The Anderson intelligencer. (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, April 20, 1876, Image 3

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M?msm guUllignwv. JAS. A. HOTT, ) _ . E. B. MURRAY, |Kdito** THURSDAY MORNING, APRIL 20, ttftk THE STATE PRESS ASSOCIATION. The second annual meeting of the South Carolina State Press Association will be held in Spartanburg on Wednes? day, May 10th, 1876, at 10 o'clock a. m. An address upon the subject of journal? ism will be delivered on Wednesday evening by Capt. F. W. Dawson, of the Charleston Newt and Courier, who hau been selected as the anniversary orator. Members are requested to be punctual In attendance, and journalists who are not mambers are invited to send in their applications. JAMES A. HOYT, Proeident. A. A. Gilbert, Recording Secretary. *?* Newspapers interested in the As? sociation will please copy. THE CENTENNIAL LEGISLATURE. Contrary to general expectation, the Legislature adjourned on Friday last, after being in session only four days after the recess. It appears that the House of Representatives adopted a con? current resolution to adjourn tine die on the 14th of April, and when the Senate met on Friday morning, Gaillard (colored) soon after the roll was called moved to concur in the House resolution. After a short debate, the rote was taken, and the resolution was adopted by a vote of 12 ayes to 11 nays. A number of Senators who favored a prolongation of j the session were absent, and efforts were instantly made to secure their attendance, with the hope of rescinding the resolu? tion. But it was too late, and Nash became furious over the result, offering a motion to adjourn at once, which was accepted by the majority, and a message to that effect was sent to the House. The action of the Senate produced a de? cided sensation in the other end of the capitol, where the legislators were pro? ceeding with business, in blissful igno? rance of the fact that the other branch was .officially defunct, and their labors were practically ended. Speaker Elliott explained to the members that it was questionable whether the House was now competent to transact business, and a committee of five was appointed to con aider the manner in which the Senate had incontinently forsaken their favorite haunts, which committee, after an hour's absence, reported verbally through Elliott that there was no remedy, except for the House to enter its protest on the journal and take up its departure at once, as the action of the Senate in effect had already caused an adjournment of the House. With tearful lamentations, the report and protest were adopted, when Elliott made a brief farewell address, and de? clared the General Assembly adjourned sine die. This result was intensely dis? gusting to many of the Radical members, who were contemplating a recess until the latter part of the summer. But they are alone in this matter, for a joyful re? frain will ascend from the seaboard to the mountains that the State is delivered from the. grasp of a merciless tyranny, whose antics in law-making have never been excelled, unless their immediate *| predecessors since reconstruction sur? passed them in the concoction of un? righteous measured.. . All honest men of every shade in politics will fervently and devoutly pray that the places which have known-Stem is the* past may know them nb moft forever". EOlfO&IAL -XOTESv Hon. Samuel W. ? Melton, Attorney General of South' Carolina,- putted bis resignation in the hands of the Governor on Saturday last, to take effect- on the 1st of May. It has been' known for some time that this action was contemplated, and rumor has intimated that Governor Chamberlain intended to appoint a prom? inent Democrat to fill the vacancy. We do not expect such a result for several reasons. The Governor has been too strenuous of late in asserting his fealty to party obligations, and the appointment of a Democrat would undoubtedly weak? en his influence among the faithful, who are greatly in doubt as to his loyalty, netwithstanding recent utterances of the most positive character in that direction. The Charleston Newt and Courier brings intelligence of the sudden and unexpected u*ath of Col. F. W. Warley, which took place at Darlington C. H. on Saturday evening, from pneumonia. Col. Warley was personally known to many . of our readers, who will hear with sincere regret that his life is ended. He was a native of Pendleton, and graduated at the Citadel Academy in 1849. Choosing the law for his profession, he was quite successful, and was a leading member of | the bar in the eastern part of the State. He was a gallant officer in the army of | the Confederate States, served in the Legislature when "good men and true" graced the legislative halls, was editor of j the Darlington Southerner before the war, and of late years has been prominent as an advocate of the temperance cause. He was brave, generous, magnanimous, philanthropic and patriotic, and his every impulse was for the welfare and honor ef | South Carolina, whose amelioration from present ills was always uppermost in his mind. Col. Warley was in the 46th year of his age. The recent shower of flesh in Ken? tucky has attracted much attention throughout the country, and similar in? stances are produced from history to prove that it is not unprecedented. An exchange states that in 1843 a similar phenomenon occurred in South Carolina. A man named Ingelow and his two sons vere picking cotton upon his plantation iu Lauren a District, near Enoree River, and about two miles below Musgrove's Mill; the younger son called to the oth? ers, who were a little distance from him, to listen, for he heard something falling near him. Thinking he was mistaken, but little attention was paid to his out? cries, when he insisted that his assertion was correct, and said if they would come he would show them what had fallen. The others went to him and found the ground strewn with what appeared to be p ieces of meat, varying from the sixe of au ounce ball to larger than a hen's egg. The pieces were very moist, red as blood, and the cotton, grass or whatever they j came in contact with rras stained *a with blood. The piews wert *c*tte red several j feet apart) over 4 *'pAes some twenty or thirty feet In width. One of the most impoitant lessons it is the duty of the Democratic Club to en force during the coming campaign will be that the colored voter who chooses to cut loose from his political masters shall be protected in the enjoyment of this undoubted right. Tbe intimidation prac? ticed by the Radical* in every portion of the Southern States has been a strong weapon in their hands to retain control over the colored people. The time is rapidly approaching in South Carolina when timely measures of fairness and conciliation will segregate the colored vote, and unite a portion of the negroes with their white neighbors in an effort to throw off every incubus upon the peace, prosperity and happiness of the State. An instance occurred inSumter the other day, which points unerringly to the spec* dy realization of these hopes. An open air meeting and barbecue was participa? ted in by a crowd of about one hundred whites and about three hundred colored Democrats, and the meeting was ad? dressed by four white and four colored speakers. The impression made upoi the colered voters was excellent, and one colored leader declared that he wonld bring two hundred colored voters from one precinct to vete the Democratic tick? et. These facts are encouraging, and will have a tendency to inspirit onr peo? ple to make diligent efforts to impress the colored voters with their honest pur? poses and upright intentions. Let them understand that intimidation will not be allowed, and that their freedom to vote the Democratic ticket shall forever re? main unquestioned, without the slightest molestation from their former leaders and allies. REPUBLICAN STATE CONTENTION. A HOfC Strangle among tbe Faithful? Oratorical Combat betwaan Carpenter and Chamberlain?Disgraceful Pro? ceedings. The Republican State Convention met in Columbia on Tuesday, 11th inst, and was in session until Thursday morning, when an adjournment tine die was effec? ted. The main object of the Convention was to appoint delegates to the Republi? can National Convention, which meets in Cincinnati on the 13th of June next. But the occasion was seized upon to test the strength of the Chamberlain and anti-Chamberlain wings of the party, and the struggle between the contending factions lasted throughout the session. In some respects, Gov. Chamberlain was victorious, but the preponderance is against him, and the proceedings demon? strate that the opposition, led by R. B. Carpenter, "Honest" John Patterson, Elliott, Swails, Whittemore and others, have control of the party, and do not intend that the Governor shall "rule the roast'' any longer than they can help it. We are unable to give a complete report of the proceedings, and must be content with a brief summary of tbe greater por? tion, in order that onr readers may enjoy tie perusal of the gladiatorial combat between Judge . Carpenter and Gov. Chamberlain, which was the chief event of the grand entertainment. Pint Day's Proceedings. R. B. Elliott, Chairman of the State Executive Committee, called tbe Conven ti on to order, and directed a call of the temporary roll of delegates, which bad been made up to exclude the contesting delegation from Charleston. Barn well, C olleton and Oconee favorable to Cham? berlain. The opening fight was made upon this action of the executive com? mittee, against which the Governor pro? tested most vehement*v, and moved that, in making up the roll of delegates, the : names of Dot n sets of delegates from con ? testing counties be* called, [ Swails, colored, made ffce objection that, there was no convention until the roll had been called, and Elfiott sustained the objection, and went upon the floor 'where- Wofthington instantly joined 'him. Wnittemofe WaW now in the chair, and Swails pressed the" point that con? testing delegates must wall ittitii after the organization. Maxwell, 'colored, proposed that the rival delegations be admitted and each have half a vote. Points of order were as thick as the delegates' heads. One delegate wanted to know who were to vote on the pending question. Whittemore bellowed that only the delegates on the roll could vote. This decision provoked cheers and hisses. Green (colored) made the point that no business was m order but calling tbe roll. Whittemore ruled that the point was well taken. Cardoso appealed from the ruling, and wanted to know who should vote on the appeal. The excitement was rising to fever heat Several delegates were on I the floor calling for the roll and raising points of order. Judge Mackey sprang to his feet and said to the President: "'The question is, not whether yon will recognise us, but whether the convention will recognize Jou." [Cheers and counter cheers.] ?,?ckev, amidst intense excitement add? ed : "We meet here to-day, face to face and eye to eye, the banded robbers that have plundered the State." Swails, rushing up to Mackey, said: "Who do you mean ?" Mackey replied: "You are one of them, and to-day will we send all of you to everlasting defeat You have come here to itrample on tbe honest people of South Carolina. We can send you all to jail, and we mean to do it." Elliott now came face to' face with Mackey. the two being separated only by the desk, and asked Mackey who he meant. Mackey, his strident voice rising above the din, said: "You are one or them; you are their head and front." Elliott said: "You're a liar," and, drawing a pistol, moved around the desk to get at Mackay, who, with his hand on his weapon, awaited events. Tables were upset in all directions, a chair was bran? dished over the head of Chamberlain, who sat nnmeved. The delegates hud? dled around Elliott on the one side, and Mac key on the other, and the confusion was heightened by the hysterical screams of Mrs. Elliott, who was in the hall. Patterson made for the door. Worth ing ton, with his hand on his pistol, kept on the edge of the crowd, which had drifted to one corner of the hall. Whittemore, looking very pale, rapped vainly for order. In five or ten minutes something like order was restored, and, the fight being over, the roll call was renewed. Cardoso and some others rapped on the tables so that the names could not be heard. S wails suggested that the Governor bad better issue a proclamation to protect the public property. Judge Mackey rejoined by saying that the Governor had already issued twenty veto messages for the protection of the property of the people. The call of the roll was continued, and when this was finished, Cardoso moved to amend lite toll by adding the names Of the contesting delegates. Winsmith, of Spartanburg, declared this oat of order, and the chair so ruled. Cardoso appealed, and the chair was sus? tained by a rote of 104 to 18. Lieutenant Governor Gleaves (colored) nominated Swails (colored) for temporary chairman. Nash (colored) nominated Got. Cham? berlain. The result of the rote was, Swails 80, and Chamberlain 40. No prominent Radicals, except Cardozo, Nash and Cochran, voted for Chamberlain; but Elliott, Smalls, Worthington, Patterson, Bowen, Carpenter and Dunn voted for Swails. . Upon being conducted to the chair Swails said he was not a success as a speech maker, and proved this by mak? ing a long address, saying in conclusion, that the time had come when Republi? canism must hang together, or they would hang separately. Elliott moved the appointment of a committee on credentials, consisting of one from each county, except the coun? ties having contesting delegations. On this committee Chamberlain and Cardozo were appointed, but the overwhelming majority in the Elliott-Patterson interest includes Elliott, Whittemore, Carpenter ! and Gleaves. Second Day's Proceeding*. When the Convention re-assembled on I Wednesday, Congressman Smalls called attention to an article in the Union Hamid, which stated that some one had attempted to take the life of the Gov? ernor on the day before, and was pre? vented from executing this foul design by a newspaper reporter, who rescued Chamberlain from the danger by seizing the chair which had been raised over the Governor's head. He moved that the reporter of the Union-Beraldbe requested to state where he obtained the informa? tion, and this motion provoked a windy discussion .among the lesser lights. The reporter explained the sources of his in? formation, and the Governor stated that he did not see any chair lifted over his head, although several persons told him he was so threatened, but he did not fear any bodily harm, as he had witnessed such scenes before. The whole matter was afterwards laid upon the table. Elliott then presented the report of the committee on credentials, which ex? cluded all the contesting delegates from Beaufort, Colleton and Charleston. A minority report was presented, signed by Charleston and others, which recommen? ded the seating of the contestants. The majority report was adopted, with few dissenting votes. The discussion upon these reports was very bitter on the part of Elliott and Cardozo. 'Elliott charged Cardozo' with having made combinations with the Green party, and with having confessed that he had dona so. Cardozo contended that he had control of the regular printed tickets and could have defeated the party if he had chosen so to do. He declared Elliott's state? ments untrue, and asserted that no im Sroper proposals had ever been made to im, and that th9 regular tickets were sent by him to Charleston to Senator Gailliard, with Elliott's knowledge, the object being to get as many votes as pos? sible for the State ticket. Elliott declared this false, denounced Cardozo as a traitor, and said that, if he did borrow money as charged by Cardozo? it was because he had not had the oppor? tunity to grab as much as Cardozo had. In the midst of the excitement, and after the vote had been taken, Leslie, of Barnwell, said, pointing to Cardozo, "We don't intend to have the party sold out by such damned scoundrels as vou." Leslie was brought to the bar of the Convention to apologize, and said that he knew that his remarks were not decent or respectable, but his sohl was worn out with fighting the Democracy and such men as Cardozo. Swails was elected permanent chair? man, and a recess was taken for two hours. Upon resuming their arduous labors at nine o'clock p. m., the Conven? tion proceeded to elect delegates to the Cincinnati Convention by confirming the following selection made by delegates from the respective Congressional Dis? tricts: first District?S. A. Swails, colored, and Joseph H. Rainer, colored. Alter? nates?T. B. Johnston, white, and H. J. Maxwell, celored. Second District?H. G. Worthington, white, and W. J. McKinlay, colored. Alternates?A. B. Knowlton, white, and B. H. Cain, colored. Third District?H. C. Corwin, white, and W. B. Nash, colored. Alternates? A. W. Curtis, colored, andT. W. Tolbert, whits. Fourth District?A. S. Wallace and John Winsmith, white. Alternate-^C. C. McCoy. Fifth District?Robert Smalls and Lawrence Cain, colored. Alternates? Wm. M. Thomas and Dr. Fred. A. Pal? mer. Before the confirmation of these dele? gates,- Judge Carpenter rose and said, that the delegates from the State at large ought to be elected first. The conven? tion had fought shy all day of the great underlying principle, and be wanted to see it settled. In his opinion there was an irrepressible conflict between the State administration and the Republican party. If the Convention intended to support the administration of Governor Chamberlain, he (Carpenter) and his friends were not the proper persons to represent the party at Cincinnati, and if it did not endorse Governor Chamberlain, that gentleman and his friends had no business there. He would, later on, re? view the administration of Governor Chamberlain and give him an opportu? nity to reply. This intimation of Jndge Carpenter that he was prepared to scalp the Gover? nor produced great expectations, and when the contest came for selecting dele? gates from the State at large, the real fight of the session was entered upon. R. B. Elliott was chosen one of the dele Sates at large almost unanimously. Then ohn J. Patterson was nominated as a true, tried and trusted Republican, and D. H. Chamberlain was instantly placed in nomination amid great applause. Mr. Wiikes, of Anderson, seconded the nom? ination of Gov. Chamberlain in a stirring endorsement, which was bailed with round after round of applause, largely participated in by the bystanders who thronged the aisles and the steps even up to the speaker's stand itself. The combat now deepened, and although Whittemore and Dunn were put in nom? ination for the second delegate, it was plain enough that only two candidates were in the field?Patterson and Cham? berlain. JUDGE CARPENTER'S ONSLAUGHT. At this stage of the proceedings, Judge R. B. Carpenter began his promised on? slaught against Chamberlain. His speech is reported as follows: Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen of the Convention: 1 am sorry to be compelled to trespass upon the gentlemen or the Convention at this late hour, but I shall be mble to say what I have to say on this subject in brief terms, and then shall leave to the wisdom of this Con? vention to decide what I consider the most important question which has come before them. I recognize deeply the solemnity of this occasion Tom Davis here interrupted the speaker, and asked if he intended to moke a nomi? nation. Judge Carpenter replied, I propose to speak to a nomination already made (J. J. Patterson,) and, continuing, said: I recog? nise deeply and earnestly the result that will come to the people of South Carolina out of this issue, to the Republican party, to us, onr children and our children's children. It is known to many that since my elevation to the bench no occasion in the public af? fairs has beer^ in my judgment, sufficiently important to induce me to engage in public discussion, and that I do engage in it this evening is a sufficient guarantee of the very extraordinary nature of the occasion which now presents itself. This conflict is the Presidential election, which will be in the North acrimonious, and in the South violent and bloody?a Presidential election, which will shake the country to its founda? tion, yea! more than the late rebellion. We hear already every day as we pass along the streets the threats of war?of what is So be done when the Democratic party gets into power. Now, gentlemen, I propose to review in a brief way the history of the Re? publican party in South Carolina, and shall particularly touch upon the administration of mv distinguished friend, Daniel H. Chamberlain. I have no personal attack to make, it is not my mode of warfare, or if it ever was, I have abandoned it. On the ! contrary, I have been Mr, Chamberlain's personal friend. I have done everything I could to advance his interests every time lie has been a candidate for public office. But his administration is the matter to which I refer. I disapprove of his administration, and if he was my own brother I would op? pose him. Every step that he has taken he has had my hearty ce-operation and good will. But I do differ from him in the mode and method in which he has set to work that out. Governor Chamberlain was elect? ed by the Republican party, and I propose to state this evening What I consider to be the real issue between him and tbe other wing of that party. It has been flashed over the wires and published day after day in the public prints. It has been stated by the Governor, or rather by his organ or or? gans, day after day, that the issue is between Governor Chamberlain and honesty and the Republican party and a den of thieves. I deny that this is the issue. I say that the issue is whether he bos kept feal? ty with that band of men who by their suffrages placed him in power. You remember that election. Too vile for me to repeat were the maledictions, curses and denunciations that were showered upon his head by the Democratic press of the coun? try ; but we stood around him and took the pelting storm and hurled back their cries of thieves and robbers, and bore him trium? phantly into the gubernatorial chair. I state, without fear of con tradition, that from the day he entered the office of Chief Magis? trate of this State he turned bis back upon the men who fought for him and with him, and has sought only to advance himself at the cost of his allegiance to his party.? [Cheers.] Now let us see who these men were, and I do not wish that anything I say should be construed into any thing like a personal at? tack upon .the Governor. I undertake to say that the men who are denounced as thieves, robbers and liars now, the Govern? or was then in daily personal and official relation with as attorney-general of tbe State. He knew them then as well as he knows them now, and if they were good enough to raise him to power they were good enough to stand by and protect. All the corrupt work of tha State Legislature since reconstruction was done during the year 1868 to 1871, during Governor Scott's term of office. The increase of the bonded debt, the endorsement of the Blue Ridge bonds, the issue of conversion bonds?that was all done, not under Moses's administra? tion, but while he (Chamberlain) was the law officer of this State. I defy any man to point to a single vicious act done during Governor Moses's administration. These reforms were all undertaken under that ad? ministration. Public opinion, moulded by that almost omnipotent power, the public press, had reached the Legislature, and under Governor Mose's administration the great reforms that could be accomplished were accomplished. The reduction of the State printing, the consolidation of the pub? lic debt, and almost every reform that was in the statute book, was placed there during Governor Moses's administration. I do not say that it was done by him, but it was done by public opinion in spite of him. We have heard a great deal about the reforms effected by Governor Chamberlain. What are t hay ? The saving of $26,000 of the con? tingent fund, nothing else. And, on tbe other hand, there is the Big and Little Bonanza, which saddles the State with $620,000. Well, sir, the Governor was elected after a bitter contest, and the moment that he was elected he turned around with a spirit of forgiveness that ex? celled that displayed in the Sermon on the Mount?forgave his enemies, blessed them that cursed him, and prayed for those that despitcfully used him and persecuted him. You are asked to say that this Governor has represented tbe Republican party properly. He can't say that for me. I won't let him say it. He has said that the men who have voted for two certain judges in this State are a gang of thieves. I did not vote for them, so this epithet does not apply to me. But one hundred gentlemen in this hall did vote for them. Are they willing to say that it applies to them? How were those men elected judges? The Governor^ instead of talking to his friends, remonstrating with and advising them, saw fit to use the goad and lash upon the party from the time he came into power until now, and he used that goad once too often, and that is the reason why they were elected. I desire to state here?and I do not think I violate any confidence, for it did not come to us a secret?I heard on the streets and read it in the papers that the tax bill, as originally reported by the committee of ways and means, was drafted by the Gov? ernor himself, and was reported by the com? mittee exactly as he had drafted it. Th&t powerful paper, tbe Newt and Courier, opened an ugly fire on the committee, and when these denunciations were at their height, did the Governor come to them and say, this bill is perhaps too much upon the people; we hau better reduce it ? No! He says not a word. But what did his organ say ? Why that Governor Chamberlain stood like a bul? wark against the thieves, tbat he was a tower of strength against the peculations of the rogues upon the pockets of the people. I am trying to show that that was not a just charge. If the Governor had said that the bill must be reduced, and had devised means for its reduction, there might have been some grounds far the charge ; but the Gov? ernor would not do that. He wonld not say anything until the bill was cut down, and then he approved it. He is no ordinary man. You who see him in his calm, quiet moods do not know him as I know him. He is a man of splendid ability, as brave as Csesar, as ambitious as Napoleon. He is bold, daring and ambitious. If he were in France there would be a coup d'etat, and he would be king, just as he has tried to be king of the Republican party here. [Ap? plause.] Under and over all that apparent control he has deliberately planned this campaign, and he is deliberately carrying it out, and I observe here that some of these men, cowed and lashed by his arbitrary as? sertion of power, are even now crouching at his feet. I was born free, and by Heaven I will die free! I call no one master but my God, and when the political lash is applied I lay no claim to the lofty forgiveness of my friend. I cannot kiss the hand that smites me, nor turn the other check to him who smites. I strike back! [Applause.] In my judgment Daniel H. Chamberlain has been murdering the Republican party from the hour he became Governor of South Carelina. As he is my friend I shall spare him; but when he meets me in the conflict, there shall be no quarter. Well, sir, I may be asked where is the proof of these charges? I will answer that it is to be found in the vetos, interviews with newspaper reporters, and in various discourses delivered at various time's and places all over this country. When this man was elected, the cool calm sanse of as? sured power that he presented to me could not fail to attract me. Now, as to the Whipper and Moses elec? tion. It is not my business to defend it. I said that we had made a mistake, but what did the Governor say. "Clean out Whipper and Moses and their gang." Who were their gang? Ninety-five members of the General Assembly? The very gong that put him in power. As they were then, so they ore now. He cannot point to a name on the roll that was not inscribed there when he was attorney-general. These men, foaded as they had been by the lash of the !xecutive, at lost in their madness deter? mined to do something that he could not veto. But he did veto that, by a principle unlawful, arbitrary and revolutionary in its nature. In a word, by an arbitrary stretch of imperial power. That is the way he did it. That is not at all. It was he who sent that famous dispatch to the New England? ers, at their dinner in Charleston, in which he announced that the civilization of tbe Roundhead and Cavalier, of the Puritan and Huguenot, were in danger. My friend is so overpowered with the classics, that he has failed to sec the broad view of civilization which flows through the land. The Puritan and the Cavalier have not beeu in danger in South Carolina since Freedom came within her bounds. Thank God, that civilization has been dead since that freedom came into the land. The freedom of the Cavalier and the Puritan was the civilization of the mas? ter and the slave. It was the civilization of the tyrant and the crouching slave. In its stead has come the bright sun of Liberty, shining through her fields all blossoming with the blooms of liberty. Thank God that the civilization of the Puritan and Cav? alier are gone never to be reinstated. Free? dom has come not only to 4,000,000 of slaves, but to millions of whites also. Slavery did not pertain alone to the negro. When free? dom came it came to the whites as well as to the blacks. I have no tears to shed over the graves of the civilization of the Puritan and Cavalier. Now, Mr. President, if the gentlemen in this Convention, a large number of them members of the legislature, who cast their votes for these Judges, are ready to place their hands upon their mouths ana cry "guilty" before Governor Chamberlain, it is their funeral, not mine. So far as I know this Legislature, it is not to be bought on those terms. The Legislature and not the Gov? ernor is the judge of the judges they elect. It is neither Iiis business nor mine; and when they attempt to say that because the Governor says that a man is not moral or learned enough for a judge that he can with? hold his commission and enforce his arbitra? ry imperial power to a tyrannical extent, they take a ground that I cannot endorse. The News and Courier to-day says "the triumph of the thieves" is because we placed in the chair the gentleman who now occu? pies that position (Swails) instead of Mr. Chamberlain. I deny that Governor Cham? berlain, with his small hand of adherents, constitutes all the honor and honesty of the Republican party. I have stated these ques? tions very briefly. And now do you ask why I have considered this contest important 7 This Presidential election is one which will be in the North, Middle States and the West, fierce and violieht?but in this contest for Republicanism in the South it is life and death. Defeat is death, both political, and, I may say, physical. It is a life and death struggle. - Some one here interrupted, and asked if he was a candidate for Governor ? He replied, I am a candidate for nothing under God Al? mighty's Heaven. I have yielded my name to every man in this Convention who desired to run for position. I would rather be a constable than Governor of South Carolina. I have impugned no man's motives here. I have not charged that the Governor has intended to destroy the Republican party, but I say that the result of his conduct has been to this end, and such an election as is proposed here will be to give you noth? ing Dut biood and corpses. I am not ready for such a sacrifice for such results, if the gentlemen are. I wash my hands of it. Thank God, I can do a noble act without being paid for it. If my friend thinks he cannot, God help him, I am sorry for him. [Cheers.] GOVERNOR CHAMBERLAIN'S REPLY. The fierce arraignment of the Governor failed to disconcert him, it appears, and ha made the annexed earnest defence of his administration, at the same time ex? coriating Judge Carpenter without stint. He said: Jfr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Owwen tion: Frequent allusion has been made during the sessions of this convention to a charac? teristic which I am reputed to possess of coolness. While I sometimes foil to recog? nize the pictures that are drawn of me by others, when I am pronounced a peculiarly cool man, I sometimes feel that nothing could be farther from the trath than that statement respecting me But I am happy to say, that as I stand here to-night in the midst of my old Republican friends of South Carolina, the touch of whose elbow I have never failed to feel since 1868, I feel as cool and as calm as a May morning, and as ready to meet the charges that have been brought I against me, as I shall be to meet the sweet kisses of my wife and children this morn? ing. [Immense applause.] It has been pronounced here that the issue is of party fealty. The charge is.brought by one whose lips ought forever to be sealed against the charge of party fealty against any man that lives in South Carolina. If I had been charged by my good friend from Beaufort, who nominated me, with want of fidelity to the Republican party, I could have bowed with humility to the hand of chastisement of even my friends in whose eyes I now look, because the record of those men shows that no matter what difference of opinion there may be, they have still fought within the lines of the Republican party and nnder the banner of equal rights to all men. [Ap? plause.] I am reminded to-night of the only other occasion when I have had the pleasure of measuring swords with him who now assails me. I remember that in 1870, when the Re? publican partv was assailed, when the strong and vigorous hand was clutched at the throat of the Republican party, I was commissioned by the Republican party to go to Chester, in this State, and see if I, with my friends, could unloose the death-grip which he hod fastened upon it. I went to Chester. I met there, as the chosen leader of the Democracy of South Carolina, covering with words that have never yet soiled my hps, and .with in? vective and epithets which no reporter has ever yet been skillful enough to take down; covering, I say, the Republican party with reproaches and curses too deep to be repeated here; I say I found there performing that task for the Republican party of South Car? olina, the gentleman who now comes into a Republican convention of South Carolina for the first time in his life, and calls me to account for my party fealty. There are other incidents which should have taught the gentleman from Edgeficld to make his attack upon me at another point than party fealty. He went through the Democratic campaign of 1870, and what was the result of that campaign 7 The Republican party triumphed over all its enemies, but along ' the track of those upper counties?was it not so, gentlemen from York, and Chester,' and Lancaster, and Fairfield, and Union, and Spartanburg, that the gentleman from Edgeneld sowed in that campaign those dragon teeth that sprang up into the armed and masked Ku Klux at night 7 For eight long months succeeding that campaign the torpid arm of the government waited to bring help to the people whose cabins lighted up the heavens at midnight, and whose cold bodies weltered on the earth beneath the stab and bullet of the Ku Klux. When at lost relief come, and when in this very building the perpetrators of these great wrongs at lost stood face to face with justice, it was my privilege and honor to appear hi behalf of the government in the prosecution of these great criminals against the civilisa? tion that had sprung up from the teachings of the gentleman from Edgeneld and those who were with him in that campaign. I represented the government, and I well re? member that when in the midst of one ot the most critical trials, the first that was to establish the question whether we could prove enough to bring those red-handed as? sassins to justice, among the witnesses called from afar, brought here to give testimony that should save from punishment the Ku Klux, is the Hon. R. B. Carpenter. And here, fellow-Republicans, here in South Car? olina, is the record of the man who tells us to-night that if we trust those who have never yet betrayed us, if we do not follow his teachings, desert our old friends and leaders, God help us. God help us, fellow Republicans, God help us, if we are not yet sufficiently grown to manhood and the estate of man to be able to understand that noth? ing but motives which have little to do with the prosperity of the Republican party ani? mate the breast of him who utters such teachings here to-night. Party fealty 1 Oh, I have sometimes felt that I was the veriest of slaves on the face of the earth! I have sometimes felt as if physical fetters were upon me, because I was brought up at my father's knee and teacher's side to love those principles which 1 I have worn until they seemed to be fetters ; and great bonds of principles that bound me forever to the Republican party. I have feared and shrunk from the effects of long usage and devotion to party from asserting my manhood even above the dictates of any earthly party. Yet, I wear these fetters as my other Republican frivnds who have Ions: been in the party do wear them still, because we love them; because, neither in 1868, nor 1870, nor 1872, nor 1874, nor 1876, was there earthly inducement great enough to lead us to step one foot beyond the limits of the great circles that hold and protect the Re? publican millions of South Carolina and the United States. There I stand, and I might quote Luther's great words and say, "here I stand." I cannot do otherwise than stand with those who are within the great circle of the Republican party. [Applause.] I scorn, I put the foot of my utter scorn and contempt upon any charge from mortal lips that I have swerved in my devotion to the Republican party, or that a wish or thought has ever been found in thfs heart, or gone forth from these lips, that do not breathe peace, and harmony, and fidelity, and honor, and perpetuity forever to the principles and the organization of the Re? publican party. [Applause.] Aa to my administration, I wish that, in what I may have to say, I may be clothed in the beautilul garments of modesty and hu? mility. I feel like the least of the humblest of all my fellow-Republicans. I trust I have some of that spirit which says he that will be greatest among you let him be the serv? ant of all. I wish sincerely to speak with becoming modesty of what I must, for the take of brevity, call my administration. Let me go back to the last campaign. After a long struggle, I stood at last on the very epot where you now sit, the recipient of the suffrages of a convention similar to this for the highest office in the State. I cannot help calling to mind for a single moment, as I stepped down from that plat? form that night, to be the standard-bearer of the Republican party, the feeling that upon my comparatively young shoulders I had a greater burden than I had ever before taken up. I remember well that I was met upon the step by the gentleman whom I now have in my eye, the gentleman from Charleston, the present Comptroller General of the State. He said: "General Cbflrribeilitin; I cctorgratd late you personally, but, tinaersjatra me, nothing more. I can't make myself a party' to the election of any man who is stifftr?ri ded by such men as you have around yon.'' I was surrounded by my friends Mr. B? wen, Mr. Patterson and others. I-suppose it is an open secret, fellow-Republicans, that the gentleman from Edgefield is now training with the gentleman from Charleston. Ana he has been put forward with that sharp tongue and that recklessness of statement which would spoil the profoundest argu? ment in the world. He has been put for? ward by the band that is now attacking my party fealty. Well, my friends, I took up those surroundings. Mr. Patterson?We took you up. Mr. Chamberlain?Well, if you got me up, I took you along with me. I am not referring to you. My duty is with the gen? tleman from Edgefield. I was nominated. But let me go back to the moment when I was standing where you now sit, and what was my language ? Ap? plauded to the echo, as I- shall not be ap ! plauded to-night- applauded by every man, woman and child 1 I said first, last and all the time, that the steps of the Republican party must be steadily forward ana upward towards reform ana better government. You put that banner in my hand. I grasped it With an arm though all too weak, and bore it In the conflict Where one side was headed by the gentleman from Charleston, who had tendered me his support at the foot of those steps. I bore it at last to victory. Under that banner, and the glorious banner of political reform, I went to victory. [Ap? plause.] When that victory was won, I stood again, on the threshold of my admin? istration, where you now sit, and I spoke again the words that met the approval of the united Republican party of South Carolina. I was pledged in character, pledged in lan? guage, deep, sacred and irrevocable, to lift up the Republican party above the calum? nies 'of the campaign of 1870, or the calum? nies of the campaign of 1874, led by the gen? tleman from Charleston. [Applause.] Well, it is said that I have used the .whip and the spur from that time on. I wish I was as brave as Julius Cresar. The gentle? man from Edgefield says I am. I know that I am a child compared with him. There have been moments in my adminis? tration that, but for one who is dearer to me than this heart's blood, the wife of my bosom, I should have faltered. I would lay down my life sooner than tarnish the character which would injure the dear wife and children asleep at home. Yet, poor coward as*Wam, I must come here to-night, force my weary steps to come here, take up this new cross of crucifixion, to near my? self assailed and taunted by one who covers with the gloss of praise the dagger that he would plunge to my heart. Here I may say to-night that I have lacked wisdom. On! how often I have done things that have seemed to others to be done in wantonness of power towards them. I know that in kinder moments, in kinder phases of bis life, before he was led astray, in his calmer and better moments, the gentleman from Edgefield has said to me, "Chamberlain, you are right; I am with you; I wish you would be a little more communicative to your friends," and I have accepted it as the true advice of a friend. I have tried, but I am ready to face any Republican who shall bring that charge against me. That I have sometimes failed to talk over matters with my friends as fully as I might, I admit. I could wish that my nature was different in this respect; but I say to-night, with the utmost sincerity of my heart, that if a lighted window could be placed in this bosom, and you could see the purposes and desires towards the Republican party which I have entertained in this long and painful struggle, you would know there was not a moment when a kind word or look would not have strengthened this arm and warmed this heart, and made a gladder and better man than I have beeu. [Ap? plause.] ? But, going beyond this paltry matter, let me analyze the attack on my administra? tion, when it is said that the reform of my administration is all a sham reform. I come to that point now to which I referred when I had the gentleman from Edgefield in my eye when I said he was so characteris? tically guilty of recklessness in his state? ments as to utterly paralyze the force of his argument; He says $27,000 have been saved from the contingent fund, and chal? lenges me to show any other reform. I am not here to claim the credit of any good act which the Legislature has already worked. I have tried to do my work. It is not my glory or my fame; but it is the fame of the Republican party of the State of South Car? olina. I appeal individually to those around me, to every gentleman here, whether the ad? ministration in South Carolina since 1874 has not in the eyes of the whole world lifted South Carolina above nine-tenths of her old reproach. $27,000 contingent Aind saved! That is the basis of the argument. Why, look with me for one moment. I re? fer to it with the utmost kindness to those who differ with me. The Legislature that adjourned in the spring of 1875 levied a tax bill of no less than fourteen mills. The Governor declined to sign it, differing, of course, with the General Assembly. The result was that the General Asssembly reconsidered its action at the regular ses? sion of 1875-76, and reduced the tax three whole mills, including the entire tax of what is known as the little and big bo? nanza. Do you know how much it saves to the people of South Carolina? Not the paltry sum of $27,000 contingent fund, but $375,000 of the hard-earned money of the people at home, whom you represent around me to-night. Big bonanza and little bonanza 1 I wonder at the temerity of the gentleman from Edgefield when he spoke of the "little bonanza" and "big bo? nanza." I felt, when I heard those words, that if the gentleman from Edgefield had been seeking with his spear to find an entrance between the joints of the harness, he would have used that spear, and that, instead of striking me, he would have plunged it into the hearts of those who had passed the act. The little and big bonanzas, as the gentleman knows, were no bantlings of mine. Where is my friend from Barn well (Leslie) who spent days and nights pleading with me to allow the big bonanza bill to go through in such shape that I could possibly sign the bill ? Where is he now ? Fighting under the plume of the gentleman from Edgefield. Well, my friends, this is a thrice told tale. That bill was passsed and went to the Governor. The Governor felt that the conditions upon which that bill had passed, upon which he had given assurances that it would command his approval, had not been observed; that the State was not properly protected- and the Generai As? sembly reconsidered its action and passed it in another form. I say to-night that that bonanza bill is a good bill. But the gentleman from Edge field says it adds $675,000 to the debt of the State. I say it does not add a twentieth part of one farthing to the debt of che State. Every gentleman knows that the big bonan? za at one fell swoop took away one-half of that floating debt and stretched the remain? ing half over a period of four years. Is the little bonanza "a sham reform?" The little bonanza in every feature of it, did not com? mand my approval when it because a fea? ture of the supply bill. I found it incor? porated in the supply bill, and no one offener spoke to me or was more urgent in his persuasions for the passage of that meas? ure than the gentleman from Edgefield. I said to him and those interested that if those items that now constitute the little bonanza were distributed over a term of two or three years, you will not find Tie any longer op? posed to it. Let us be rid of this debt, fast? ened upon us by the extravagance of former administrations. This is a complete answer to the reckless charges of the gentleman from Edgefield; that instead of a fourteen mill tax, we have a tax of but eleven mills, including both bonanzas, and there is a di? rect saving of $376,000. It is not the credit of the administration; it goes to the credit of the Republican party. But if I were to confine myself to contingent funds, in this respect the charge of the gen? tleman from Edgefield is no less inaccurate. I have compiled a statement of the contin? gent funds of the year preceding this adminis? tration. I find that the entire appropriation for legislative expenses for the last fiscal year was $150,000, and the appropriation for the preceding year $190,000. There is a differ? ence of $40,000 in the single item oi legislative expenses. The annual average expenditures between 1868 and 1870 had been no less than $324,000, and the first year of this adminis? tration was less than $150,000. There is not only $27,000 from the contingent fund, but $160,000 solid money saved in the single item of legislative expenses. Let us go upon the ground that the gentle? man from Edgefield has chosen. I want to tt\e this doughty warrior on his own ground. I want this McGregor put upon his native heath. He says we have saved the paltry sum of $27,000 from the contin? gent fund. Now, the contingent funds for the year preceding last year were$47,000and $32,000, or a total of $79,000. In the last year of Governor Moses' administration the contingent funds were $79,000, and last year for all purposes the contingent fund was $26,200 ; making a saving of $51,000 of the contingent fund in the first year of this ad? ministration. Well, now, my friends must suffer me to appeal from those courts in which I love to practice. I wish this scene of political turmoil could be banished for e'vef,- arid the calm hour of the civil courts breathe sweetly over me again. There I would go to one who cOI?cb to slay me with ffie hand of a friend. I Would appeal fron* Woep courts,- i? which I love to practice, and .say m fid personal sense, but say to his state' ments, one and all, "falsus in uno; falsus in 'omnibus." And l?rt me translate: "False in one thing; false in all." My friends are coming found me witb hints here, and I know how 1 coUkl keep; and worry this audience. In the t?tmoii and struggles of the legislative and executive* departments, I dare appeal, notwithstanding the taunts of the gentleman from Edgefield, to yon gray-headed Democrat, [referring to Chancellor Johnson,] once the ornament of the judicial bench of South Carolina, and I ask him if he is not conseious-thatat-eveTy point this administration husbanded the re? sources of the people and protected their property from the exactions of the tax gath? erer. I will get an answer from the people I have served. But I have only half served them. I wish I had been brave as Juliti* Casar, that I might have led them up great mountains of peace and prosperity, up which we seem so slowly but worthily climbing. But as we climb and have already half as? cended the summit, a creature clutches us from the rear, and we behold the famed Democratic warrior, the gentleman from Edgefield. God help me and the Republi? cans of South Carolina working to shake off this clog that is now fastened on us, and, working up to that mount, grant that our feet shall never fail or weary until tbe sun? light of victory bathes our brows on its peaceful top. But I must pause a moment to notice one of those reckless statements. "Rumors are as thick as blackberries in Jane," and among them, I venture, my friend has heard that I have written a letter to Washington, asking for the withdrawal of tbe United States troops. I am a Yankee, and I venture the guess that if tbe gentleman from Edgefield, in this attack upon me, had thought there was a letter at tbe War Department, or any other department, he would have a copy here, instead of picking up a floating rumor. You would have had a copy of the letter written by Governor Chamberlain to the Secretary of War. No such letter has been written or drafted, or heard or thought of by the present Governor of South Carolina On the contrary, I am able to say that when the trouble arose in the county of Edgefield lost year, and this year in She county of Lau re us, I asked, through the Attorney General's office at Washington, for troops to command the public peace. My first appli? cation, as everybody knows, was answered favorably, and troops were sent to Edgefield until it was reported there was no further need of them. In reference to Laurens, the answer was, "Unfortunately we ore in the midst of the Mississippi trouble, and if it should become known that we bad aided South Carolina when Mississippi had been refused aid, we should be justly, charged with partiality, unless you are able to certify as Governor that there is such an armed force moving through that county that you cannot protect the hves and property of the citizens. If my friend wants to see that letter from Mr. Pierrepont, I will show it to him in my office. Why, fellow-citizens, I go for protection for every, man; even the meanest roan that assaults its political course. I say it is the first duty of every government to protect its citizens. When South Carolina cannot protect the lives and Uberties of her citizens, I consider it the highest duty of tbe government of the United States to give protection, and my highest duty and swiftest pleasure to invoke that aid. Iam charged with something more than human, something more than divine for? giveness towards my enemies. Well, I am growing weary and I must not detain you much longer. But if there is one sweet drop in the cup of satisfaction that I drink, in review of my administration, it is this: that, although I was covered with wounds, although the spearsmen and the swordsmen hunted me like a stag upon the mountains, yet never since my feet stood upon the spot where.you now sit?I glory in it, write it upon my tomb, tell it to my children?that, notwithstanding the terrors and barbed arrows ofthat campaign, my lips have never to this hour been opened to one imprecation or one curse upon those who then fought me. Blot out everything else, but let it re? main as a reward and sweet recompense that I never did as Governor of South Carolina, reproach my enemies by a single harsh, vituperative word. I will do my duty. But it is not the part of the duty of a man to use his intellect and capacities to assail, with bitter words, a people who may differ with him in politics. I have spoken in answer to the gentleman from Edgefield. There was one word that went to my heart. It was the word, forgive? ness of. my enemies. If I do not get the blessing of the gentleman from Edgefield, I will get the blessings of my wife and children and the blessing of God Almighty. One word more, and then I leave this con? troversy. I will trust to the test of time to vindicate my course in the administration of the government of South Carolina, and will continue in the same pathway of reform and good government upon which we have entered. I shall keep my eye steadily fixed upon tbe polar star of political reform, will strain myself more zealously at the oars until our bark, with all our aspirations, is wafted into the calm, gracious sea of politi? cal equality and administrative reform. The close of Governor Chamberlain's speech was hailed with applause, which lasted for several minutes, and the ballot? ing then began. The vote stood: Cham? berlain 70, and Patterson 40. [Tremen? dous cheering, throwing up of hats, &c] For the third delegate at large the can? didates were Patterson, Lieutenant Gov? ernor Gleaves and F. L. Cardozo, an.'. Gleaves was elected. The candidates for the fourth place (Dunn withdrawing in favor of Patterson) were Patterson and Cardozo, and the former was elected by a vote of 80 to 25. The alternates chosen are B. F. Whitte more, C. M. Wilder, A. O. Jones and Warren Minton. REFUSING THANES TO CHAMBERLAIN. The following resolution was submitted, and created considerable discussion, ana was finally laid upon the table by a vote of 62 ayes to 32 nays, which shows that an overwhelming majority was against the Governor: Resolved, That-tbis Convention hereby tender to Governor Chamberlain their most hearty thanks for the honorable, able and effective manner in which he has'administered the government of this State since his inauguration as Governor'; that his course has reflected the highest honor upon him, and upon the Republi? can party of this State, redeeming it, in a large measure, from the evil repute and obloquy caused by former leaders of the party, and commending it to the confi? dence even of our most bitter political foes; that we call upon him to go forward in the same path of reform and good' government which he has hitherto pur? sued, and we hereby assure him of the determined support of- all true Republi? cans of the State. After voting thanks to the president and officers, the Convention adjourned sine die. _. Washington, April 15.?Orville E. Bab cock, (late private secretary of President Grant,) Richard Harrington, (late United States district attorney, appointed by Presi? dent Grant,) Hiram C. Whitely, Ichabod C. Nettleship, Thomas P. Somerville, Geo. E. Miles and Walter BroWn, have been indicted by the grand jury of the District of Colum? bia for "conspiracy to injure and oppress Columbus Alexander, and that in pursuance of said conspiracy, they did procure said Brown and said Miles to break and enter the office of the attorney of the United States and take therefrom certain books, to carry them to the residence of said Alexander." Babcock, who seemed to know what was going to happen, was in court with his bondsman, Boss Shepherd, and at once gave bail in the sum of $10,000. Bench warrants were issued for the arrest of the other con? spirators. It is understood that all the in? dicted parties, except Babcock and Harring? ton, are to be used as witnesses for the pros? ecution in the safe burglary trial. Harring? ton's whereabouts are unknown. He is believed to have fled the country. A rumor prevails that sufficient evidence has been secured to indict Marshal Sharpe, the Presi? dent's brother-in-law, for packing the jury in the safe burglary trials in 1874. ? A petition twenty yards in length and signed by over two thousand one hundred citizens has been sent to the Centennial Commissioners asking them not to grant permission to sell intoxica? ting drinks on the grounds. Improved Cotton Seed. FOR SALE, Fifty Bushels of Peeler Cot? ton Seed, and One Hundred Bushels of Simpson Cotton Seed, selected and im? proved, grown in Laurens County. The Simpson seed mature two weeks earlier than ordinary seed. Price, One Dollar per bush? el. Apply to WILHITE A WILLIAMS, Anderson, S. C. April 20,1876 40 3* NOTICE OF FINAL SETTLEMENT.? Notice is hereby given that the un? dersigned, Administrator of J. W. Geer, deceased, wftt apply to the Judge of Pro? bate for Anderson County on t fie 20th of May next, for a final settlement and dis? charge from said Estate. ! JOSEPH B. MOORE, Adm'r. April 20,1878_40 ? 5 "VTOTICE OF FINAL SETTLEMENT.? Js* Notice is hereby given that the un? dersigned, Administrator of John Erskine, dewaeed, will apply to the Judge of Probate for Anderson County, on the 20th of May next fot a filial settlement and discharge from said Estate, THOS. ERSKINE, Adm'r. April20,1876 40 6? SIMPSON & SADLER. DRUGGISTS, BENSON HOUSE CORNER* RE RECEIVING ADDITIONAL supr _ plies of DRUGS AND MEDICINES Every day, and also a large lot of WHITE LEAD, PAUtTS AND OILS, Of every docripttbov wtiihh; tfcejr axe of&x ing very low for the cash. They still have s snail lot of Cbemicab. and plenty of Garden Seeds to supply their customers. April 20,1876_40_ J?0BE GOOD NEWS FOR THE PEOPLE. I will state for the ben fit of my friends and customers, as well as those who have not found it convenient to take advantage of the Bargains that I have offered, and still offer to the public generally, that I have just re? turned from market with a Stock of Goods ? bought at a great reduction, and am ready to astonish the natives with PRICES LOWER THAN EVER BE? FORE. Call and see me, I can make it to' your interest. . . P. K, McCULLY. April 20,1876 36 CHEAP STORE! SPRING AND SUMMEE GOODS 1876 AT 1876 Greatly Reduced Prices. are now receiving the largest stock of DRY GOODS, BOOTS and SHOES, . Ever brought to this market. We have our Boots and Shoes manufactured to order, and; thereby save the profit of the middle man for the consumer. We have also in connec? tion with our business, a largo Grocery and Provision Department Well supplied, and suited to the wants of the farmer. Polite and attentive salesmen, who will with pleasure spare no pains in showing the: stock. Wagon Yard for campers free of charge Call and examine, and be convinced. J?HES H. MOM & CO., Corner Buncombe and Coffee Streets, GREE WILLE, S. C Agents for the Bivingsville Yarns. Shirtings and Sheetings. April 13, 1876__39_2m NOTICE. U. S. INTERNAL REVENUE SPECIAL TAXES, May 1, 1876, to April 30, 1877. THE Revised Statutes of the United 8tates, Sections 3232, 3237. 3238, and 3239, re? quire every person engaged in any business, avocation, or employment which renders him liable to a SPECIAL TAX, TO PBO CURE AND PLACE CONSPICUOUS LY IN HIS ESTABLISHMENT OR PLACE OF BUSINESS a STAMP de? noting the payment of said SPECIAL TAX for the Special-Tax Year beginning May 1, 1876, before commencing or continuing bus? iness after April 30, 1876. The Taxes embraced within theprovisions of the law above quoted are the allowing Rectifiers.$200 00 Dealers, retail liquor..? 25 00 Dealers, wholesale liquor. 100 00 Dealers in malt liquors, wholesale.... 50 00 Dealers in malt liquors, retail. 20 00 Dealers in leaf tobacco. 25 00 Retail dealers in leaf tobacco. 500 00 And onsales of over$l,000, fifty cents for every dollar in excess of $1,000. Dealers in manufactured tobacco. 5 00 Manufacturers of stills.50 00 And for each still manufactured. 20 00 And for each worm manufactured.... 20 00 Manufacturers of tobacco. 10 00 Manufacturers of cigars. 10 00 Peddlers of tobacco, first class (more than two horses or other animals). 50 00 Peddlers of tobacco, second class (two horses or other animals). 25 00 Peddlers of tobacco, third class (one horse or other animal)._ 15 00 Peddlers of tobacco, fourth class (on foot or public conveyance).? 10 00 Brewers of less than 500 barrels.! 50 00 Brewers of 500 barrels or more..? 100 00 Anv person so liable, who shall mil to comply with the foregoing requirements will be subject to severe penalties. Persons or firms liable to pay any of the Special Taxes named above must apply to L. CASS CARPENTER. Collector of In? ternal Revenue at Columbia S. C, sod pay for and procure ths Special-Tax Stamp or Stamps they need, prior to May 1,1878, and without further notice. D.D.PRATT, Commissioner of Internal Revenue. Office of Internal Revenue, Washington, D. C, Feb. 1,1876. J 36-4