The Anderson intelligencer. (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, November 25, 1875, Image 2
BY HOYT & CO. ANDERSON, S. C., THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 25, 1875._VOL. XT-NO. 1!).
KATES OF SUBSCRIPTION.-Two Dollars
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Subscriptions are not taken for a less period
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Liberal deductions made to clubs of ten or
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RATES OF ADVF.RTfSLXG.~Ouc Dollar per
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Obituary Notices exceeding five- lines, Tributes
of Respect, and all personal communications or
matters of individual interest, will be charged for
at advertising rates. Announcements of marriages
and deaths, and notices ofa religion* character, are
respectfully solicited, and will be inserted gratis.
M? ANGEL MOTHER.
Iti the land beyond the river,
Under the skies forever fair,
Dwells my sainted angel mother
Watching for my coming there.
One day o'er the silent waters
At the setting of the sun
Went site with the mystic boatman,
And her earthly life was done.
Much I miss her at the twilight
When the shadows veil the skie*.
For she used to sing at evening
Many tender melodies.
1 have "stood in old cathedrals
Where u hundred singers sung,
But their voices never thrilled me
Like her voice, when I was young.
Site would take her time-worn Bible,
When the lamps were all alight.
And from that God's word she read us
Truths to guide our steps aright,
And she whispered us of Heaven.
Where the many mansions are;
And while she was here among us
Heaven seemed not so verv far.
n*
Oh. 1 know the angels met her
When the boatman rowed her o'er,
And they sang a song of welcome
When her feet touched Heaven's shore.
There she waits the Heavenward coming
Of the one she loved on earth,
On her face and heart the glory
Of her new immortal birth."
Sometimes, in the twilight silence.
I fancy she is near.
And I listen for her blessing,
Which I feel, but do not hear.
Then I long to hear her calling
From tluit fairer shore than this,
For my heart grows weary waiting
For my angel mother's kiss.
SSSSS
Fur the Anderson Intelligeneer.
THE SABBATH.
Did you ever think how much you
need, how much the world needs, a Sab?
bath? Just about one-seventh of time,
for. the demands of virtuous and happy
being; to refresh and refit that delicate
but frail little tenement in which you
live and move and have your being; to
dress it up in its neatest, its best attire;
to take time to review yourself, to count
your limbs, and count your years, and
count your failures and successes, your
vices and virtues; to recapitulate; to
garner the lessons of a running account
in human experience, the account cur?
rent with men, with business and with
God; to stop and look all over yourselves
and all through yourselves and gather
the census of all your property in the
virtues, your acts, your speech, your
manners, your decorum; to run home,
and in home's sacred circle of affection
to measure yourself to sec if you have
grown taller, manlier, better; for this
and for more you need a seventh of
time. There is a sparkling spring filling
its own little limpid lake of waters be?
neath a shady rock along the road side
of human life. It is the Sabbath to
weary man. There is a retreat of still?
ness and of quiet outside of the city
where the still small voices are heard
and the noise of men is distant?it is the
Sabbath. In this busy age, we need a
Sabbath more than ever. The mind
grows weary, the heart surfeits of busi?
ness, but the Sabbath's sweet rest restores
energy, and makes us delight again in
our work. The little sleepless pendulum
rests at that moment when it stops to
turn, and the earth in making the short
bend of its orbit around the sun moves
slowly and takes breath for the next long
sweep of its course. A thousand suicides
have beeu taken in the bud and killed
by the Sabbath. Thousands ot maniacs
have been spared the world by it. The
world owes its great inventions and dis?
coveries to the day that rested and cooled
the fevered brain. It cools and pacifies
the angry purpose, and it is dangerous
to the plans of incendiaries and murder?
ers to cross one Sabbath before the exe?
cution of those plans. You need that
portion of consecrated time to read, to
cultivate the heart, to furnish yourselves
with a fresh supply of good resolutions,
to put on the wedding garment of manly
and holy thought, to hold converse with
the greatest and best of Beings. You
have need to speak to the King. You
have, as every other subject, business at
Court. You cannot be content with
yourself without some religion. And
religion would forsake the world if the
Sabbath did. It is not your recreation
day, but your day of honor and magna?
nimity ; your day of high deportment;
your day of most honorable associations,
when you call to mind that you are akin
to the nobles.
Amlerson, November 15, 1875.
Bad and Incompetent Juries.
There is some improvement in the
character of the Jury Commissioners in
this State, which will make itself seen in
the quality of the jurymen; but no care
in preparing the list of names, or honesty
in drawing the names, will give the peo?
ple good juries if the persons drawn arc
excused from service by the Judge. The
law exempts a large number of persons
from serving as jurors, and this exemp?
tion is sufficient except in cases of ex?
treme gravity. It is unpleasant for a
man in active business to be confined in
a court-room for a couple of weeks, and
we grant that his service may cause him
severe l<?s ; but he owes it to the State
;l:id lo bis fellow-citizens to bear his part
of the common burden, and the higher
Iiis position and the greater the value of
his time the more needful is it that lie
should serve. Unless we do our part in
protecting others, we cannot expect to be
protected ourselves. Upright and intel?
ligent men who are excused from jury
dutv make vacancies which are seldom
filled with equally good men. In this
ivav they help to lower the character of
tin" juries. For the moment their neigh?
bors stiller. They stifTcr in turn when
they are before the Court, and their
neighbors, by following their bad exam?
ple, leave them to the mercies of an ig?
norant or inexperienced jury.
\Vc do not think that any citizen
should ask to be excused from service on
, jnrv; unless he be too sick to go out,
or he can prove that his interest would
be, in some wny, irretrievably injured.
I hit some will ask it. and to the Judge,
therefore, the public must look for pro?
tection. The Judge cannot be too stern,
strict or impartial, and it is well Ii?
?mould remember that the citizens who
ire most valuable like the least to serve.
There is only one way to secure the right
ind of juries, and that is to make every
crson serve whose name is drawn, and
,lio is not exempt by law. The nearer
dir Judges approach to (bis standard, j
he butter will the juries bc.--.W? an>l\
SENATOR COCHR.VN'S REFORM.
Columbia, S. C, Nov. 8,1875.
Hons. W. B. Nash, S. A. Swuifs, M. J.
Hir.irh, E. JW. Brayton. JnmesSt. Smith,
II'. //. Jone?, ./. H. White, ./. Jfn/(in</s
head, L. L. Gv?ti, A. W. ?urti*, Wm.
Simon* :
Gentlemen?I expected to have met
many Republican members ol' tlie Gen
cral Assembly here this week, and hoped
to have an opportunity for consultation
as to the best means for laying the foun?
dation for the inauguration of such reform
measures, through and by the legislative
department of the government, as will
redeem each and even- pledge made by
the Republican party during the cam?
paign of 1S74. Unfortunately, most of
the members are at home, and I shall
take the liberty of addressing this com?
munication to such members only as are
in the city, and trust that you will give
the same your immediate attention.
For a long time 1 have been watching
the efforts made by the executive depart?
ment of our State "government for reform.
It is a pleasure to say thus publicly
that I admire the numerous messages
and speeches of his Excellency Governor
Chamberlain on reform, and the sincerity
and earnestness with which he seems
anxious to deal with the weaknesses and
faults of our administration. I also sym?
pathize with Comptroller Dunn in his
efforts to purify the treasury department,
and correspondingly with our State
Treasurer in his eagerness to protect the
people's money from the devouring maw
of banks and" their coadjutors. Both
seem to have a sense of their duty?so
sensitive that it will be hard for the peo?
ple if they cannot manage between them
to arrive at the milk in the cocoanut;
and last, but not least, I appreciate the
laudable efforts of our Attorney General
to convict defaulters, particularly as he
has had the annoyance of seeing them
relieved from the consequences of their
crimes, after so much expense and trou?
ble, through constitutional provisions
invoked in their behalf. But I feel com?
pelled to submit, after a careful consid?
eration of the whole subject, that the
question has arisen in my own mind, can
all this really bring about reform, lessen
the burdens of taxation, or economy in
expenditure ? Can our executive reform?
ers secure us anything really substantial?
And, in reply, I am fain to express the
opinion that without help from legisla?
tive sources they must beat their wings
against impossibilities.
To explain myself" fully, let me say
that, now the State Treasurer publishes
his monthly statements of every dollar
received and paid out, from whom, to
whom, and on what account, nobody can
truly say that the funds are stolen, un?
accounted for or misapplied. Therefore,
it seems to me that the only reform now
practicable is an economical levy and ap?
propriation, so far as administrative finan?
ces is concerned. Nothing further in
this direction can be reached but by the
passage of constitutional or legislative
measures. Such have, after all, made all
the late reforms possible, and most of
them necessary. There is no longer any
doubt that the Legislature of the State
is as earnestly committed to reform as
any branch of the government, and it is
as a member of that body, knowing the
feeling of many of my colleagues, that I
have presumed to notice here some of the
Sractical consideration which I think
eservc notice at the present time; and
in doing so, I may add, I am confident
that branch of the government will never
ask credit for any reforms they do not
institute and secure.
Both Republican and Democratic pa?
pers have to some extent discussed the
necessity of a new constitutional conven?
tion for South Carolina. Now, I feel as?
sured that the approaching legislative
session will prove that we can secure all
needed reforms without the expense and
excitement consequent upon such a con?
vention. If editors and public men will
give fair attention to the wants ot the
times, and the people will do their part,
I belie ve the constitution may be amen?
ded so that it shall be as effective in se?
curing honest and economical govern- j
ment after the next election as any organ?
ic law in the United States. In this view
I may, without any undue presumption,
cite some of the changes which oiir pe?
culiar condition needs and recent reforms
in other States naturally suggest to every
thoughtful man. These changes should
be constitutional and substantially as
follows:
1. Fix constitutionally the public debt
as it is now fixed by legislative enact?
ment. I can see nothing to prevent fu?
ture legislation on this matter, which
might involve the State for six millions
or more of bonds, which are now alleged
to have been issued fraudulently.
2. Restrict the powers of the Legisla?
ture for levying taxes and making appro?
priations, and require all such levies and
appropriations to be specific, and not to
exceed a given amount for any fiscal
year.
3. Make the legislative sessions bien?
nial, and change the day of meeting to
the second Tuesday in January. Make
the pay of legislators $800 for a session
of thirty days, $700 for a session of forty
days, $600 for a session of sixty days,
and $500 if protracted for a longer" period.
Wc have too much legislation, and the
people cannot too sternly discourage long
sessions.
4. Restrict the court to two terms for
each county annually, reserving to the'
Judges the right to call special terms for
sessions business only. We have alto?
gether too much litigation. Also provide
that court should be held at seasons rea?
sonably convenient for the people. For
instance, in the eighth circuit in such
months as July, August, December and
January.
5. The right of suffrage should he ade?
quately protected. Provide that each
county shall be represented in proportion
to the ratio of votes actually polled at its
elections; but in no case should repre?
sentation be allowed for any number of
votes in excess of that shown by its cen?
sus to be qualified to vole. Then if, from
intimidation or other cause, the people
shall fail to exercise their duty or right
to vote, the county will lose representa?
tion, and unjust representation will be
impossible.
i?. The constitution should provide that
no (Sovcrnor, State officer or Judge shall
be absent from his post, except in very
few and special cases, or by leave of the
Legislature.
7. Obtaining one office for the purpose
of commanding the approach to the other
should be discouraged. It should be pro?
vided that no person holding office shall
be eligible for any other office during the
term for which he was elected.
K. Provide that the Governor may veto
curtain sections of any bill for the expen?
diture of money of the creation of a debt,
without prejudice to the rest.
!>. Prevent the General Assembly from
passing any local or special law, or from
granting any power or privileges, that
can be provided for by a general law, or
where the courts can be made competent
to grant the relief asked for.
10. In quire that taxes shall he uniform
Upon the same class of properly or sub?
ject, but allow the Legislature to author
I
i izc a tax by license on peddlers, auction?
eers, brokers, merchants, professions,
showmen, liquor dealers, toll bridges,
and ferries, insurance companies, tele?
graph and express offices, railroad inter?
est or business, traveling agents or vend?
ers, and all persons or corporations own?
ing or using franchises, etc. This is one
way to carry out that part of the Repub?
lican platform which pledges us to do all
in our power to relieve and protect agri?
cultural interests. It must be considered
that the main industry of our State is
agricultural, and that this the greatest of
I of all our interests has been sorely taxed
j and discouraged.
While New England strains every
. sinew to protect her main interest, that
j is, her manufactures, and has thereby
! become prosperous, wc have been practi?
cally compelling our farmers to bear al?
most every dollar of taxation. It is time
for us to remember that a farmer can
only turn over his money once a year,
and that his profits cannot be increased,
except by economy in expenditure.
11. The constitution should forbid the
Legislature from auditing or allowing any
private claims against the State. It
should make appropriations to pay such
claims at its discretion, when audited by
the Comptroller General, but in no case
should such appropriation be made in
the bill making appropriations for gener?
al Stare purposes.
12. The Legislature should be empow?
ered to prevent unjust discrimination in
freights on railroads in this State, as be?
tween way-stations and the termini of
the road.
13. Constitution should require State
officers to make their reports within three
days after the General Assembly shall
have met, on pain of instant removal
from office.
14. No person should be eligible to n
State office who has not been a citizen of
the State for five years, nor to a countv
office who has not resided within such
county as a citizen for one year immedi?
ately preceding his election or appoint?
ment. ?
15. Constitution should provide that
all phosphate royalties, and other sources
of revenue to the State other than taxes
levied by the General Assembly, should
be set aside for free school purposes.
lfi. No State or county officer should
be allowed to hold his "office more than
four out of every six consecutive years.
17. Constitution should define more
clearly the powers and duties of Lieuten?
ant Governor; provide for cumulative
voting or minority representation.
IS. Reduce the number of the State's
charges; counties should pay their own
Treasurers, Auditors, &c. The Legisla?
ture should fix for each county the max?
imum of salary to be paid each officer,
allowing the counties the right to reduce
the amount to suit themselves.
19. Make tax levies for State purposes
directly upon the counties; a given
amount for each specific purpose, named
in dollars, instead of mills, and based
upon the Auditors' reports.
20. Provide that no branch of the
State government shall contract any in?
cidental or contingent accounts. Require
the Legislature to anticipate all expenses
of government by levy and appropriation
specifically made.
21. Provide that convict labor shall be
utilized du all public works, both State
and county, or on railroads, guarded by
such laws as will secure humane treat?
ment for them, and prevent their employ?
ment by private parties, to the detriment
of the interests of laboring people.
22. Fix the legal rate of interest on
money at seven per cent., and require the
Legislature to pass such laws as will in
general prevent the collection of a larger
amount. Our agricultural people had
bctter'do without money or goods that
arc worth eighteen to thirty per cent, to
carry.
23. Protect and encourage the raising
of sheep by empowering the Legislature
to levy a special tax on dogs.
24. Real estate should be assessed an?
nually.
25. Should forbid any officer from de?
positing school, county or court funds
outside the county to which it belongs,
unless there be no bank of good standing
in such county. Should also require the
State Treasurer to deposit all tax money
to the specific account for which it was
levied and collected, the same to be
drawn upon only in payment of such
specific appropriations. Should provide
that no State officer should serve on any
board, committee or commission. Coun?
ty Commissioners should be required to
apportion the tax levied and collected
for county purposes before the same is
collected, which shall constitute a spe?
cific fund for various county and
court purposes. Should provide that
all State and county officers should
be elected by the people. Should
provide that commissioners of election
should be elected by the General Assem?
bly.
I do not claim to have cxhauscd the
subject, but I feel assured that I have
not gone beyond the spirit and meaning
of the pledges made by the Republican
party in its platform of 1874 in any of
the provisions suggested, and, I may add,
that reform to be real must be incorpo?
rated in the constitution. Parties in
power are liable to error, and even wrong?
doing. The interest of the people re?
quires for this Radical disease a Radical
cure. Other States have admitted this,
and called constitutional conventions to
apply the remedy. Shall a Republican
State be behind the Democratic States of
the South in securing that reform in its
organic law, which alone gives security
to its people ?
Rut, as I have said, the State of South
Carolina, the solitary Republican jewel
in the Southern crown, can, without the
resort to a convention?a resort which
will practically announce to the world
the lailurc of the Republican party to
give the State a sound government,
though its Legislature take hold of these
issues?pass the necessary measures of
reform as amendments to our constitu?
tion, and be sustained by the people, and
the solution of South Carolina's political
and financial troubles will have been ef?
fectually reached, and with honor alike
to the Republican parly, the State gov?
ernment and the people.
Hoping these views will meet your ap?
probation and command your supp< , I
remain, yours, respectfully,
John P. Connt.vN.
Tin: itKl'LY.
Col.UMltiA, November 12, lS7-r>.
I fun. John l{. Cne/uv? :
Silt?Afler a careful perusal o!" your
letter of the 8th inst., in which you spec
; ify certain reform measures that should
be advocated and enacted by i he Legis?
lature of this State we beg leave to sub
J mil that we agree in the main with the
; propositions set forth by you, and sug
: gest that you address the communication
! to the Republican members of the Gcn
i cral Assembly, and procure its publica
'. tion in the principal papers of the State.
' We fully agree with yon that the ncccs
I sity is urgent, and that the Republican
i Legislature of the State should institute
such measures of reform as will secure
' the greatest good to the people.
Respectfully,
\V. B. Nash,
James M. Smith,
Henry J. Maxwell,
IV. H. Jones,
e. M. Rraytox,
i J. H. White,
J. holuncsheai),
L. L. Guffix,
A. W. Curtis,
Wm. Simons.
j Messrs. S. A. Swails and M. J. Hirsch
! have replied favorably to the suggestions
I in a separate letter, which will be pub
| lislied on Tuesday.
! A CLEAN SWEEP IX MISSISSIPPI.
j How it was Accomplished?The Way to
Win?Magical Effect upon the Value
! of Property.
(\im*pon<itiietn( ihr Cincinnati Comm'rcial.
JACKSON, Miss., November 3.
As the election returns come, the mag
, nitilde of the white line victory becomes
j apparent. At this writing it is a ques
tion whether the Republicans have
; carried a single county in the State.?
The official returns will doubtless give
! them a few counties, but they had as
j well have retired from the contest a
I month before the election, so far as sub
! stautial fruits from their campaigning is
concerned. I had not been in the State
J twenty-four hours until I saw how it was
I going. In the first letter I wrote two
j weeks ago I predicted a victory for the
, whites, and reiterated it nearly every let
j tor since. Ik-fore the impetuous determ?
ination of the whites to carry the elec?
tion at every hazard, I knew that the
thirty thousand Republican majority
would amount to nothing. The whites
I carried the Legislature by a majority of
j not less than thirty on joint ballot, and
have elected five out of the six Congress
I men, to say nothing of
the clean sweep
in county officers and the election of
their candidate for State treasurer. The
last Congressional delegation stood five
Republicans to one Democrat. The del?
egation now stands five Democrats to one
Republican, and even this solitary Re?
publican is not to a certainty elected.
The official returns may leave him out.
The Legislature had a Republican ma?
jority of about twenty on joint ballot.
The Democrats have reversed it and a
little more, so that it will be reliably
Democratic on joint ballot by thirty ma?
jority. It is a clean sweep, a perfect
revolution. But the so-called revolution
is perfectly understood here. It was the
result of the frenzied determination of
the whites to carry the election by every
hazard, and they carried it. Their pro?
gramme did not contemplate ballot-box
stuffing, or anything like that; but sim?
ply to operate on the minds of the
negroes?convince them that the proper?
ty-liolders were in rebellion against
negro rule, and would stand it no longer,
unless that rule was set up again by Fed?
eral bayonets. The negroes, no longer
supported by the Federal power, as they
conceived, gracefully accepted the inevi?
table, and in large numbers, cither voted
the white ticket, or refrained from voting.
the legislature.
From what I know of the candidates
nominated by the whites, I have not the
least doubt but what the incoming Leg?
islature will be the best one that has as?
sembled in Mississippi since the war.
The whites really made an honest effort
to bring out their best men, discarding
in many instances the old line of politi?
cians, and putting forward men of
capacity, worth, intelligence and property.
Really,* there was no comparison between
the nominees of the two parties. The
Republicans did not show a capacity to
improve by past experiences. Indeed,
it was nut expected that they could, for a
stream can not rise above its source. An
incompetent class of voters will invaria?
bly select an incompetent class of legisla?
tors. That has been demonstrated times
without number. In the District of Co?
lumbia, under the very nose of the gov?
ernment, the negroes elected such a
worthless lot to office, ami kept at it so
pcrsistcnly, that the tax-payers could
find relief only in the abolishment of the
District Government as then constituted,
and a change in its form. Yet the col?
ored people in the District arc far more
intelligent and capable than their class
in Mississippi. Here we have the
densest of dense ignorance. To suppose
that the property-holders would rest
quietly under diis sort of thing year
after year, was to suppose that they had
less of human nature than we find in
other parts of the world. I am not ap?
proving of th:ir milliner of getting rid of
negro rule, as they call it. I am merely
suggesting that we make allowances for
human nature. There were a few good
men among tue Republican nominees for
the Legislature, but the most of them
were
a sorry lot,
made up of plantation negroes, barbers
imported from the North, white carpet?
baggers without a dollar's interest in the
State, and natives who become Republi?
cans one day and candidates for office
the next It was such a slate of candi?
dates as would be repudiated in Ohio by
five hundred and seventy-five thousand
majority, provided the vote was as full as
at your last election.
Understand me. there were some good
men among them, but the most were a
sorry lot. Had the Republican party,
so-called, carried the State, the Legisla?
ture would not have been an improve?
ment on the last one, and which was a
very inferior body of law-makers. A
well balanced man could not go among
them without a vague feeling that some?
thing was wrong, that such men were not
calculated for law-makers. A full-blood?
ed negro is not an exceedingly intellect?
ual person at best, and when his natural
stupidity is heightened by a want of all
knowledge except what lie has learned
between cotton rows, when in fact he can
not read a sentence in the language or
sign his name, the question arises in the
impartial mind, how can this man be a
success as a law-maker? The incoming
Legislature will contain comparatively
few negroes, not above thirty in number,
and the body will be slrkingly superior
to anything Mississippi has had in tho
way of law-makers since the war. Rut
wisdom does not always accompany in?
telligence. Whether the new Legisla?
ture is wise or not, we shall know more
in six months from to-day. They can do
much good or much harm. Any attempt
to curtail the rights of f11 ? ? colored peo?
ple will he looked upon with suspicion.
An attempt to rc-cnact the Ifiack Code
ofJSGT, .or anything like it, would be
fatal to the interests of Mississippi. < hi
thr contrary, should the Legislature take
a wise, moderate and conciliatory course,
the verdict of the world will be in their
favor. Of one thing you may he certain
?they will, immediately upon assem?
bling, cut down expenses and taxation,
right and left. They will inaugurate gen- j
rral reform, which is sadly needed. The
Slate Government has been carried on at
an expense of at kasl forty per cent,
more than it needed to have been, :iml
this extravagance will be checked.
THE PRINTING SWINDLE.
The new Legislature will put a stop to
this, and not an hour too soon. By
means of "official advertising" and
"printing of the laws," the tax-payers
have been unmercifully swindled. In?
deed, wc have positive assurances that
the new Legislature will inaugurate re?
form in every department of the govern?
ment. If they, do this thoroughly and
without favor or affection, we shall have
another instance of the truth of the oft
repeated proposition, that a State is liest
governed by those who own it.
THE XKW SENATOR.
Already speculation is rife as to who
shall be Alcorn's successor. Assuredly
it will not he Alcorn himself. He is
about played out in the-estimation of
both parties, and after the expiration of
his present term in the Senate, will have
an opportunity to give his undivided at- j
tcntion to the growing of cotton on his j
magnificent plantations in Coahoma.
Alcorn is rich. Before the war he owned
nearly a thousand negroes, and still has
a very large landed possession. Al?
though a valiant Southerner during the
war?and his interests in the South were
such that wc arc not surprised at this?
he took the Republican chute after the
struggle, and was elected Governor by
the colored people. Then he went to
the Senate, his term expiring one year
from next March. He and Ames arc
enemies. Taking advantage of this, the
Democrats run Alcorn as a sort of an in?
dependent candidate for Governor against
Ames two years ago, hoping thus to
catch the colored vote, but the device
was a miserable failure, Ames being
elected by twenty thousand majority.
Just now Lamar is the favorite for Sena?
tor?L. Q. C. Lamar. He was chosen to
Congress from his district yesterday with?
out opposition, and is to-day perhaps the
foremost man in Mississippi. The new
Senator, whoever he may he, will be
elected in January.
TEMPER OK THE WHITES.
The whites are in jolly temper. You
will not soon again hear of "race con?
flicts" in Mississippi. The whites, hav?
ing now everything their own way, will
lay aside their horse-pistols and Win?
chester rifles, aud return to the flowery
paths of peace. I could sec this even be?
fore the polls were closed. As dispatch
after dispatch came in from different
voting places, showing that large num?
bers of colored people were voting the
Democratic ticket, the prospects of blood?
shed diminished. In the morning there
were the gravest apprehensions of a riot.
At noon this apprehension had nearly
worn away, and by o o'clock quite so.
I could feel a change in the very air. I
can not convey to you the intense gratifi?
cation of the white people at the result.
This jollification exceeds the descriptive
power of language. One white man,
meeting an acq* ?lintance, grasps his
hand and says abc this: "Glory! don't
we feel good thou h? Now no more
riots and lighting; thank God, wc will
have peace. Business will revive; con?
fidence is restored. I feel now that my
property is worth something." All have
something to say about the advance in
the price of property. Every man thinks
he is worth at least twenty-five per cent,
more than before the election. So many
said to me last week: "Why, if the Rad?
icals carry this election I can't sell my
plantation for a dollar and a half an
acre." Now they don't want to sell.
LIBERAL CONTRIBUTIONS.
The liberality with which the proper?
ty-holders have come down with the
cash to aid in carrying this election ex?
ceeds anything I ever knew in a State
campaign. Every man seemed to take
the personal interest in it that he would
if it was his private affair. One man in
this city planked down a check for S2,
?i'O to begin with, and nearly doubled
the amount before the close of
the polls. Yet he is no politician, nev?
er run for*an office, and cares little for
politics in the general way. But he is a
large property-holder; taxation was eat?
ing up his profits, and a change became
a positive necessity. In six years, in
Mississippi, taxation has increased 500
per cent., and property has depreciated
200 per cent.; therefore the rebellion of
property and the resolution to carry the
election at all hazards. Thousand-dollar
contributions from the planters and tax?
payers to accomplish this result were fre?
quent. One old man, in the southern
part of the State, sold his cotton crop,
and remitted a check for one-half the
proceeds, to be used in the "rescue" of
the State. The aggregate county con?
tribution?, were very large?that is, con?
tributions to be expended in the counties.
The word usually accompanying the
gifts ran about this way: "Take this,
use it as you please, but carry the elec?
tion." That was the kcy-notc?Carry the
election. If votes had to be bought out?
right, why, buy them. The total amount
given for campaign expenses in this cam?
paign would aggregate an immense sum.
On the other hand, the Republicans had
no funds except the contributions from
the office-holders. The great party at
large?that is, in the North?did not
come to their aid to the extent of a dol?
lar, regarding it, perhaps, as a hopeless
case from the first. The rank and file
of the party in this State having nothing
to give, so the expenses of the campaign
had all to be borne by the State office?
holders. I really believe the Democrats
had one hundred dollars at their com?
mand where the Republicans had five.
NEXT.
Now that the election is over let us
hope that the people, white and black,
will give their attention to the saving of
the magnificent cotton crop which whi?
tens the landscape. Not half the cotton
is nicked. The people have run wild
with polities, letting their cotton look?
out for itself. This has not been univer?
sally true, for some old planters, in a
fit of desperation, got out their old shot?
guns and swore they would kill the first
cotton picker, white or black, who at?
tempted to leave his work logo to a po
itical meeting of any description. The
crop is very fine, much larger, perhaps,
than can be gathered. There is a great,
unceasing demand for laborers. Pickers
are paid one dollar per hundred for
picking, and a steady hand can make
from a dollar and a half to three dollars
a day. Everybody can get work that
wants it?that is, if he has a mind to go
into the field and pick cotton. I have
not seen a tramp or a beggar in Missis?
sippi. Put that down to the credit of
the State against a good deal on the other
side of the page. II. V. R.
? In 1870 the German women decided
that thereafter they would never use |
chignons and other French modes and j
j fashions. The decision was maintained
I during the war, but that once over, ami
the fashions' mil! again started, the Ger?
man fair sex couldn't withstand the pres?
sure, and again applied in the proper
quarter for bonnets and dresses. The
male purists of Germany are quite beside
themselves over this feminine fickleness.
? Kmerson, in a late poem, speaks of
! "brave men who work while others sleep;" I
{ but young men who work at billiards and
seve?-up unlil after midnight uccdu'l
? think that they are the "braves" fo whom ?
j ho alludes,
Usurious Interest?Decision of the
United States Supreme Court.
The recent decision of the Supreme
Court of the United States, in the case of
I the Farmers' and Mechanics' National
Bank of Buffalo, N. Y., against Peter C.
Dearing, makes State Usury laws a dead
letter, so far as they nullify the contract
and forfeit the debt where a National
Bank charges what, under the State laws,
is usurious interest.
The Farmers' and Mechanics' Bank
discounted the note of Dearing for $2,000,
it being agreed that the rate of interest
should be ten per cent, per annum. By
the State law the legal rate of interest is
seven per cent. Dearing failed to pay
the note at maturity. The Bank there?
upon sued him in tbe Superior Court.?
Dearing answered that the agreement
touching the discount wad usurious, cor?
rupt and illegal; that it avoided the
note, and that he was in no wise liable
to the plaintiff. The Court sustained
this defence, and the decision was ap?
proved by the higher Courts of the State.
The Bank appealed. The Supreme
Court of the United States say that the
provisions of the 3d Section of the Na?
tional Bank Act of June 3, 1864, to be
considered are as follows:
First. The rate of interest chargeable
by each bank is to be that allowed by
the law of the State or Territory where
the bank is situated.
Second. When, by the lows of the State
or Territory, a different rate is limited
for banks of issue organized under the
local laws, the rate so limited is allowed
for the national banks.
Third. Where no rate of interest is
fixed by the laws of the State or Territo?
ry, the national banks may charge at a
rate not exceeding seven per cent, per
annum.
Fourth. Such interest may be reserved
or taken in advance.
Fifth. Knowingly reserving, receiving,
or charging "a rate of interest greater
than f.forcsaid shall be held and ajudged
a forfeiture of the interest which the note,
bill, or other evidence of debt carries
with it, or which has been agreed to be
paid thereon."
Sixth. If a greater rate has been paid,
twice the amount so paid may be recov?
ered back; provided suit be brought
within two years from the tiinc the usu?
rious transaction occurred.
Secattk. The purchase, discount, or
sale of a bill of exchange, payable at an?
other place, at not more than the current
rate of exchange on sight drafts, in addi?
tion to the interest, shall not be consider?
ed as taking or rcserviug a greater rate of
interest than that permitted.
It was contended by Dearing that the
phrase "a rate of interest greater than
aforesaid," as it stands in the context,
has reference only to the third clause of
the third section ot the Bankrupt Act,
which relates to the banks where no rate
of interest is fixed by law, and that hence
it leaves the consccpiences of usury,
where such rate is fixed, to be governed
wholly by the local law upon the subject.
This, in the State of New York, would
in all such cases render the contract a
nullity and forfeit the debt. Such the
Court of Appeals held to be the law of
this case, and adjudged accordingly.?
But the Supreme Court say that this
view cannot be maintained, and that the
phrase it. applicable to both the first and
third clauses. The second proposition?
that the State law, with its penalties,
would apply if the first proposition be
sound?is equally untenable. "The Na?
tional Banks organized under the act arc
instruments designed to be used to aid
the Government in the administration of
an important branch of the public ser?
vice. They are means appropriate to
that end. Of the degree of necessity
which existed for creating them Congress
is the sole judge. Bciug such means,
brought into existence for this purpose,
and intended to be so employed, the
States can exercise no control over them,
nor in any wise airect their operation,
except in so far as Congress may see
proper to permit."
The Supreme Court in conclusion say:
"In any view that can be taken of the
thirtieth section the power to supple?
ment it by State legislation is conferred
neither expressly nor by implication.?
There was reason why the rate of in?
terest should be governed by the law of
the State where the bank is situated, but
there is none why usury should be visited
with the forfeiture of the entire debt in
one State, and with no penal consequence
whatever in another. This we think,
would be unreasonable and contrary to
the manifest intent of Congress. Where
a statute prescribes a rate of interest, and
simply forbids the taking of more, and
more is contracted for, the contract is
good for what might be lawfully taken,
and void only as to excess. Forfeitures are
not favored in the law. Courts always
incline against them. When either of
two constructions can be given to a stat?
ute, and one of them involves a forfeiture,
the other is to be preferred. The plain?
tiff below was entitled to recover the
principal of the note sued upon, less the
amount of the interest unlawfully re?
served. Whether he was entitled to re?
cover interest upon the amount of the
principal so reduced, after the maturity
of the note, is a point which has not been
argued, and upon which we express no
opinion."
The forfeiture of the principal of the
debt, where usurious interest is charged,
is the chief penalty relied upon by the
States to prevent the charging of a high?
er rate than the legal rate of interest,
and this forfeiture, under the decision wc
have noticed, is illegal and cannot he
enforced. This, wc presume, will practi?
cally end the futile efforts of the States
to regulate the price of money.?Xnr*
und Courier.
Nor A Fit.\ 11> of rn k Devil.?A col?
ored man named Nelson is owing a
butcher on Deaubion street, five or six
dollars, and after trying in vain to collect
the nioney the butcher and a friend put
their heads together the other night and
laid a plan. About midnight they called
at Nelson's house, and he was awakened
by a rap on the window.
"Who's dar?" he called out.
"The Devil!" solemnly replied the
butcher.
"You is, hey ?"
"Yes. I want voll!"
"What fin"?"'
"You refuse to pay your butcher, and
I am sent to take von to the bottomless
pit!"
"You is?"
"I am! Crime forth at once!"
"Ize comin'!" replied the negro as he
jumped out of bed ; "I can't pay dat six
dollars half easy in any odder way, an'
de old woman is so mighty cross Ize glad
to get away from home."
The butcher and his friend didn't wait
for Mr. Nelson to come out.?Detrvii
Free J're**.
? lion. Cassius M. Clay, still hale]
and hearty, made live vigorous speeches]
in the Mississippi canvass. In one place
he so thoroughly exposed a carpet-bag?
ger who had ji.st delivered a speech, that
the people seized him and would have
thrown him into tbe Mississippi river
had nut Clay personally interceded in
the man's behalf.
The Fence Lair.
A correspondent of the Sumter True
Southron presents the following strong
argument for :i change of the existing
law relating to fences. We arc glad to
sec that the subject is receiving general
attention and feel assured that proper
discussion cannot fail to establish the
impolicy of the existing law. When a
large stock raising State like Texas is
able to keep its stock from depredating
upon the crop of the farmer, it is time
for South Carolina, where the cost of
fencing equals the whole value of its
stock, to do something in the same direc?
tion. Head the following:
"Under the present Statutes, no one
can lawfully worry or otherwise injure
stock found in his field ; buf if his held
is enclosed by a lawful fence, he can re?
cover damages for the injury done to his
crop by such stock. The Statutes in
question were intended to afford, and
whenever enforced do afford, equal pro?
tection to stock owner and farmer, but
unfortunately give satisfaction to neith?
er. The farmer complains that the stock
owners turn out their stocky to range
where they please; the stock owners
complain that the farmers fail to protect
their crops by proper fencing, and that
many of them boast that they make
their guns their fence; one poor man
complains that the cow bought with his
hardly saved earnings, has been killed,
because found in his neighbor's field;
another poor man complains that the
crop he has toiled so hard to raise, is be?
ing destroyed by his neighbor's cattle.
The misfortunes of either party create
strong sympathy and an earnest desire
to find a remedy, if one can be found.
Experience proves that the desired rem?
edy can never conic through the parties
themselves, and can only be affected by
judicious legislation. If in reply to the
stock owner's complaints, you ask why
he does not keen his cattle out of his
neighbor's field, Iiis answer is, that the
law makes it the farmer's business to
keep them out by proper fencing. If
you answer the farmer's complaint by
asking why he does not fence his crop as
the law directs ??If he is a renter, his
reply is, that he can't pay a high rent
and keep up fences; also, if he is a
land-owner, his reply is, that with low
prices for produce, nigh taxes, and pre?
carious collections from tenants, he can't
afford any better fencing than he has.
if then as it appears, the parties most
directly concerned, cannot settle this
vexed question for themselves, and it
becomes the duty of the Legislature to
arbitrate, as it were, between them, the
inquiry naturally suggest itself, what
must the Legislature do in the premises?
It has been proposed, and the proposi?
tion has met with considerable favor, to
repeal existing Statutes, and enact what is
commonly called "a no fence law," and
it would seem to be the best remedy for
the evils complained of that can be de?
vised, and if properly understood, would
perhaps meet with but slight opposi?
tion.
"During a resilience of seven years in
one of the largest stock raising States of
the Union, (Texas.) the writer heard few?
er complaints about stock depredations,
than he now hears almost daily, not
merely, as some might suppose, because
the excellent prarie pasturage of Texas
satisfies the wants of the stock, but be?
cause, as a general rule, Texas stock when
not in an enclosed pasture, arc in the
charge of herdsmen or stock-minders. It
seems a hardship, and is a hardship, to a
South Carolina planter that a crop can
be raised in safety in a state teeming
with cattle, and yet here where the
amount of stock is extremely limited, no
field can be safe from their encroach?
ments, unless the owner or tenant goes
to an expense he can ill aftbrd in these
hard times, and besides, he can never
calculate with certainty, when his field
will be safe, even should he build high,
strong fences. lie knows that they will
be constantly needing repair, and the
necessity of such repair, involves addi?
tional expense, loss of time and trouble.
"In the rural neighborhoods of our
State, almost every man is a farmer?
comparatively few arc stock-owners?
consequently the number of those who
sutler from the depredations of stock, is
far greater than the number whose
stock arc injured. This, however,
would be no argument against the rights
of the stock-owner, nor is it proposed to
interfere in the slightest degree with
his rights. The measure proposed is for
his protection as well as for the farmer,
and would, in the end, prove advanta?
geous to him in many ways. It is pro?
posed to fence the Hock, and leave the
fencing of crops optional. A poor man
who owns but the one cow and calf,
may say that he cannot afford to fence
in a pasture field. True; but a number
of such poor men might easily combine
together and do so ; or some one man in
every neighborhood could be found to go
into the stock-keeping business, enclose
a large pasture, and for so much per
head, keen all his neighbors stock for
them. Whoever refleet? upon the great
and irreparable injury his stock can do,
must be extremely selfish, if he be?
grudges the slight expense that would
prevent such injury."
The Penalty of Catching Cold.?
We venture to question the necessity of
the greater part of the illness that arises
from colds. Why should people have
colds at all? Unlike many other diseases,
it is well understood how they arise;
all the conditions and causes that pro?
duce colds arc continually pointed out by
physicians; they arc easily measured
and recognized, and can as easily be
guarded against. All that is required is
due forethought and caution?forethought
and caution that extend to the condition
of the atmosphere in the house, the kind
of heat used for warming the rooms, the
prevalence of draughts, the clothing
worn at home and abroad, the precau?
tions against sudden changes of weather,
the maintenance of warm and dry feet,
the protection of the lungs and other
delicate or susceptible parts of the body ;
all of which are controllable things with
every one possessing the ordinary facul?
ties, and endowed with the average share
of good sense.
If it were a penal offense to take cold ;
if a cough arising from thoughtless ex?
posure were punished by a week's impris?
onment ; if getting sick because of mere
incapacity to measure conditions and ar?
range precautions were always followed
by a legal penalty and a loss of respect?
ability?catching cold would soon be
among the "lost arts." There is no use
ol having judgment if we do not exer?
cise it; no use of brains if we do not
employ forcthoilgh in so simple a thing
as this. In nine colds out of ten the vic?
tim has been too stupid to take advan?
tage of former experience, too torpid to
understand the nature or necessity of
preventive measures, and too dull to de?
tect the palpable circumstances out of
which the cold has come. A child learns
not to fall down stairs after two or three
experiences id' the kind ; not to burn his
fingers in the grate after once-testing the
qualities of hot coals and hot iron; but
adults go on getting colds from causes
that repeat former blunders with a per?
versity that is simply amazing.?Apple
/on'* Journal.
LEGAL A?t'ERTI.S/XG.?W,: are conipelleljo
require ca>h payment* for advertising nmeml h?
Executory, AuniiniMraitir? ami oilier fiduciaries,
ami herewith a|?)ri-ii<l Ihn rate? f-ir Iii.- orHinurr
?!??(i?-i-s, which will "iily Im- iiiaerted when ihr
luniiey comes wild til.- niuor:
rilatimis, tv/ii iIIS.Tl i.>llr--, .... ?:{.|H|
fetale Niitkiv, three insertions, - - -.vn)
Kittal Settlement*, lire insertions. - - :im
TU WtUtEXJ'OyiJEXTS.?In order t.. reeeiv?.
Hiten?uBi euMiwunicaiiuiM w?*i i?- aromiitanled
liy the Inte name and aiMre? ut ih? writer. l'u?
jected malittseriplx will not \m returned, utile? iliu
iiccc&ury slump* arc furnished tu repay the postage
ihcreon.
Jt'?- We an? tmt rr-p.IM? for the riewsantl
opinions ui" nur correspondent*.
All communications >lmiild lie aJdreswcd to "Kd.
iinrs Iiiii-lliv'i'tii-.'r," and all check*, draft*, money
orders, Ar., should !?? made pavable totheordef
uf JIOYT A CO.,
Anderson, S. ('.
Soul Ii Carolina and Mississippi.
The Washington Capital says that
Mississippi is to bo congratulated, for
she is once more a free State. Whatever
sorrow or jov the various results of the
recent elections may carry to cliques and
parties, the final emancipation ot Missis?
sippi from the rule of the carpet-bagger
may be regarded as a national blessing.
To Mr Lamar more than any other man
the country is indebted for the rehabilita?
tion of this State. With the Constitu?
tion in one hand and the olive branch in
the other he has met the Radicals of the
South and the Radicals of the North;
he has by precept and example taught
his own people the lesson of patience
and long sufTering; he has labored
earnestly, conscientiously and successful?
ly to restrain the fiery natures of his con?
stituents, and has kept them from deeds
of violence under the most prcvoking
treatment, whose occasional commission
Tias heretofore given their enemies some
colorable grounds for the assertion that
Mississippi is the least law-abiding State
in the country. The white men of Mis?
sissippi declined to enter into combina?
tions with cither the carpet-bagger or the
negro politician. They bided their time
and endured wrongs tit the hands of their
former slaves and men who came from
the North with no other aim than to
fatten upon their substance, oppress them
and malign them. At hist the negro
himself arose to some appreciation of the
situation ; the more intelligent cast their
political lot with those white men whose
interest were identical with their own,
and another year will sec this great State
striding on to prosperity.
The. ease of Mississippi is the case of
South Carolina. South Carolinians have
the same motive for throwing off the yoke
of the spoiler, and the Lord of Hosts
will give them a leader. There arc men
in South Carolina just as able and just
as patriotic as Mr. Lamar, and they
must come to the front in the next cam?
paign.
South Carolina.
"Mississippi has risen in the strength
of despair and hurled from her throat
the obscene crew of ruffians and thieves
who for years had grown rich and pow?
erful on her misery. As in Alabama,
the negro vote has been detached from
the Republican party, or divided, while
the carpet-baggers have been abandoned
to their fate \ry the President. This in?
volves the redemption of Louisiana and
insures the whole vote of the South in
187<! for the Democratic nominees, with
the exception, probablv of South Caro?
lina."
The above extract is taken from an
editorial article in the New York World
of a recent date, reviewing the results of
the November elections. The North ex?
pects every Southern State to be in the
hands of the Democracy next year with
one exception?South Carolina. Wc be?
lieve that with the adoption of a proper
policy South Carolina will be redeemed
from Radical rule in 1876 just as Georgia
was redeemed in 1871, just as Alabama
was redeemed in 1874, just as Mississippi
was redeemed in 187?. South Carolina
must rise "in the strength of her despair
and hurl from her throat the obscene
crew of ruffians and thieves who for
vears have grown rich and powerful on
her misery." The case of Mississippi is
the case of South Carolina ; the disease
of one State is the disease of the other;
the same remedy must be employed; and
the same cure can he effected. South
Carolina will never have a better oppor?
tunity to obtain her freedom than will be
presented in the next campaign. She
must arise then or be forever fallen. Let
no entangling alliances be made with
Radicals or Radicalism. Let no disas?
trous compromises be made. Let the
Canscrvatives of the State make a square
fight against corruption and corruption
ists, and they will conquer in Carolina
just as their brethren have conquered in
Mississippi. There must be and there
will he a solid Democratic South in 187G.
?Aiif/ns/a Chronicle mid Sentinel.
Circumstances Alter Cases.?The
other day, while a Vicksburgcr was
riding toward Jackson in his buggy, he
saw a long haired young man sitting on
a roadside fence. There was such an air
of utter desolation about the countryman
that the Vicksbttrger drew rein and in?
quired :
"For God's sake! what ails you, young
man ?"
"Nothing, for God's sake!" was the
meek reply.
"But is "any one dead?"
"Hain't heard of anybody but old
Matthews, and he went off two months
ago."
"Are you sick?"
"I feel kinder bad."
"Well, you look bad. In fact, you
arc the worst-looking young man I've
seen since the close of the war."
"It was all right till a month ago,"
said the young man, still more sol?
emn.
"What happened then ?"
"Woman went back on me!"
"Did, eh ? Were you engaged ?"
"I'd hung around there for a year or
so, and we'd hugged, and loved, and
hooked fingers. If that isn't being en?
gaged, then I don't know."
"And she backed out?"
"Yes."
"Well, I've been through the mill my?
self. I had a woman go back on me in
that way three months ago, and didn't
lose a bit of sleep over it."
"You didn't?''
"No, sir.'r
"But, then," sighed the young man, as
he hitched along on the rail, "the woman
you loved didn't own sixteen mules, and
have a clear hundred bales of cotton to
sell."? VkUtmg Herald.
? Postmaster-General Jewel is a hu?
morist as well as an unusually 410?I0 of?
ficial. He wrote as follows, recently, to a
woman who had applied for a situation in
the dead letter office: "We have only
fifty seven ladies employed in this de?
partment, with the exception of a few
translators and experts, and not more
than two changes have occurred in that
force for the last six months. None of
them over marry, or die, or resign. In
fact, the dead lo'tter division is a sort of
mausoleum of buried affections?a place
not governed by natural laws?for those
who enter its charmed portals seem to
lose till the motives and hopes and aspira?
tions which sway and govern the denizens
of the outside world. I regret that it is
so but so it is."
? Corn cobs are extensively used in
Europe for fire-lighters. They arc first
steeped in hot water containing two per
cent, of saltpeter, and after being dried
at a high temperature, arc saturated with
fifty per cent, of resinous matter. These
lighters, which are sold tit from three to
four dollars the thousand, arc employed
with advantage and economy in private
houses and for lighting furnaces.
? The Athens (Ga.) Watchman agrees
with Gen. Gordon in deprecating the
agitation of the currency question, and
says that if we throw the enemy on the
defensive, by denouncing and exposing
their corruptions, a certain victory will
follow.