooned with flowers and decked with gay ribbons, constantly flit? ted by. Arriving at the junction of Broad and Chestnut streets, the scene defied description; a struggling mass of | humanity choked every avenue and crowded every street; policemen strug? gled with fate and the crowd, and, not . withstanding the locust and the majesty of the law, fate and crowd generally got the upper hands. By nine o'clock the line of the route was all ablaze with various colored lights, rockets filled the air by the thousands, and Old Glory? illuminated by the red glare of innumer? able port-fires?streamed out upon thje night like a star of hope to the shouting thousands, who, for the time being, were forgetful of everything but the approach? ing completion of the Nation's hundred years. In my brief space I cannot at? tempt to describe the procession, any more than to say it was a grand success; and as the neu- clock on the old Inde? pendence Tower announced the hour of twelve, which sounded like the requiem of the departed century, the street in front of the hall, for many blocks either way, was illuminated with a blaze of j glory?cannon thundered, steam whistles screamed, people shouted, drums beat, small arms rattled, till it really seemed as if the roof was gone up or the bottom was dropped out, or something dreadful had happened, till, finally, completely exhausted with their own noise, the din ceased, and peace reigned once more. Sleep laid bis leaden mace upon the eyelids of weary thousands, and for two or three hours there was comparative calm. With the first streaks of the com? ing day, however, was heard the low roar of a great city waking into active, busy life. The street Arabs, whose liberty is re? stricted through all the rest of the year, set off all sorts of pyrotechnic abomina? tions, and discharged rusty old pistols, regardless of the clubs of impotent po? licemen or the badges of embryo detec? tives. It was, indeed, a. day of glorious liberty, to indulge in cheek and impu? dence, without any of the consequences that ordinarily overtake these infractions of the code civile. The fourth was ush? ered in with the usual national salute and ringing of bells. The morning was one of the loveliest of the year?the air was balmy, cool and bracing?just such a day as every one wished to see. At nine o'clock there was not standing-room on Chestnut street?a dense mass of peo? ple filled every available space along the entire route. Crack regiments from even* portion of the Union participated in the military display. The President of the United States was absent, but Generals Sherman and Sheridan, his famed lieutenants, honored the occasion, and the Vice President of the United States ably presided in the absence of his chief. A space about Independence Hall was roped off and guarded by a "cordon of police, and no one unprovided with a pass was allowed within the charmed circle. I will not inflict the ceremonies on my readers. Suffice to say there was a poem by Bayard Taylor, which would be delightful reading when one has plenty of time, under the cool shade of an umbrageous tree, with a cooling lemonade at your elbow, but a sore trial of patriotism under a broiling sun, with the thermometer at 120?.? Then came an'oration by the Hon. Wm. M. Evarte, filling five mortal columns of the Ledger. Even patriotism has a limit, and I inwardly resolved that if I atten? ded the next Centennial I would bring a hammock and a slight Innch, so that I could get rest and refreshment between the acts. The great Exhibition was com? paratively deserted during the forenoon of the fourth. The halls looked empty and silent, which, of course, must have been a great disappointment to the Cen? tennial managers, who expected to take in sixty or seventy thousand dollars, at lease, on that day. Toward the afternoon matters brightened a little, and people began to come in who had been to the celebration down town. At two o'clock the Catholic T. A. B. made ijs appearance at the gate, several thousand strong, to assist in the dedication of the T. A. B. fountain; and right at this point one of the most stupid things was done that I ever heard of on any public? occasion. As the procession entered, the police seized all the doors facing Memorial Hall, and with their bludgeons preven? ted anybody from going in or out for nearly an hour and a half. They were as much prisoners as if they had been in the station-house, and it was not till the last T. A. B. had passed that anybody was allowed to go out. By another stupid arrangement, the fireworks at Fairmount Park were not set off till long after dark, though it must have been evident to the managers that a storm was impending, and they were finally let off in a shower of rain, when thousands were drenched who might have enjoyed the fireworks, and have been snugly in their homes, if they had been set off at the proper time. However, the day passed off, as a whole, successfully and pleasantly, with fewer accidents than might have been reasona? bly expected. On the evening of the fourth, Dom Pedro and the Empress attended a reception at the mansion of Mr. Drexel, the great banker, at which were also present Sir Edward Thornton, the British Ambassador, Generals Sher? man, and Sheridan, Vice President Ferry, Governor Hartranft and distinguished representatives of the Foreign Commis? sions. The Army of the Cumberland has hacLits reunion this week, at which touching resolutions were introduced to the memory of the brave Custer, whose untimely death is so universally de? plored. It is with a feeling of inexpressible relief that I turn from the tumult of the past week to find an hour of peace in the noble Gallery of Arts. I feel that this is the opportunity of my life, and, once past, it will not come back again. I pity the man or woman who can look upon this wonderful collection and not feel bettered by the contact. There are many stolid and ignorant people who come to this Exhibition, and I have yet to see the first one from whom something .in the collection did not wring out an unbidden cry of pleasure and surprise. I have a higher opinion of my kind for the las* few weeks?they are better than I gave them credit for. The collection became too colossal for one building, and a second had to be put up, larger in area than the first This annex, as it is called, is full of priceless gems of art. Near the south door is the statue of a child listening to the ticking of a watch, a most delightful conception, beautifully worked out; and not far from it, one of those marvellous creations that wreath the sculptor's brow with undying im? mortality. It is the Flight of Time, by Barzaglia, of Milan. Time is flying past; he clutches his hour-glass, and will not be stopped; a female has seized him and endeavors to impede his flight, but he speeds ruthlessly on; her fingers are buried in his flesh; the rush of the winds as he tears along, sweeps back her garments, that seem to flutter in the wind. The plumage on the wings of time, and the drapery on the female figure, are miracles of art only seen once in a life time. Tell yomr readers not to forget the splendid Italian mosaics?rich landscapes of the ruins of Rome, equal in splendor of color and tints to the finest pictures in the collection. And beware of French restaurants! all within the grounds charge the most extortionate prices. So I warn all people coming to the Exhibi? tion?if you see a sign having anything French about it, give it a wide berth. BROADBRIM. Poor Girls.?The poorest girls in the world are those who have never been taught to work. There are thousands of them. Eich parents have petted them ; they have been taught to despise labor, and depend upon others for a living, ana are perfectly helpless. If misfortune comes upon their friends, as it often does, their case is hopeless. The most forlorn and miserable woman on earth belongs to this class. It belongs to parents to pro? tect their daughters from this deplorablo condition. They- do them a great wrong if they neglect it. Every daughter should be taught to earn her own living. The rich as well as the poor require this training. The wheel of fortune rolls swiftly round?the rich are very likely to become poor, and the poor rich. Skilled to labor is no disadvantage to the rich, and is indispensable to the poor. Well-to-do parents must educate their daughters to work; no reform is more imperative than this. Official Report of Attorney General Stone. Office of the Attorney General. Columbia, S. C. July 12, 1876. Hon. D. H. Chamberlain, Governor. Sir: According to your request of Monday last, I have visited Hamburg for the purpose of ascertaining the facts connected with the killing of several men there, on the night of the 8th of July. My information has been derived chiefly from Trial Justice Rivers, and from the testimony of persons who have been examined before the coroner's jury now in session, and from those who re? ceived wounds from the armed body of white men who had taken them pris? oners. From this imormation, the following facts seem to be clearly established : During the administration of Governor Scott a company of State militia was or Sinized at Hamburg, of which Prince ivers was captain. This company was known as company A, 9th regiment Na? tional Guard of the State of South Caro? lina. - Arms were at that time furnished to it, and some ammunition. This com? pany, previous to May, 1876, had for some time but few names' on its rolls, drilled rarely, and scarcely kept alive its organization. But in May of this year the number of members increased to about eighty, and one Doc. Adams was chosen captain. On the 4th of July, the company drilled on one of the public streets, in the town of Hamburg. The street on which they drilled was between one hundred and one hundred and fifty feet wide, but it was little used and was overgrown with grass, except in that portion which was used as a carriage road. While the com? pany was thus drilling, Thomas Butler and Henry Getzen, his brother-in-law. came along in a carriage and demanded that the company should make away for them. Adams halted the company, re? monstrated with Butler and Getzen for thus seeking to interfere with the com? pany, and called their attention to the fact that there was plenty of room on each side of the company to pass. Finding them unwilling to turn out of tbeir course, Adams finally opened ranks and allowed them to drive through. This incident seems to have angered Butler and Getzen, who made complaint before Trial Justice Rivers against the militia company for obstructing the high? way. The trial justice on the following day issued a warrant against Adams, as he was the captain of the company, and had him brought before him for trial. During the progress of the trial, Adams was arrested by the trial justice for con? tempt of court, and subsequently the case was continued until 4 o clock Saturday afternoon, July 8. At that time, Butler and Getzen, with General M. C. Butler, who had been em? ployed by Robert J. Butler, father of the former, as their attorney, repaired to the office of the trial justice, but Adams did not appear. General Butler inquired as to the na ture of the charges against Adams, and asked if the trial justice was to hear the case as trial jastice, or in his official capacity of major-general of militia. To this the trial justice replied that he was to hear the case as a trial justice, but if the facts showed that a military offense had her n committed Adams would have to be tried by a court-martial. General Butler then stated that he thought the case might be arranged, and at his suggestion time was given him to see the parties.' After this the trial justice did not see General Butler at his office, but learned that he had gone over to Augusta. In the meantime the trial justice had been informed that some 200 or 300 armed white men were in Hamburg, and that a demand had been made by them that the militia should surrender their arms. After a consultation With Messrs. Jefferson and Spencer, Rivers sent for General Butler. He rode up to the back gate of Rivers' house. The two had a conversation in which General Butler said that he had given orders to have the guns given up4 in half an hour, and the time waa nearly up. Rivers asked if some other arrange? ment could not be made to which Gen? eral Butler replied in the negative. Rivers then asked if he would not con? sent to have him receive the arms, box them up and send them to the governor. To which Gen. Butler replied, that he would box them up and send them to the governor, and if he, the governor, should return them to the company it would be at his own risk. Rivers then asked if they would give a bond for the arms, to which Gen. Butler said, that he would stand the bond, and turning to another Eerson?I think R. J. Butler?asked if e wouldn't go on a bond also, to which he replied that he would. Rivers then asked for time before fire should be opened on the militia, so that he might have a conference with the militia officers. This was acceded to, and Rivers tben went to the building known as the Sibley building, in the second story of which the company had ite armory and drill room, and where it was then assembled, and told Capt. Adams what might be expected if he should refuse to give up the arms. To this Adams replied that Gen. Butler had no right to the guns; that the company held them, and he proposed to hold them unless Gen. Butler showed some authori? ty to take them. After this interview, Rivers returned to Gen. Butler, with whom was Robert J. Butler. He told them the decision to which the company had come. Then Robert J. Butler said that Gen. Butler was his attorney; that he had come to settle the matter. If the company would apologise for the insult to nis son and son-in-law he would do nothing more, but the whole matter was in Gen. But? ler's hands. Gen. Butler said that, as the men would not meet him, he would have no more to do with them. Gen. Butler was asked by Rivers if he would guarantee the safety of the town should the militia surrender their arms. He said that would depend on bow the men behaved themselves afterward. This statement is confirmed by S. P. Pixley. While these negotiations were going on the armed body of white men in the town were concentrated on the bank of the river near the Sibley building. Soon after they were broken off firing began. Men who were in the building say that it was commenced by the whites firing upon the building. Adams gave his orders not to shoot until he directed them to. The company had very little ammu-. nition, and all they had was a portion of that issued to the company when it was first organized. After the firing had begun it was re? turned by the militia, and one of the attacking party, McKie Merriwetber, was shot through the bead and instantly killed. After this a piece of artillery, said to belong to the Washington Artil? lery, of Augusta, was brought over from Augusta, and four charges of canister were fired from it upon the armory but without injuring any one. The persons in the armory escaped from the rear by means of ladders and hid under floors of adjacent buildings or wherever else they could find shelter. The first man killed by the whites was James Cook, town marshal. He had been in the armory but was not a mem? ber of the company. He had gone into the street from the rear of the Sibley building, arid was at once fired on and fell dead instantly, pierced by five or six bullets. Afterwards the whites began their search for the members of the company. They succeeded in getting about twenty five colored men as prisoners, some of whom were never members of the com? pany. As fast as they were captured, they were taken to a place near the South Carolina Railroad, where a large party of armed men stood guard over them. None of those thus captured had arms in their-hands. ? Subsequently, and at about 2 o'clock a. m. six men took A. T. Attaway out of the "ring." He and his mother begged for his life, but in vain. He was then told to turn round and was shot to death by the crowd. David Phillips was next taken out and was similarly killed. Pompey Curry was next called out. He recognized among the by-standers Henry Getzen and Dr. Pierce Butler, and called on them to keep the oth^r men from killing him. He ran, and was shot at as he ran, one bullet striking him in the right leg, below the knee. Afterwards Albert Myniart, Moses Parks and Hampton Stevens were killed. Stevens did not belong to the company. Neider John Parker, who has been com? monly referred to in the newspaper re? ports as John Thomas, was corporal in the company. When he was arrested and taken to the spot where the other prisoners were, he recognized among the party two gentle? men of Augusta, named Twiggs and Chaffee. He appealed to them for pro? tection. They said he should not be hurt. He states that Gen. M. C. Butler asked if he was one of the d?d rascals. Tbe reply was in the affirmative. He was then shot in the back. Messrs. Twiggs and Chaffee then said if be was shot again they would shoot the ones who did it. They took him off and had him taken to Augusta. He was shot before Attaway was killed. He may recover from his wounds. One Butler Edwards was taken as a prisoner. He says he was taken before^ General Butler, who, at the time, was in the street near the Sibley building. This was about 12 o'clock. Threats were made to shoot him. Gen? eral Butler directed that he be taken to the others. He recognized among the crowd one Captain Carwile and ? Dun bar, of Augusta; said he had a long talk with the former. He was among the prisoners who were let loose and told to run; as they ran they were fired at and he was shot in the head. He was not a member of the company. Willis Davis, one of the members of the company, was taken to the place where were the other prisoners. The men stated that John Swaringen, of Edgefield coun? ty, had charge of the prisoners. He states that he saw General Butler before the men were killed who asked him what he was doing, and told him he would have enough of it before he got through. He was shot in the arm near the elbow, when he was about twenty paces distant from the crowd. The ball is still in his arm and he suffers much pain. He also states that some of the young men from Georgia remonstrated against shooting the prisoners, but in vain. Besides the killing and wounding of tbe men herein named, tbe party broke open several stores and houses, and, in some instances, robbed tbe inmates.? They took from Mr. Charles Roll, the postmaster, and a very respectable white citizen, a gun which he had in his store, and his private property. From an old colored man, named Jacob Samuels, in his employ, they took a watch and set fire to his house. They broke open the house of Trial Justice Rivers, and did much damage as well as robbed him of his clothing. They obtained kerosene oil and attempted to set fire to a house, but were prevented by Col. A. P. Butler from doing so. Tbe ropes of the public wells were cut and some fences were torn down. So far as I can learn, the primary ob? ject of the whites was to take away from 1 the militia their arms. The man Parker, who was wounded, states that on Friday, the 7th instant, he had a long talk with one Harrison Butler, (white,) on Broad street, Augusta. But? ler told him that if Rivers did not give orders for the militia to give up their arras they would take them any way on the next day. On Saturday, rumors were abroad in Hamburg that there were armed parties coming in to take tbe guns, but little credit was attached to them. One of the white citizens of Hamburg heard a conversation between David Phil? lips and Gen. Butler in tbe afternoon. Phillips talked very "big," as the gentle? man said, and Gen. Butler told him that they wanted those guns and were bound to haye them. In the afteruonn Col. A. P. Butler went to the various stores in town and told the proprietors that they must not sell any liquor to his men. In spite of this, how? ever, some of the men compelled one of the storekeepers to furnish them liquor. From the same person they obtained kerosene oil to use in setting fire to a house. The whites were armed with guns and small arm3 of various kinds, and many of them had axes and hatchets. It is proper to state that the intendent of Hamburg, Mr. Gardner, was informed by Gen. Butler, in an interview with him, that the arms of the company must be given up. Trial Justice Rivers is now holding an inquest and taking the testimony of wit? nesses. Until their verdict is rendered, it will be impossible to tell who were en? gaged in the attack on the militia and the subseqent killing and wounding of the colored men. It may be possible that a careful judi? cial investigation may show some slight errors in some of the minor details stated in this report. But, making due allow? ance for such errors, the facts show the demand on the militia to give up their arms was made by persons without lawful authority to enforce such demand or to receive the arms had they been surren? dered ; that the attack on the militia to compel a compliance with this demand was without lawful excuse or justifica? tion ; and that after there had been some twenty or twenty-five prisoners captured and completely in the power of their cap? tors, and without means of making fur? ther resistance, five of them were deliber? ately shot to denth and three more severe? ly wounded. It further appears that not content with thus satisfying their vengeance, many of the crowd added to their guilt the crime of robbery of defens.lcss people, and were only prevented from arson by the efforts of their own leaders. Yours, very respectfully, William Stone, Attorney-General S. C. ? New York has a firm named Day & Knight. It is a strong, safe. firm. Day may break, but Knight will succeed nevertheless. THE HAMBURG COLLISION. Gen. M. C. Butler's Connection with the Riot? Au Advocate of Peace, law and Order. Editors Columbia Register: Certain newspaper editors and report? ers have done me so much injustice by false reports in reference to the recent disturbance in Hamburg, that it is due to myself to make to the public a statement of my connection with it. On Friday evening, July 7, Col. Thos. Shaw, with his brother, the Rev. Wm. Shaw, was at Edgefield Court House to see Mr. H. "\V. Addison and Mr. A. J. Norris and myself on business. After transacting it, Col. Shaw said to me that Mr. Robert J. Butler, who lives near Hamburg, in Aiken County, desired me to be at Hamburg on the following even? ing, (Saturday,) at 4 o'clock, to represent professionally, his son, Thomas Butler, and son-in-law, Henry Getzen, in a trial to be had before" Trial Justice Prince Rivers. Mr. Butler has been a lucrative client of mine for many years. I in? quired of Col. Shaw if he knew the nature of the case to be tried, and he said he knew nothing except what he had heard ?that these two young men had had an altercation with a company of negro militia in the streets of Hamburg on the 4th of July, and that Mr. Robert Butler had complained to Rivers, the Major General of Militia and Trial Justice, and that he supposed the trial referred to that matter. I accordingly left Edgefield at 9 o'clock next morning in a buggy. When I had gone about seven njiles on the old stage road, I met Dr. Geo. Wise, who inquired if I had heard the news from Hamburg. I replied that I had heard nothing special, but was on my way to Hamburg to attend a trial before Rivers. He said the information had reached his neigh? borhood that the negro militia had threatened to lynch Thomas Butler and Henry Getzen if they were not convicted, and that several young men had gone in that direction. When nearing the town, I sent word to Mr. Robert Butler to meet me in Ham? burg, and give me the facts of the case in which he wished nfe to appear. Mr. Butler did meet me in a short time, and I there for the first time ascertained the character of the trouble. I had nothing whatever to do with the matter up to that time?knew nothing but what I have stated. My business there was simply professional; bad no? thing about me but one law book, and had no more idea of there being a colli? sion than an utter stranger. I learned after reaching Hamburg that Mr. Henry Sparnick, ot Aiken, was in town as the attorney of the colored mili? tia, and sent for him with a view of ar? ranging for the trial or effecting some arrangement between the parties. Mr. Sparnick met me, and, I think, will do me the justice to say that my earnest effort was to prevent any further trouble, if possible, and he appeared equally anxious. Mr. Robert Butler then interposed and said to Mr. Sparnick that if these men would make acknowledgments for their abuse and maltreatment of his son and son-in-law, he would be satisfied. I said nothing about any apology myself. It was then proposed that we hold a conference with the officers of the militia company and Prince Rivers, and see if we could not adjust matters. I made this proposition. Mr. Sparnick assented, saying he had influence with the negroes, and he thought we could arrange it. He went off, as I supposed, to Dring his clients, but did not return. Sam Spencer, a negro man, came to Mr. Dam's store, where I was with Mr. Robert Butler, his son and son-in-law, and said that he desired to see me pri? vately. I at once went into Mr. Dam's back room. " He said he was sorry to see so much excitement, and I expressed re? grets at it, when he said that he thought inasmuch as Trial Justice Rivers was to hear the case, he would prefer not to be in the conference. I agreed with the propriety of that position, and he then said that the officers of Doc Adams' militia company would meet me, but did not like to come to Mr. Dam's store, as there were armed men there, but would meet me at his (Spencer's) office if agree? able to me. I said certainly I would meet them at his office, and alone if they preferred. He then went off and did not return. The time appointed for the trial having arrived, I proceeded, with my clients, to the Trial Justice's office. Rivers was not in, and after a time his clerk went for him, and he opened his court. I in? quired as a preliminary question whether he was sitting as a civil or military officer. He replied that that depended upon the facts, as they would be developed; that he was then acting as a peace officer. I remarked that I was indifferent as to the character of the court, as we only desired to arrive at the facts, and inquired if the accused parties would be present. He said that he did not know, but would have them called, which his constable proceeded to do from the door. About this time Sam Spencer came in, and said to me that he thought if the trial could be suspended, the matter could be settled. I replied that he must see the Trial Jus? tice, and if he would suspend, I had no objection. Whereupon Rivers announced the case suspended for ten minutes, and I was invited by the Intendant of the town, a negro man named Gardner, to the Council Chamber, for the purpose of meeting the militia officers of Adam's company. I repaired at once to that place, and remained tliere about a quarter of an hour. Nobody appearing but Gardner, with whom I had some talk as to the necessity of something being speedily done, and that I thought the best solution of the matter was that these people should deliver up their arms as a means of settling the present difficulty and a guarantee against a future recur? rence ; he said he knew nothing about it; and waiting, as I thought, long enough, I got in my buggy and went over to Augusta on business having no relation to the Hamburg matter; and while there, was questioned by a number of persons as to the status of affairs in Hamburg, to whom I replied that I thought a collisidft between the whites and blacks imminent and likely to take place. After despatching my business, I was returning through Hamburg, on my way to spend the night at Mr. Robert But? ler's, two miles in the country, and leave for home early next morning. When about half away across the bridge, I met a delegation of four negroes?Pixley, Edwards, Spencer and Sims?who stopped me, and said that, if I would go to Spencer's office, the officers of the militia would meet me and endeavor to stop the impending trouble. I agreed; went directly to the appointed place, and waited there some twenty or thirty minutes, but one of the officers, Cart ledge, appearing. He said he would do all in his power to induce the militia to disband and give up their guns, and I believe he did. Whilst I was in Augusta, a body of men rode into the town (Hamburg) mounted. I went around the street to look for Mr. Butler, and had not Leen gone long before I received a message from Prince Rivers asking mc to meet him. I de? clined to do so, saving that we had made about four appointments, which were observed by myself only, and that he must come to me. I, however, did go to meet him, and he asked me if the men would give up theii arms, would I guar? antee the safety of the town. I said I have nothing whatever to do with the town, and could give no guarantee of any sort, as I had no command or au? thority, but would say, as a citizen, that, in my judgment, if they would do that, there would not be the slightest trouble; and he said that he thought that right, and would go and advise them to that course. In aboutjgn minutes the report was circulated tbjk the negroes refused to give up their arms, and intended to fight. And a few minutes thereafter the fight did ensue. The negroes were forti? fied in their drill room in a brick build? ing, known as Sibley's corner, and they raised a yell and fired from the windows, which was responded to by the whites, and a general firing took place. Not a very great while after the firing began, Mr. McKie Merriwether, a most estimable young man, was shot through the head and killed. Not a negro had then been touched, and Merriwether's death naturally infuriated the already excited crowd, and they were under the leadership of no one. During the firing, some parties un? known to me brought over a piece of artillery, and fired four or five times at the building and returned. The firing of the negroes from their position then ceased. I left the crowd arresting the negroes. How many were killed or how they were killed I do not know. This collision was the culmination of the sys? tem of insulting and outraging of white people, which the negroes had adopted there for several years. Many things were done on this terri? ble night which, of course, cannot be j justified, but the negroes "sowed the wind and reaped the whirlwind." I did not attempt to accomplish by j force what I could not accomplish by | peaceful means. I was not the leader of this body of in? furiated men. I was there in the line of I my profession. The collision was a sort f of spontaneous combustion. I thought I saw it approaching, and did all that any human being could be expected to do to prevent it. I have no objection to being saddled with whatever responsibility fairly at? taches to my conduct, but I have no idea of permitting newspaper reporters, for the sake of a sensation or any other pur? pose, presenting me as the leader of a mob, when I was no more the leader and no more responsible than any other per? son who might have been there in the line of his duty. M. C. Butler. The Hamburg Coroner. The News and Courier is just now en? gaged in the most astonishing piece of I newspaper enterprise yet recorded. Its f special correspondent, with headquarters at Augusta, walked into Major General Prince Rivers' "Crowner's quest" court, at Hamburg, Monday morning, in search of news. Here is his description of that remarkable tribunal: Arriving in the city at 8 o'clock this morning, I lost no time in crossing the river, in order to attend an examination which was being conducted by Prince Rivers, in his two-fold capacity of Inten? dant and Trial Justice for Hamburg. I found him in the midst of this occupa? tion, and, after a patient hearing of a couple of hours' duration, left him in the midst of it, fu.'Iy satisfied that no informa? tion whatever was to be derived from a further attendance upon the proceedings of his absurd court, the business of which was being conducted, or clogged rather, in a style peculiarly his own, and strong? ly analogous to the farce which always follows a tragedy in well-regulated theat? ricals. The court room was a low, ill ventilated apartment on the ground floor. Rivers presided in mock dignity behind a j long table, with two unskilled scribes at his elbow, whose want of familiarity with the uses of a pen contributed no little to the delay which characterized the in? quest. A jury of twelve blacks, ranged six on each side of the room, and either six oc? cupying a long, hard bench, completed the personnel of the Court. All the jurors were ignorant, unkept and uncomely looking fellows, one among them being an ex-convict, whom I recognized on sight, and another was sound asleep. One alone paid attention to what was go? ing on before his eyes, and occasionally interrupted by asking a question or pro? posing one, or making general sugges? tions, or arguing with the .'court in rela? tion to the proper mode of taking testi? mony. His interruptions were indig? nantly rebuked by tie court as often as volunteered, and each was made the oc? casion of a long lecture on the part of the court, which evidently strained itself to administer fitting, and, at the same time, varied rebukes. The whole proceeding was simply and exceedingly childish, and the result obtained, if any, was utter? ly worthless as regards the nature and amount of testimony elicited. A. Delusion.?A young man who thinks that he can lead a reckless and profigate life until he becomes a middle aged man, and then repent and make a good and steady citizen, is deluded by the devil. He thinks that people are all fools, destitute of memory. He con? cludes that when he repents everybody will forget that he was a dissipated wretch. This is not the case, people remember your bad deeds and forget your good ones. Besides, it is no easy thing to break up in middle age, bad habits that have been formed in youth. When a horse con? tracts the habit of baulking, he generally retaius it through life. He will often perform well enough until the wheel gets into a deep hole, and then he stops and holds back. Just so it is with the boys who contract. bad habits. They will sometimes leave off their bad tricks, and do well enough uutil they get intoatight place, and then they return to the old habit. Of those boys who contract the bad habit of drunkenness, not one in every hundred dies a sober man. The only way to break up a bad habit is never to con? tract it. The only way to prevent drunk? enness is never to drink. Cremation.?We are informed that j by a provision of his will, Mr. Henry | Berry, who died at his residence in this county on the 9th inst., at an advanced age, required his executor?one of his sons?to.cremate his body on pain ofj being disinherited. We have no details j of the erection of the funeral pile, tho burning nor the disposition of the ashes. Mr. Berry had been successful in busi? ness, and died possessed of a large and valuable landed and personal property. If this provision of his will is carried into" effect, this will be tho second case of cremation in South Carolina, the first being that of the Hon. Henry Laurens in December, 1792.?Marion Star. ? A gentlemau with considerable face ?the man in the moon. A BID FOR THE REFORM YOTE. Gov. Hayes's Letter Accepting the Re? publican Nomination. The following is the letter of accept? ance written by Gov. Hayes to the com? mittee of the Republican National Con? vention which informed him of the nomination at Cincinnati: Columbus, 0., July 8,1876. Gentlemen : In reply to your official communication of June 17, by which I am informed of my nomination for the office of President of the United States by the Republican National Convention at Cincinnati, I accept the nomination with gratitude, hoping that, under Prov? idence, I shall be able, if elected, to exe? cute the duties of that high office as a trust for the benefit of all the people. I do not deem it necessary to enter upon aoy extended examination of the declaration of principles made by the Convention. Toe resolutions are in ac? cord with my views, and I heartily con? cur in the principles they announce. In several of the resolutions, however, ques? tions are considered which are of such importance that I deem it proper to briefly express my convictions in regard to them. Tbe fifth resolution adopted by the Convention is of paramount interest.? More than forty years ago a system of making appointments to office grew up based upon the maxim "To the victors belong tbe spoils." The old rule, the true rule, that honesty, capacity and fidelity constitute the only real qualifica? tions for office, and that there is no other claim, gave place to the idea that party services were to be chiefly considered. All parties have adopted this system. It bos been essentially modified since its first introduction. It has not, however, been improved. At first, the President, either directly, or through the beads of departments, made all the appointments; but gradually the appointing power, in many cases, passed into the control of members of Congress. Tbe offices, in these cases, have Decome not merely re? wards for party services, but rewards for services to party leaders. This system destroys the independence of the separate departments of the government; it tends directly to extravagance and official in? capacity;, it is a temptation to dishon? esty; it hinders and impairs tbe care? ful supervision and strict accountability by which alone faithful and efficient pub? lic service can be secured; it obstructs the prompt removal and sure punishment of the unworthy; in every way it de? grades the civil service and the character of the government. It is felt, I am con? fident, by a large majority of the mem? bers of Congress to be an intolerable burden and unwarrantable hindrance to the proper discbarge of their legitimate duties. It ought to be abolished. The [ reform should be thorough, radical and complete. We should return to the prin? ciples and practice of the founders of the government, supplying by legislation, ? when needed, that which was formerly established by custom. They neither expected or desired from the public offi? cer any partisan service; they meant that public officers should owe their whole service to the government and to the people; they meant that the officer should be secure in his tenure as long as his personal character remained untar? nished and the performance of his duties satisfactory. If elected, I shall conduct, the administration of the government upon these principles, and all constitu? tional powers vested in the Executive will be employed to establish this reform. The declaration of principles by tbe Cincinnati Convention makes no an? nouncement in favor of a single Presi? dential term. I do not assume to add to that declaration, but believing that the restoration of the civil service to tbe sys? tem established.by Washington, and fol? lowed by the early Presidents, can be best accomplished by an Executive who is under no temptation to use the patron? age of his office to promote his own re? election. I desire to perform what I regard as a duty in stating now that my inflexible purpose, if elected, is not to be a candidate for election to a second term. On the currency question I have fre? quently expressed my views in public and stand by my record on this subject. I regard all tbe laws of the United States relating to tbe payment of tbe public in? debtedness, the legal tender notes in? cluded, as constituting a pledge and moral obligation of the government which must in good faith be kept. It is my conviction that tbe feeling of uncertainty inseparable from an irredeemable paper currency, with its fluctuations of values, is one of tbe great obstacles to a revival of confidence in business and to a return of prosperity. That uncertainty can be ended in but one way?the resumption of specie payment. But the longer the in? stability connected with our present money system is permitted to continue, the greater will be the injury inflcted upon our economical interests and all classes of society. If elected I shall approve every appropriate measure to accomplish the desired end, and.shall oppose any step backward. Tbe resolution with respect to the pub? lic school system is one which should receive the hearty support of the Ameri? can people. Agitation upon this subject is to be apprehended until, by constitu? tional amendment, the schools are placed beyond all danger of sectional control or interference. The Republican party is pledged to secure such an amendment. The resolution of the Convention on the subject of tbe permanent pacification of the country, and the complete protec? tion of all its citizens in the free enjoy? ment of all their constitutional rights, i? timely and of great importance. The con? dition of the Southern States attracts the attention and commands the sympathy of the whole Union. In the progressive recovery from the effects of the war, their first necessity is an intelligent and honest administration of the government, which will protect all classes of citizens in their political and private rights. What the South most needs is peace, and peace depends upon the supremacy of the law. There can be no enduring peace if the constitutional rights of any portion of the people are habitually disregarded. A division of political parties resting merely upon distinctions of race, or upon sec? tional lines, is always unfortunate, and may be disastrous. The welfare of the South, alike with that of every other part of the country, depends upon the attrac? tions it can offer to labor, to immigration and to capital. But the laborers will not go, and capital will not venture where the constitution and, the laws are set at defiance and destruction, apprehension and alarm take the place of peace-loving and law-abiding social life. All parts of the constitution are sacred and must be sacredly observed?the parts that are new, no less than tbe parts that are old. The moral and material prosperity of tbe Southern States can be most effectually advanced by a hearty and generous recognition of the rights of all by all? recognition without reserve or exception. With euch a recognition fully accorded, it will be practicable to promote, by the influence of all legitimate agencies of the General Government, the effort of the people of those States to obtain for them? selves the blessings of honest and capable government. If elected, I shall consider it not only my duty, it will be my ardent desire, to labor for the attainment of this end. Let me assure my countrymen of the Southern States tbat, if I shall he charged with the duty of organizing an administration, it will be one which will regard and cherish their truest interests ?the interest of the white and of the colored people, both and equally, and which will put forth its best efforts in behalf of a civil polity which will wipe out forever the distinct'on between North and South in our common country. With a civil service, organized upon a system which will secure purity, expe? rience, efficiency and economy, a strict regard for the public welfare" solely in appointments, and the speedy, thorough and unsparing prosecution and punish? ment of all public officers whobetray offi? cial trust; with a sound currency; with education unsectarian and free to all; with simplicity and frugality in public and private affairs, and with a fraternal spirit of harmony pervading the people of all sections and classes, we may reasonably hope tbat the second century of our existence as a nation will, by the blessing of God, be pre-eminent as an era of good feeling, and a period of prog? ress, prosperity and happiness. Very respectfully, your fellow-citizen, R. B. Hayes. "Raising* The Republican Party. In his speech at Georgetown, on the 4th of July, Governor Chamberlain pro? poses to "raise up the Republican party in South Carolina to a higher plane of purity and respect." It certainly has been low in its infamous career of oppres? sion and plunder. During seven years of official identification with the party, and" with the scoundrels in this State who have sought to rob and degrade the eople, Attorney-General Chamberlain id not seem to know the dishonor at? taching to the proceedings of his party associates. He did not apparently feel the shame attending those connected with its villainies. But two years ago the thing became so rank and conspicuously indecent a scandal in the eyes of the country, as to make the attempt at its purification pop? ular with Northern Republicans and essential to any pretence of respectability on the part of persons identified with it. Governor Chamberlain for two years has endeavored to purify and reform South Carolina Republicanism. His endanger? ed party at the North may be benefitted, and he may lift himself out of the slough of filth in wlych he had been previously moving. We commend the sagacity of Governor Chamberlain, as a Radical politician and as a man of personal aspi? rations for himself in the future, here or elsewhere. But to the people of South Carolina, what is the Republican party; whatAre its relations to them; what in? terests have they in seeing it elevated to the plane of respect ana given a new lease of life and power? It is a party founded on sectional greed and ambition?a party which fanned the flames of fanaticism and fostered social ' prejudices and jealousies on the part of people at the North, to grasp the. power of the general government. Wedding this for sectional aggression and aggran? disement, its great object has been to rule the South in the interest of its parti zaus. It is a party which, under the clause of "general welfare," and by construction, has attempted practically to abolish the Constitution of the United States, with all its limitations for the protection of minorities, and to consolidate all the powers of government in the hands of the sectional majority at Washington. It has sought, under the name of a "new nation," to conduct a naked, absolute despotism of Radical numbers, irrespon? sible and beyond the control of the minority, whose liberties, whose property and whose interests are all at their mercy. It is a party of hate, which, under the pretence of humanity ancLa love of free? dom, has depressed the enlightened white race of the South, to the political domin? ion and material despoilment of ignorant and semi-barbarous freed -negroes, man {aged by inimical adventurers, who have been kept in power throughout the South by fraud ana intimidation, with United States troops. Such are the objects, the policy, and the character of the Republican Party. Is there anything to make desirable for South Carolina the raising up and re? vitalizing of Radicalism here. Is it not . essential that it be extirpated root and branch, if Carolinians are to have hence? forward any peace, any prosperity, any local self-government, any free govern? ment, any country ? The people of this State are not wholly habituated to the condition of Radical oppression. Their endurance has not yet assumed the stage of imbecility through custom. Reasoning subterfuges have not yet usurped tho place of truthful aspirations. The high spirit of liberty is not yet crushed out of their bosoms. While they intend to bo circumspect, they are in earnest. In seeking the ways to redeem the-State, they mean business. And to elevate and Silvanize the Republican Party, is not in eir programme. They propose to "raise" the Republican Party, Dut in a different style.?Journal of Commerce. A Railroad Robbery.?A telegram from St. Louis gives an account of a Dold and daring robbery committed op the eastward bound train on the Missouri Pacific Railway. When the train had reached a point two and a half miles east of Otterville, the engineer saw a signal light ahead. Thinking there was some obstruction on the track he applied the air brake, and after running a few yards discovered a pile of ties and lumber on the track. He comprehended the situa? tion at once but could not stop the train, and it was not till the locomotive had climbed partly upon the pile that the train came to a stand. At the same in? stant a dozen or fifteen men appeared with terrific yells and discharging their pistols, dashed at the train. Two jumped on the engine, and, with navy revolvers, covered the engineer and fireman, and. threatened to kill them if they offered resistance. They were then marched into the baggage car and placed under guard. At the same time three other robbers climbed into the express car by the side door, which was open. The express messenger attempted to hide the keys, but the robbers made him tell where they were. Having obtained the ' keys, they opened the Adams' safe and I put the entire contents into a wheat sack. The passengers were thoroughly de 1 moralized, and made no resistance what? ever. Having completed their work the I robbers retreated in a southerly direction, carrying about $20,000 with them. A party of citizens at once set out in pur 8i?t, and at last accounts were only ten miles behind the robbers. Gen. Bacon Montgomery, a noted guerilla fighter, is also in pursuit, with an armed baud of citizens. The robbers wore masks, and none of them were recognized. ? A Vermont son said at his mother's funeral tbat he and his father were very much obliged to the people who came, "and we hope that the time is not far distant when we may do the same for