Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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THE CAMPAIGN IN OHIO* $oy. Allen's Views of the Currency Question* From the Cincinnati Enquirer, Julff 20. Governor Allen paid a visit to Newark, Saturday, to consult about some matters of local politics, and was induced by the Democrats to make them a speech in the evening. The weather was intensely hot and the hall crowded, so that be did not speak more than half an hour. The fol? lowing is a full report of his speech : Friends and Fellow-Citizens : Many a time before this have you and I stood face to face to discuss the public questions of the day; but at no time have We come together under circumstances so profoundly interesting to the American people as on this occasion, when forty millions of people, inhabiting one of the largest and most fertile portions of the globe, feel that something^ oppresses them deeply and seriously. Every Gov? ernment, whatever may be its form, mates itself responsible for the condition of the people to a very large extent. In a free Government, based upon popular , suffrage, and acting through the repre- j sentative principle, the action of the Government upon the people in their dearest rights becomes a matter of the most serious import to the people. For more than fifteen years one class of men have had absolute and unrestrained con? trol of the Federal Government, and, during all that period, the control of almost all of our State Governments. Whatever there is of happiness, of pros? perity, dependent upon tne action of the Government; whatever there is of suffer? ing or misery, dependent upon the action of the Government, is ascribable to that party, for good or for ill. They had it all. The great Democracy of the Union had no function but that of paying taxes. [Applause.] The other party had all the power, all the taxes, and all the prof? its that necessarily grew out of them. [Applause.] Now, if tue condition of the American people is prosperous and happy; if no man is discontented; if no man is dis? satisfied; if there is no clique or ring usurping the public authority and con? suming the public taxes; if every man who wants to work is employed and well paid; if every factory is running, with its blazing fires throughout the entire day; if the farmers, without being over? burdened by taxes, are reaping the full rewards of their hard labor in the long summer sunshine, and have enough to subsist and educate their families; if every farmer finds his farm without mort? gage, himself without debt, ready to ex? tend the hand of fraternity to an unfor? tunate neighbor; if this be the condition of affairs, -then we ought to thank the Republicans for bringing this state of afiaire about. [Laughter and applause.] With these long years of absolute rule? the war did not last all these fifteen years; the war is not to be used as an excuse for what happened after peace was restored?if, when the war closed, and when this party took the entire mass of the Southern States into their own hands, and said, "We will govern as we please; we will reconstruct;" if the ope? ration of their reconstruction has restored the Southern people to their wonted pros? perity ; if it has established peace without discord, they are entitled to the approba? tion of the country. That the Congress of the United States was responsible for the government of the South and its turbulence and discord is manifest from the fact that the party dominant in that body was the only political power that had any efficiency there. If they could not rule the Southern States after the re? bellion had been disarmed, how fit are they to rule forty millions of people throughout this whole continent? [Ap? plause.] They spread a baneful blight over the entire South; they promised peace and prosperity, and they gave them the sword and nave fulfilled their promise by pro? ducing anarchy and pauperism. [Ap? plause.] They were loading down the people of the United States with taxes every day, and at the very time they were piling up the taxes on the people ot the North they had so desolated the Southern States that they had no taxes to contribute, and all that the Southern States were unable to contribute was added to the taxes of the Northern States. That is a part of their doings. Well, they were in a situation to set an example of economy, of purity, to the whole American people. They had all the power, and the De? mocracy had none. They could have economized the expenses of this Govern? ment twenty-fold more than they did, but they will not choose to. do it. They went on increasing the taxes, increasing the expenditures, and a large per cent, of all the taxes paid by the people never reached the public Treasury. It was confiscated on its way. They mildly termed it confiscated; and the number of these defaulters would almost rival the innumerable multitude that St. John saw in his vision. Now, I want to define what this word defalcation means. You have not the least difficulty, if a man, although hun? gry or prompted by the cries of nature, ?when his little child lifts up his hands and says, "Father, I want some bread," and he has none to give, forces his hand into a baker's shop and takes a loaf. He is indicted, put in jail, and probably sent to your Penitentiary. It is all of no avail to him that he pleaded the importu? nities and tears of his wife and poor little children for food that he could not give as a palliation for his offense. He is hurried off, he is called a thief, a burglar. A Government officer appropriates to his own use a hundred thousand dollars. That is not called stealing; not at all. There is a dignity about that kind of rascality, because it is nothing but the people's money that he has stolen. He is called a defaulter, not a thief, and the people are bewildered when they hear that a Government officer has defaulted. That is, instead of putting the money in the Treasury, he has put it into his own pocket. My friends, a crime don't change its character by being nicknamed. Now there are some curious facts that arise in the history of politics, and we have a singular exemplification of the statement at this time. We hear it said by all of the newspapers in that interest, and the most of them in this State aro conducted by Postmasters; we hear it Raid that the Democratic party at Co? lumbus, at its State Convention, hoisted the flag of "rag money." Did they? What is rag money? Who made it? Where did it come from ? Every cent of it was made by your press gang :it Wash ington City, run by the Treasury Depart? ment. Every dollar of this "rag money" from the beginning to the end was made by you, gentlemen, who are now clamor? ing against "rag money." [Laughter.] How came it in circulation? Did the Democrats circulate it? Oh, no. A Democratic voice was not heard in the councils of the country when that im? mense volume of paper was issued, and when the same Congress that issued it wrote upon the back of it, this is a legal tender for all debts, and you must take it, except in paying interest to the bond? holders and in* the Custom-house. By this they made a discrimination in their own currency; they imparted one faculty to it and denied it another. They paid their debts with it, and paid the farmers with it when they bought any thing from them during the war; they paid the sol? diers with it; they paid pensions with it, but they won't pay the bondholders with it, although it was specially provided that one class of bonds was to be paid in it Why is this? The bondholders have a great advan? tage in holding this immense amount of property, and at the same time paying no taxes and getting their interest paid in coin on it. But whatever the curren? cy is in quality, and volume, it is their wor!r; not ours. If they call the issues of the Government "rag money," whose "rag money" is it ? Didn't youjmake it ? [Laughter.] You made the "rag mon? ey." Not one dollar of paper money in the United States was manufactured by Democrats. And yet these fellows are making a clamor as though we had im? posed upon the country all this "rag money." They are repudiating their own bantling. They are trying to bring their own spawn into coutcmpt, and in I doing that they are doing a good deal more than they think they are doing. Now, "rag money," as they call it, is a promise of the United States to pay. That is all it is. A bond of the United States is a promise to pay; a bond of the State of Ohio or the City of Cincinnati is a promise to pay; all the railroad bonds of the Republic are promises to pay. They all stand upon the same foundation of credit, and the man who undertakes to disci edit the notes of his Government discredits the entire amount of our pri? vate and corporation indebtedness as well, as the individual notes of a people who will not pay their public indebted? ness will be worth but little in the money markets of the world. There are in the United States, includ? ing all the bonded indebtedness of the Union, of States, cities, towns, and rail? roads, about ten thousand millions of dollars, and all this vast sum hangs upon the precise thread that sustains the green? backs and all the bank circulation of the country. They are based upon the idea of credit, and that is alone to be express? ed in its fidelity to the institution that issues that note or bond which it promises to pay. They are all promissory notes; they are all intertwined with each other, they form an immense credit system in the United States and in ever}' country in the world that is civilized. You would be surprised I presume, if I were to tell you that the whole trade of the British Empire from Canada to India?a larger commerce than any country in the world, old or young, ever had before?is transacted upon credit; every dollar of it. Whenever these people commence an assault upon the credit of the country, called greenbacks, they at the same time commence an assault upon the entire volume of this property that consists solely in credit. They talk about the Democratic party being in favor of repudiation. Let us see how that matter is. Who talks of re? pudiation ? Why these very men them? selves. They arc sending word through? out all the stock markets of Europe that the great party of the United States, called the Democratic party, arc in favor of repudiation. Well, now, if they could get every body to believe that, what would their bonds be worth, any of them ? Who put the idea of repudiation in the mind of the world, or in the minds of the American people ? They did; nobody else. Nobody else ever wanted to repu? diate. If they choose to repudiate, they will have to take all the consequences of repudiation; we will not help them. They are making the biggest stride to? ward repudiation that it is possible for a deluded people to make. Ihey are pre? dicting it, and by predicting it they arc invoking it. Credit has a political virgin quality. It will not do to call its purity in question. When it is once blighted, it is gonu, and forever. These people who are now trying to bring the entire system of credit in the United States into dishonor and disrepute are the men that are undermining the whole system of credit and inviting repudiation. [Ap? plause.] If their bantling dies, it will be from their own bad nursing. The Dem? ocratic party have no bantling of that sort. The Democratic party have no an? tipathy to banks or stock-jobbors, or any class of men that own legitimate property in this country; the Democratic party have but one object; that object common to the whole people. We don't intend to allow stock-jobbers, office-holders, Gov? ernment contractors and ring jobbing men of the Republican party to take the stock-jobbing interest, and the banking interest, and office-holding interest, and put it in power, to the exclnsion of the farmer, the laborer, the mechanic and all portions of the community. It is not to put this interest down; it is to prevent that interest from putting all others down, and usurping the entire Govern- j ment of the country. That is what we want. When a Democrat is asked about what kind of law he wants, his answer is prompt and ready. He wants a law for all, that will protect all, that will dispense the blessings of a free Government to all; he wants a law that will take care of the interest of the poor laborer that is ascend? ing yon ladder with the hod upon his shoulder; he wants a law that will pro? tect the farmer, small though may be his acres, and sec that he has a fair share in the Government of his country ; wc want a law that will protect, the manufacturer and the working people, in town and country. Wc want a law, in a word, that is the law of all, and not the li^w of a specific few. [Applause.] Now, what is the condition of this country at present? These men have had the entire control of it. They are bound to admit that fact. Why, the condition of it is, that full a half million of working people arc with? out employment. If some of them arc working ten hours a day, in the burning influence of n July sun, they get for this labor from seventy-five cents to a dollar and a quarter per day, barely sufficient to keep them alive from sun to sun. In every region of the United States, the farmers, by the name of Grangers, have been driven together to consult for the general interest of agriculture, be? cause that interest has been entirely ig? nored. What a spectacle it would present if the curtain should be lifted, and the realty revealed to the eyes of the people! Why, here are forty millions of people, more than eight millions of them voters, engaged in all the avocations of life, about two-thirds of them cultivators * of the soil. Now lift the curtain, and let us see who occupy the seats in Congress. That tells the tale. A majority of the whole number are bankers, bondholders, stock-jobbers, or persons vitally interested in making laws for their own benefit,- so that the rich may become richer, and the poor poorer, Suppose that the farmers, the laboring people, the manufacturers, the merchants, the shippers, and all the great industrial classes of the United States, were repre? sented in that Congress in proportion to the interest they have, how many bank? ers would be there? They would be crowded out. They are not one per cent, of the voters of this country, and yet in point of representation in Congress they amount to about eighty per cent., and the other twenty per cent, of the people amount to very little more than disfran? chised units, having one great and pre? cious privilege, that being the privilege of paying taxes. Now, the Democratic party intend to right up this state of things, if possible. What have these Re? publican leaders to offer to the people, what do they propose to do ? . Nothing but to get on their knees and ask pardon, and then turn around aud whisper, "Can't we get up something about Catholics ? Can't we get the great American family by the ears on some re? ligious question, and while they are pull? ing and fighting each other about reli? gion slip in and get possession of the Government again?" If we can't do this, then we ought to begin to pack [laughter], for the warning given us last year, when the people, without intrigue, silently?so silentlv that on the election day there was hardly a man to be seen speaking a word about tho election? sadly moved up to the ballot-box, and by sending an immense majority to the Lower House of Congress and carrying about twenty-one States in favor of the Democrats just signed a dismissal to the Republican law-makers, saying we have no further use for you. [Laughter and applause.] That is what they did. Is there any denying it? What produced this tremendous change in the minds of the American people? Perhaps a full million of these very men, forming a part of the great Republican army, had con? fided for years in their public men, hut they had confided to their sorrow. They saw the country drifting to ruin as fast as the impetus of the storm could carry it. They saw, and they see now every day, the losses by whisky rings, Credit Mobilier rings, salary grabbing rings, District of Columbia rings, land grabbing rings, Pacific Mail rings, Custom-house and Indian rings, these latter brought about by the connivance of Custom-house officers and Indian agents. These im? mense larcenies are committed upon the people, for every dollar they steal from the public Treasury has to be taken out of your* pockets by the tax-gatherers. That is the fact about it. The Govern? ment can get no money except from taxes, and every fellow that runs off with a dollar of the taxes makes it necessary for that dollar to be put on you next year. But these gentlemen who are making such a hue and cry about "rag money" have no word of depreciation for the two thousand National Banks to which we pay twenty millions of dollars per year for the blessed favor of furnishing us a currency. And what kind of a currency do they furnish us ? Is it not rag cur? rency?" Is it not made out of the same material out of which greenbacks are constructed, and is it not redeemable in greenbacks? Then why is this species of rag money better than the greenback, and why should we pay this enormous sum every year for the privilege of hav? ing a currency redeemable in greenbacks when we can have the greenbacks them? selves and save our twenty millions of dollars? If we could hear the clink of the coin on the counter when we pass a National Bank bill to its maker for re? demption, there would be a distinction with a difference between the two kinds of money. But while the National Bank rag is only redeemable with a greenback rag, and the faith and prosperity of this great Government is pledged to redeem the greenback, it seems to me that the greenback is the preferable, as it certain? ly is the cheapest currency. To call the greenback a worthless and an irredeema? ble currency is to impugn the honor and credit of the Government. Upon the face of each note is printed, "The United States will pay to bearer-dollars." It does not say when it will pay it, as it does in its interest-bearing bonds, but it nevertheless solemnly promises to pay the amount. The matter of the payment of either of the series of the interest-bearing bonds rests entirely upon the honor of the Gov? ernment. There is no power under heaven to compel the payment of any of our bonds if tho Government declines to do so. Therefore, what right have the Republicans to say that the Government will pay one class of its honestly con? tracted indebtedness and refuse to pay another? The obligations of this Gov? ernment will all be paid. The people will not allow repudiation in any shape. Their moral sense revolts at the idea. But, say our Republican friends, you Democrats have a hard-money record. How can you be for rag money now ? I can say to them that circumstances change policies. When we were a hard money party hard money was possible, and it was for the interest of the masses. We have always been an anti-National Bank parly. In Jackson's time we op-! posed a single National Bank because, it was detrimental to the interests of the American people. Now that we have two thousand National Banks draining the life-blood of the people, why should we not raise our voices against them? The old National Bank of Middle fattened off of the peculiar privileges granted to it by the Government, and our present National Banks are contrivances by which the government authorizes a fa? vored (lass to plimk the Government goose, except the pin-feathers, which are. left for the people. But who has a right to say that we are not a hard-money par? ty to-day? What is there in our recent record to controvert that idea ? There is not a Democrat in the land who will op? pose a resumption of specie payment when it can be brought about without paralyzing ipdustries and impoverishing and distressing the people. But we do not make such an idol of" metalic coin as to be willing to breed Communistic re [ volts and fill our land with paupers to i force resumption. We fully realize that with ten thousand millions of indebted? ness, public and private, and the vast volume of business represented by it, that speedy resumption is absolutely impossi? ble without bringing immense distress and disaster to every class of our popula? tion except the bondholder and the mon? ey-changer. The Congressional pledges of resump? tion in 1879 hangs like a pall over the business of the country. Prudent men have been following the example of con? traction set by the Government. They have been drawing their means out of active business and securing it in real property; they are closing up their man? ufactories; they refuse to go into new enterprises, and the result is that the panic of 1874, which should only have had temporary duration, has settled down into a season of business prostration, which will continue until the policy of the Government is changed, the contin? ued tampering with the currency checked, and the active men of the country can have faith to resume operations without fear of being overtaken by ruin through Government interference. If resumption is reached in 1S79, a steady contraction and a depreciation in values must con? tinue; and what sane man will invest his means in business under such circum? stances? Let us reach specie payment as speedily as possible, but let the laws of business and circumstances under which wc are placed govern the matter, and not the special interest of the banker and bondholder. The Republicans of America are not responsible as individuals for all the bad doings of their representatives. If the honest Republicans had known the state of the country the year after the war they would have turned every dishonest man of their party out of Congress, as they assisted the Democrats to do a year ago. The Republican leaders ran about the country hallooing about the war, the war, the war, and the people of the coun? try who had stood by the Union listened to them. They deceived their constitu? ents year in and year out until their gullibility ceased, and now they are de? termined to have an honest administra? tion of the Government through the Democratic party. Now, my friends, this is a very hot night, either to speak or to listen, and I think that I ought to be excused for not saying all the things which I desired to say. I may visit you again during the campaign, and, for the present, will say good night. Reforms Needed. The Southern people will find it neccs sarytotake a new departure in more things than politics. They have opened upon a new era in everything. The very foundations of the old society have been broken up, and we find ourselves at &&l without chart or compass. We have been pumping at theories, trying experi? ments, and speculating on causes and effects. We have been working with implements we did not understand the use of?and gnisping at shadows. We must begin de novo to educate our people for the new order of things. We need a new system of education?new text books and a new order of teachers. Wc want practical teaching?object teaching?not theory and speculation. It is remarka? ble how some people go through the world with a reputation for talent, who see nothing on the wayside, and learn nothing save from books. This is an era of stern realities. We want facts; we are too poor to experi? ment, and time is too precious to waste on theories. The agricultural profession has become unpopular. Why, is not the question now. The fact is indisputable. All the able-bodied young men are flock? ing to the villages and cities in search of employment more agreeable and more profitable. This must be reformed. If agricultural prosperity declines, every other profession must go do down pari passu. We should strive to add daily new at? tractions to the home life. Teach your children first everything connected with your profession?familiarize them with details and store their minds with facts, with useful information, before you put them at Greek, Latin or French. There is a plantation language and a plantation philosophy worth more than all the wis clow of the schools in the practical opera? tions of a home in life. How many men grow up on a farm without knowing when a horse is draw? ing the heaviest load with the least ex? penditure of power? How many can tell at a glance when a plow is doing the best work with the least application of pow? er ? How many can tell you how many pounds of flour a bushel of wheat will make, the proportion of seconds and bran, or the process of grinding, bolting, &.C ? How many who have grown up on a plantation can tell you how long before a cotton form or square makes a bloom, and a bloom a boll? All these things, with the breeding and rearing of domes? tic animals, the pasture, the dairy, the threshing of grain and winnowing, all the details of farm life should be taught familiarly at'home. Wc have lawyers, and doctors, and merchants, and brokers, and loafers and bankers enough?let us try to turn out a few farmers for the new i era. ? Some of the company at tea with a Danbury family spoke of the excellence of the honey, whereupon the head of the house, who stands in reputed dread of his wife, feelingly said, "Honey is the most delicious of all delicacies. It is the nectar of beautiful flowers, sipped from brilliant petals by the never-tiring bee, and moulded into a glory that would tempt the god of?" "Ephraim!" enun? ciated his wife with stem solemnity, "have you been drinking again ?" Ephraim groaned. ? A gentleman, meeting a Wall street friend, said "I've just mortgaged my house, and have several thousand dollars to spare. Can't you tell me something neat and safe to go into?" "Yes," re? plied the broker, I can put you to a sure thing; buy that mortgage on your house!" ? "Pa," said a little fellow the other day, '?wasn't Job an cdiLor?" "Why, Sammy?'' "Because the Pohle informs us that he had much trouble, :uul was a man of sorrow all the days of his life." STONEWALL JACKSON. Au English Mark of Respect to the Deceased Confederate Hero. The Royal Academy, in its collections this year, presents an exhibition of paint? ings and statuary perhaps never before equalled, either in the number or excel? lence of its works of art. Nothing, how? ever, among the marvellous creations of brush, pencil, or chisel is so worthy of the admiration of the cosmopolitan American as Foley's statue of Stonewall Jackson, soon to be sent as a gift to the State of Virginia. Although it stands among galleries crowded with meritorious productions on canvas or in marble, the mind regards all other subjects with cold curiosity or vague admiration, for the attention is riveted by this meed of| honor to the hero of so many battles, which at the same time embodies the highest art of the sculptor. The feeling may exist in the breasts of our country men, which in one section would detract from the valor and worth of the rebel chiaftain, and in another, through over? wrought zeal, rank him above Alexander, Hannibal, Csesar and Napoleon, yet time, which makes all things even, while as? signing him a proper niche in history, will not dim the purity of his character or the glory of his military prowess. Thomas Jonathan Jackson was born of ] English parent?, whose ancestors first came to the plantations of Lord Balti? more and afterwards endured the priva? tions and hardships of frontier lite among the hills and valleys of Northwestern Virginia. He first saw the light some time in 1824, but, early left an orphan and doomed to taste the gall and hyssop of dependence, all record of the date of j his birth is lost. Before the age of nine he left Clarksburg, now in West Virginia, in company with an elder brother, and going down the Ohio to the Mississippi, the boys found employment on a lonely island in cutting wood for a furnace. From spring to fall no tidings of the wanderers reached their relatives, in what is now Harrison County, when a boat captain in his charity brought them to a point on the Ohio, where they were able to reach an uncle's home; but they had undergone fatigue and sickness so severe that the elder died, and the younger never fully recovered from the effects of j this wild freak of childhood. Under the direction of this uncle, young Jackson became a studious school-boy, fond of mathematics, and when quite young was elected a constable, or executive officer, for the magisterial district, an office which probably yielded from twenty to fifty dollars per annum. At the age of | IS, such was the character he had estab? lished, he received a strong recommenda? tion trom the citizens of Clarksburg to their member at Washington for appoint? ment to a cadetship at West Point, a step taken at the suggestion of a garrulous blacksmith while shoeing his uncle's horse. He went to the National Military Academy in 1842, and four years later graduated, at the very time when Gen. Scott was organizing the powerful force against Vera Cruz, which led to open hostility with Mexico in 1847. Brevet second lieutenant of artillery by virtue of j his graduation he served at Vera Cruz and Bueua Vista. At Contreras he gained honorable mention, which led to promotion to a first lieutenantey. As the American forces moved upon the citv of | Mexico, Captain Magruder, in whose field battery the young lieutenant fought, commended his bravery at the storming of Chepultepec iu a letter to Captain Joe. Hooker, and Jackson was made a brevet major of artillery. Peace having been declared in June, 1S4S, Major Jack? son was assigned to garrison duty on Long Island. After the lapse of two years he was transferred to the coast of j Florida, and in 1S51 was elected profes? sor of natural and experimental philoso? phy and artillery tactics in the Virginia Military Institute at Lexington over McClellan, Rosecrans and others whose names had been proposed as competitors. There the breaking out of the rebellion found him, and as soon as the State passed the ordinance of secession he went to Richmond with his cadets. From a colonel of Virginia forces he soon rose to the command of the celebrated brigade composed of the 2nd, 4th, 5th, 27th and 33rd Virginia regiments. The name of "Stonewall" was attached to the brigadier and his brigade from a circumstance which happened on the field of Manas sas, July 21, 1S61. General Bee, whose troops were beaten and driven back, in trying to rallv the fragments of his com? mand, exclaimed: "There is Jackson standing like a stonewall." Almost in? stantly that these words were uttered, the brave general who spoke them fell dead with his face to the foe. In October, 1861, Jackson was promoted to the rank of major general, and at the time of his death the stars of a lieutenant general were upon his shoulders. His military career from the first Bull Run to that fatal evening among the ground oaks at Chanccllorvilie, in May, 1863, is too re? cent and familiar to be traced in the columns of a daily journal. When news of the death of Stonewall Jackson reached England, a movement arose among persons wdio took an interest in the struggle to show the sympathy for the hero by a statue. A small committee was formed, of which Mr. J. II. Beresford Hope, M. P., was treasurer, and Mr. Gregory, M. P., now the Right Honorable W. H. Gregor}', Governor of Ceylon, Secretary. Among the members of the committee were the late Marquis of Lothian, Lord Arthur Hall Trevor, Mr. Street, the architect, and other well known personages. Subscriptions were raised sufficient for a standing statue, and the work was entrusted to the distin? guished sculptor, John H. Foley, R. A. Ill health on Mr. Foley's part, and a de? sire to make the likeness as perfect as possible, protracted the work. When it was first started the projectors had the advantage of the advice of the late Jas. M. Mason, who procured from Virginia the best photograph that he could get. When General Bradley Johnson was in England two years ago, and the work was near completion, he provided another photograph, which caused further delay and improved the likeness. About the time of Mr. Foley's death, last fall, the work was completed for casting, and, being otherwise perfect, it has been no doubt carried out with as much finish as if the lamented sculptor had lived to superintend it. The works of a deceased artist are allowed to be exhibited in the Royal Academy for a year after his death, and when the academy closes, about the first of August, the statue will be sent to Virginia. Mr. Beresford Hope having made the tender of his magmficient gift to the State through Governor Kemper, the legislature voted ?10,000 to defray the expense of transportation, pedestal, and the ceremonies of inauguration. The pedestal will be of Virginia granite, and a conspicuous position has been se? lected in the Capitol grounds at Rich? mond, where the ceremonies will, it is expected, take place during the State fair, in October next. This statue, which is in bronze, bears striking resemblance to the original. bones, broad forehead, and firm lips, faithfully portray the man, austere and religious, yet gentle and trustful?the stern fatalist who yet in the hour of trial implored the guidance of Providence, with passion subservient to reason, im? pulse controlled>by discipline, the slave's master, yet the slave's teacher and spir? itual guide, the strict Sabbatarian, yet the broad philanthropist, reticent" in speech, yet open and eloquent in manner. Worthy is it alike of the master and the hero. John Henry Foley, its sculptor, was born in Dublin in 1818. He became a student of the Dublin Royal Society at an early age, and in 1834 came to London and entered the Schools of the Royal Academy. In 1840 he produced "Ino and Bacchus/'' a group in marble, pur? chased by the Earl of Ellesmere, the first great work of his chisel. In 1844 he was chosen as one of the three sculptors to execute the statues for the new palace at Westminister. In 1851 he executed "The Mother," and in 1854, "Egeria," which were commissioned by the corpo? ration of London, and now adorn the Mansion House, the residence of the Lord Mayor. In 1SG6 he chiselled in bronze "Lord Hardinge and Charger," for Calcutta, a much-admired group. Increasing orders for potrait and monu? mental statues compelled him to abandon ideal statues, and he, besides works for Ireland, England and India, was com? missioned by her majesty to execute the collossal statute of the prince consort, for the National Memorial in Hyde Park. At the time of his death, 1874, it is said that the unfulfilled orders on the hands of the sculptor would have occupied his time had he lived to twice the period of human life allotted by the Psalmist. The master in art and the master in Avar are gone, yet the work of both will live to perpetuate their fame. Cold in the dust the perish'd heart may lie, But that which warui'd it once can never die. How Kid Gloves are Made. In certain parts of Europe the rearing of kids for the sale of their skins is an important business, those which command the highest prices, and are regarded as superior to all others, being the French, called in the market peaux nationales. By some the fine quality of those skins is attributed to a peculiar virtue in the wild vines upon which the young ones feed in the pasturage which they frequent; this, however, being a popular error, as their value is simply the result of the care with which the little animals are reared during their life of four or five weeks. They arc not allowed to roam at large, as such a license would imperil the evenness of their skins, which would be? come scratched by rubbing against stones, or passing through hedges. They are, besides, deprived of all food except milk, as eating grass would tend to make their skins coarse. Consequently they are kept under a wicker coop, from which, at regular hours they are led to suckle the mother, and this continues until they are killed, at the end of four or five weeks. The younger they are killed the thinner the skin, but, of course, the smaller they are the less valuable, too, especially when they are onlv large enough to allow of single buttoned gloves, while the de. mand is all for two, three and four-but? toned gloves. By rearing the kids in the manner just described, larger skins are obtained which are as fine and delicate as those of younger ones of other coun? tries where they roam at liberty. As Frauce produces the best skins, so Paris excels all places in France where gloves are manufactured, and an adept in the trade can select a Paris-made glove from among hundreds made elsewhere. Oranges And Lemons.?Orange and lemon plantations, in the Mederiterra nean countries, are called gardens, and in size, the smallest containing only a small number of trees, and the largest many thousands. The fruit is gathered in baskets similar to peach baskets lined with canvas, the basket being held by a strip attached, and passed around the neck or shoulders. From the garden the fruit goes to the repacking magazines where it is removed from the boxes, in which it was packed in the gardens, and repacked for shipment by experienced fe? male packers, after having been carefully assorted by women, and wrapped in sepa? rate papers by young girls. As many as 500 persons (mostly women and children) are employed by some of the fruit-grow? ers in their gardens and magazines, in gathering, sorting, and repacking for shipment, the wages paid them varying from nine to sixteen cents a day. A full grown orange tree yields from five hun? dred to two thousand fruit annually, and arrives at the bearing state in three or five years, as docs the lemon tree. In sorting, every fruit that wants a stem is rejected. The boxes are then securely covered, strapped, and marked with ,the brand of-the grower, when they are ready for shipment. Twenty years ago this trade was nothing in its commercial characteristics, or the inducements it of? fered to capitalists. Now it is progress? ing with giant strides into prominence, and is a considerable source of revenue to the Government. ? A man went into a furniture room at Mankato the other day and sat down on a wooden bottomed chair. He im? mediately arose and danced around like a wild dervish. The proprietor anxiouly inquired if he had an attack of any kind. "A tack!"' yelled the man, "I should say so; and the confounded thing stood on its head, too." ? A few days since a farmer was tell? ing in our hearing that he had planted an acre and a half of potatoes, and he feared they would be destroyed by the potato bugs. "Are the plants up yet?" asked a bystander. "Iso," replied the farmer, "but the darned bugs are sitting on every hill waiting for them." ? How sweet is perfect understanding between man and wife. He was to smoke cigars when he wanted them, but he was to give her ten cents every time he in? dulged in one. He kept his word, and every time she got fifty cents ahead he'd borrow it and buy cigars. The tall, muscular T. F. L. THE PARKER TRIAL, The Verdict a Surprise?Atterney Gen. eral Melton and the Financial Board Correspondence of tlie Augusta Constitutionalist. Columbia, S. C, July 20. It is uncertain whether the verdict of the jury in the Parker case, which I tel? egraphed you at a late hour last night, together with the main points of Judge Carpenter's charge, was a surprise to the parties who have been understood to have arranged behind the scenes the entertainment which they have given the public in this matter or not. All along it has been understood to be the programme that the jury should disagree \ that a mistrial should follow, and that Parker would be remanded to jail, and after a convenient time, say ten days or two weeks, should make his escape. The verdict showed either that the programme was misconceived, or that the jury chose to do its own thinking, the last of which alternative supposition is unlikely to be correct. The suit was for $225,000, be1 ing fifty cents in the do. lav of the amount of coupons abstracted from the treasury* The counsel for the prosecution seemed to take pains to insist that the whole sum of the loss should be made good by Park? er. It transpired, according to Ladd's testimony, that Parker had confessed to him that his individual share of the coupons was only 8150,000 out of the ?450.000 taken; that other parties were in the ring, and had received their re? spective shares. What Ladd said, as de? rived from Parker, was evidence against Parker, but not against the others of the ring. But the jury appears to have re? cognized the responsibility of these oth? ers for their share, and found a verdict against Parker only for his share as proved. We may conclude that the jury was independent, and sought to do sub" stantial justice, or we may see in their verdict the cropping out of ulterior ob? jects iu the prosecution. In the light of this testimony and verdict, and of a number of other considerations, there is a strong presumption that vre are only at the beginning. The statements of Ladid and the peculiar character of the verdict make a stronger case against Parker's allies than there was at the outset against Parker himself. There arc stronger po? litical and personal reasons for going against them than against Parker. He is'no longer a man of power. They are, some of them at least. Whether the men who have the matter in charge have the backbone to go on to the logical con? clusion or not, is yet doubtful. But the language of the Attorney General in his argument yesterday has significance. In referring to missing bonds as well as missing coupous, he asked: "Where are they ?" He then continued: "We are only showing these ?450,000 because we have the proof, but can show you that in that administration, with Parker and Kimpton and that Financial Board, mil* lions have been stolen, as I will yet prove, with the assistance of a jnry." That looks like the expression of a purpose. It looks as if the work had just begun. Chamberlain, the present Governor, was the brains of the Financial Board, and must he here meant with others. He is now and for the last three years has been, the law partner of the Attorney General* He was alluded to by him in complimen? tary terms yesterday. The jury were invoked to" do their duly in their sphere as well as Chamberlain did his* But this intimation of what he intends to do with the Financial Board of Scott's administration is certainly no jcompli* ment to his associate. We shall see what will come out.? Chamberlain is absent from the State. The public aro desirous of thinking well of him, and hope that he is not so bad as he seemed, and as they thought. He has done some good service of late, and is apparently growing in a sense of respon? sibility and duty. But it is unfortunate that he keeps away at this time. Besides this trial, the breaking of Hardv Solo1 mon's Bank with ?207,000 of the State's money deposited in it by the Governor, the Comptroller General and the Treasu* rer, some of it at a recent date and other deposits of County Treasurers, County Commissions, &c., make the situation such as to require his presence forthwith* In truth, our reform has an unhappy halt in it just now. A Queer Tale of Love.?The fol? lowing love story comes to us from Duluth, Minn. Two young men loved a maiden fair, of that breezy paradise* She smiled on both, and, as happened since the days of Helen, there was a bloody fued* They had conflicts con? cerning her until the thing was getting monotonous, when youth number one suggested an adjustment of their differ? ences upon a commercial basis. He offered to take ?100 and forever there^ after hold his peace. Number two scorned to accept the proposition. The other offered to give this amount for peaceable possession, which was also re? fused with scorn. Bids were made until the amount of ?160 was offered by the sighing swain number one, in the shape of his note at ninety days, which tne party of the second part took, and two loving souls were united. But when the note became due, and the former lover demanded its liquidation, the fond hus? band refused payment on the plea of "no value received," and suit has been brought to recover the amount. The husband sets up the pica that the girl was not worth a tinker's condemnation, and for further answer states that it tho plaintiff will take the fair creature off his hands he will gladly pay the note and throw in his lovely bride. So the case stands at this writing. ? A Detroit mother sent her boy to the store the other day to get her a linen dress, and he returued with fourteen yards of black cambric. "I told you to get linen!" she exclaimed, standing aghast. "I know it, but this is cheaper, aud the clerk said that if any ot us should happen to die you'd have a mourn? ing dress in the house !" was the cool re ply. ? An old lady observing a sailor go? ing by her door, and supposing it to be her son Billy, cried out to him, "Billy, wdiere is my cow gone?" The sailor cried in a contemptuous manner. "Gone to the d-1. I suppose." "Well, as you arc going that way," said the old la? dy, "I wish vou would just let down the bars." ? Mark Twain, apropos of a new porta? ble mosquito net, writes that the day is coming when we shall sit under our nets in church and slumber peacefully, while the discomfited Hies club together and take it out of the minister."