Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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HOYT & CO., Proprietors. ANDERSON 0. H., S. 0., THURSDAY MORNING, JUNE 24, 1875. VOLUME X.?NO. 46. Ex-Got, Scott and the Colored People. Columbia, S. C, Jane 12,1875. * 2b the Hon. Richard H. Gleaves, Lieutenant Governor of South Carolina?Dear Sir : In reply to your request that I will express my views on the subject of the future of the col? ored men in the South, accompanied by your suggestion that my intimate connection with the reconstruction of this State has given me caany advantages in forming a correct judg? ment on the subject, I have the honor to say that I take great pleasure in complying, and trust you will not be disappointed if I present a picture that does not altogether meet your bopes. In doing so, however, I am compelled to take up the subject, to some extent, from the beginning of the war, and will try to be correct . in whatever I state, and just in any conclu sroits I draw. I am obliged to say, at the outset, that the colored man in the South, and, perhaps, all over the country, has been too confident in the belief that there is a party or a considerable class of men who are ready to sustain him purely on the ground of color, or in conse? quence of his people having been so long en? slaved in this country. You will remember that when the war began, there was no organ? ised party in favor of the unconditional aboli? tion of slavery. There were a few of the old abolitionists who favored an emancipation pol? icy, without regard to its results to the country. But there was not a State convention, nor a County or town meeting at the North, within my knowledge, that did not adopt resolutions ?declaring to the South that, in their desire to coerce the seceding States into submission to the National Government, they had no desire to interfere with the institution of Blavery. Many leading abolitionists were ready to per? mit the perpetuation of slavery by consenting to a dissolution of the Union, leaving the South entire power over slavery, and only demanding that they themselves should not be held re? sponsible for its continued existence. As the war progressed it was found that the slave property of the South was the most valuable of any in supplying the Confederate army with the necessary means for carrying on the war. The proclamation of emancipation, and the consequent encumbrance of immense numbers of'emancipated slaves, caused their organiza? tion into an armed force. That is to say, the immense numbers of emancipated slaves flee? ing into the Union lines could not well be pro? vided for as private citizens; and, as it was necessary to furnish them with some means of subsistence, they were enrolled as soldiers. 1 look upon the passage of the Reconstruc? tion Acts at that early day as a serious mistake. Xbelieve that the true policy of the Govern-, ment would have been to organize governments in the Southern States with au Executive ap? pointed by the President, and that that form of government should have continued, perhaps, up to the present day. If the National Gov? ernment really felt a deep interest in the wel? fare of the Southern States, it was its duty to S've the people of those States the cheapest rm of government that was practicable, and to organize and maintain amongst them a sys? tem of schools, providing the means of educa? tion for all classes of people who had been de? prived of the means of obtaining it, and espe? cially for the colored man, if he was to become a citizen, that he might be better fitted for the duties of citizenship and better prepared for the responsibility of organizing governments and maintaining and supporting them. But, instead of pursuing this liberal policy, and do? ing whatever else they might to develop the resources and encourage the industry of the reconstructed States, and relieving the people of those States, as far as possible, from the burdens of taxation, the National Government unjustly and unequally taxed the main indus? try of the South to an extent that was unfair to all classes, but especially unfair to the col? ored element, because they were the producers of the only staple on which the land-holder could hope to rebuild his fallen fortunes. The National Government taxed the production of cotton three cents a pound, which took from this State alone more money in one year than has been collected in any one year to meet the entire expenses of the State Government. If it was just; to tax cotton, the great staple of the South, why were not wheat and corn, the mam staples of the North and West, taxed also? Why was this unjust and unequal discrimina? tion made against the South ? The National Government having recognized, maintained and protected the institution of slavery during the whole period of its exis? tence, was as clearly responsible for the ignor? ance of your race in the South as were the slave? holders themselves. It should have been well known to the National Government that the war had destroyed the entire wealth of the people of the South, leaving them only their broad acres of lands with no means to culti? vate them, and that the late master was wholly unable to provide the means for the education of his recent slaves, even if he had the dispo? sition to do so. I undertake to say that no civilized government in the world would have conferred upon white men, who had been held for the same period in slavery, and who had ?uftered all the disabilities that that condition in life entails upon men, the responsibility of organizing governments for their own protec? tion, against the will and influence of as large a minority as we had in this State, who pos? sessed nearly all the intelligence, and certainly ail that was left of the wealth of the State, and who had but recently passed through a struggle in which they had shown a courage and determination in the accomplishment of their purpose which had never been surpassed in the history of nations. It required, in my judgment, but little wis? dom to have foreseen that reconstruction under cech circumstances would be likely to be atten? ded with the most serious mistakes. And, in looking over the past, I must express my sur Srise at the measure of success that has atten ed the organization and maintenance of gov? ernments in the reconstructed States. Yon will remember that, in 2866, the National Gov? ernment provided a plan for organizing govern? ments in the States which had seceded from the Union, by which the whole political power in those States was to be in the hands of the white people, while your race was to be exclu? ded from the exercise of all political power whatever?which plan was accompanied with the proviso that they themselves should dis? franchise a large element, including their most experienced and influential men. This they very naturally refused to do, claiming that if their leaders in the scheme of secession were guilty of any crime, they themselves were equally guilty; for secession, they said, was the act of the people and not of their leaders. What was the result? Not as a matter of jus? tice to the negro, nor because be was believed to be able and competent to organize and main? tain governments in the seceded States, but as much, perhaps, for the purpose of punishing the white men who had refused to accede to the i plan proposed, as for the purpose of maintain? ing rtepublicaa supremacy in the seceded' States, Congress passed another law of recon? struction, enfranchising the negro in the seced? ed States, and conferring upon him the pow? er of organizing governments under which all classes were to live?the whole based upon the assumption that the white men would quietly acquiesce in having their recent slaves placed over them as law-makere. It was then clear to my mind that the men who owned all the property, and possessed the largest intelligence, would never quietly sub? mit to this mode of establishing governments; nor could 1 conceive of any intelligent class of men who would not have given to such a mode of establishing governments amongst them perhaps as violent opposition as did the white men of the reconstructed States. Au addi? tional wrong was perpetrated by this act.'upon the few native Union white men and the few Northern white men who were left^here by the I result of the war, as the responsibility of organ? izing these governments was forced in a great mea?ure upon them. The whole scheme of recon? struction would have been a failure without their aid. Indeed, an election could not have been held had it not been for their aid and the aid of the officers of the army; for the white men refused to take part in the organization of these governments, or to accept office or per? form any other duty which would tend to make reconstruction a success, believing that it was all a stupendous farce, and that sooner or la? ter these governments would fail for the want of intelligence and the means of maintaining themselves. But Congress did not stop to con? sider that fact. Nor did Congress seem to care whether these governments were successful or not. It seemed to me, indeed, that Congress regarded it as a problem so difficult of solution, that it mattered little to them whether the in? dividuals entrusted with the duties of recon? struction were sustained or sacrificed. They recalled the troops from this State when they knew that the people scarcely considered the war ended ; for, from 1865 up to that time, the lives of citizens were safe in scarcely any por? tion of the State. They had been compelled to keep troops to arrest violators of the law, and the country was over-run with bushwhack? ers. Gov. Orr, during his administration from the close of the war up to 1868, found the aid of the military absolutely essential in enforc? ing the law and maintaining order, and even the troops themselves were threatened and the Government property taken from their very camps. And yet Congress seemed to expect that I, with the simple machinery of a civil government, and with no class of sufficient ex? perience to maintain and enforce its authority, would be able to execute the law and protect the rights of the people. The result was what intelligent men might have expected, and what I knew must come. The entire white people of the State, with the power of the press at their back, kept up their opposition to the government, made every species of charge against its officers, magnified every mistake in? to a crime and eventually united with them the very men who had been instrumental in the passage of the Reconstruction Acts against the creatures of their own creation. Ambitious men of the North, who were glad to make fair weather with the politicians of the South, and old abolitionists of the North, who had been for a quarter of a century urging the Government to some revolutionary measure by which slavery should be immediately extin? guished, turned their sympathy from your race to the white people, aud, when their newspaper correspondents were sent South to investigate the state of affairs here they 'immediately sought information of that oiass of men who had been opposed to the whole policy of recon? struction, and would do everything in their power to prevent its success. These parties in the Noi th turned upon the meu they had en? couraged and urged into acceptiug positions here, and united their denunciations with those of the Southern press. The result has been, that, instead of the Republican party being a success in the South, it has beeu a failure here, and has made the Republican party a failure all over the country. For Congress, after be? ing urged on by the Northern press to adopt an unjustifiable and unwise policy, would not sustain its own work. It would not even look to the appointment of proper Federal officials. Nine out of ten of those who were appointed were opposed to the State governments that had been organized. In the Custom House and in all other places under the control of the National Government, a class of men were ap? pointed who immediately made war upon the State governments. So the National Govern? ment had two elements who were fighting the State governments, and whose complaints it was compelled to listen to. One. was the entire native white population of the South, and the other was the Federal office-holders, who were anxious to get control, and who were simply petty politicians, willing to sacrifice everything for their own success. In addition to the foregoing, sir, let me call Jrour attention to the fact that there is a very arge class of politicians who have claimed to be Republicans, aud yet who have never failed, when an official position gave weight to their opinions, to use their influence against your Seople. Indeed, their opposition arises from a eep-seated prejudice against your race enjoy? ing the rights of citizenship in this country.? In other words, they believe that this is "a white man's Government." If these elements of opposition can be organized, and sink their petty differences of opinion in other respects, you will find a party in the United States suffi? ciently strong to eliminate the colored man en? tirely from any part or influeuce in politics. Another evidence of the prejudice that exists against your race may be cited in the tardiness with which Congress passed the bill giving to your people any share of civil rights. Al? though you had furnished soldiers to the Na? tional Government, although you had members sitting in Congress, although you had controll? ed State Governments and some of your people were clothed in the judicial robes of the State, yet a Republican Congress, with a nearly two thirds majority, took six years to determine what measure of civil rights your people should have. And even then, the Act was passed only when the country had overwhe'mingly defeat? ed the Republican party at the ballot-box, and sent a class of men to the next Cougress who, although they are not your declared friends, will, perhaps, do no more harm to your people than those who professed to be your friends wore ready to do. Had a railroad company been asking for a subsidy of millions of acres of land it would have been granted in a single session of Congress. j At the close of the war I repeatedly urged upon the leading white men of this State the policy of adopting a course of kinduess and moderation toward your race, whereby they themselves, instead of being an outside and powerless element in political affairs, would be able to influence your political action; but they failed io appreciate the wisdom or impor? tance of what I urged upon them. I have, however, been very much gratified at the course pursued by the Democratic members of Con? gress during the past winter. In their address to the Southern people they advised them to a course of moderation; they advised them to treat their former slaves kindly; they advised them to avoid turbulence and violence, because that would be magnified into rcbelliou. This line of policy has been adopted almost univcr . sally in the South, and its wiadom has been already felt by the Southern people; and I feel a perfect confidence that, after it has been carried out for a year or two, they will all see the justice and propriety of it. They will see that there is more to be gained by a just and friendly course toward the colored man than by one of violent opposition; and they will thus accomplish what they should have accom? plished six years ago. Now, sir, your true policy is to cultivate fra? ternal relations with all classes of men, and to break down their prejudices by convincing them that you yourselves are not bound up in a prejudice that may not be laid aside when you are satisfied that you have nothing to fear from the opposition of your white fellow-citi? zens, with whom you are associated in the ma? terial prosperity or destruction of a common country. The laying aside of all prejudices that grow out of your former relations as mas? ter and slave, must establish mutual confi? dence, and enable you to put the control of public affairs in the hands of the best men of both races, and cannot but lay the foundation of a prosperous future, that will not be sur? passed by any section of the United States; whilst the maintenance of a separate and dis? tinct organization, baaed upon color and oppo? sition to the former slave-holders, must even? tually lead to a complete wreck of whatever f)rosperity you have attained?for time certain y has developed the fact that you cannot depend upon the influence of Northern politi- j cians to sustain you in any conflict that may arise from your "race, color or previous condi? tion of servitude." I have frequently heard your people demand political recognition and representation, in proportion to your numbers, on the same ground that the adopted citizens of this country from Ireland, Germany and other foreign countries claim it. In this you forget that the second generation of the Irish and Germans are Americans, and have no pe? culiar traits which distinguish them from other American citizens. But your race have been here for more than 250 years, and still they are Africans; and should you remain 1,000 years more, you will still be Africans, although you will be American citizens. You must re? member that you are a separate and distinct type 'of man, and that this country is full of the deepest prejudice against all races other than the Caucasian. You should also remember that many of the leading Republicans of the country in the earliest history of the organization cf the re? constructed State Governments, passed through the South, and returning to the North with the most terrible statements of the opposition of the Southern people to the National Govern? ment and their bitterness towards the colored man, assumed the most radical ground in and out of Congress for political purposes. Some of them even found their own lives in jeopardy in their attempts to give public expression to their political opinions while in the South. And yet, after the lapse of a few years, the same parties have revisited the South, and have returned to the North presenting another phase of the picture, completely vindicating the white men of the South and condemning the colored man. This revolution in feeling and judgment can only be understood as an indication of the revolution that has taken place in the political opinion of the North, which is now ready to hold you responsible for their own folly and mistakes, and to unite with the white men of the South in your elimination frem the field of politics. And so we find that all these men who, a few years ago, were the most violent in favor of the negro, are now practically his most uncompromising oppo? nents. This shows a want of knowledge of human nature. They should have known at the time that it was not possible to take a man out of the cotton-field and make him a states? man, any more than you can make a just man out of those who adopt that line of policy. With the past and the present as I have pre? sented them before you, what is the duty of the colored people of the South in the future? I would say, in answer, that whatever is to your interest is unquestionably your duty. The question, therefore, is: What is your interest? I hold that your true interest is to stand aloof from all political parties. You have little to hope or expect from a union with any political party, and further than its own interest can be subserved by affiliating with you. With this uncertainty as to their support of your interest, and the absolute certainty of the opposition of every politician who believes that he can succeed in his political ambition without your aid, and that he can make more by opposing than by supporting you, my advice to you is to uiaintaiu an independent position. If you quietly stand by and see those combina? tions made by which you are to be sold out, you will make a fatal mistake. If you are to become the subject of barter among political parties, my advice to you is not to become a party to the sale of yourselves. You can make bet? ter terms with your former mastera than can the old time Abolitionists; for if they make the sale, you gain nothing by it in the way of political power; but if you yourselves enter into a combination you can reasonably hope to secure some share of political power and influ? ence for yourselves and your posterity. Do net tie yourselves to any party which will be cer? tain to sacrifice you whenever it has accom? plished its own purposo; but say to all parties in the future that you will support men instead of parties; that you will support tho men in whose honor you can trust, and who will guar? antee the largest representation for your people, and in whose guarantee you can put the great? est trust for the protection of your rights as American citizens. This course will cause men of all parties to seek your support and influ? ence. They will meet your people with a feel? ing of liberality, and will concede to you such a representation as will be compatible with food government. I advise this policy because believe it is for your best interests, and also for the best interests of the country. If you pursue a different course?if you unite your political fortunes with any party, and that Earty is defeated, you can have no reason to ope that the party which you oppose will con? cede anything on the high moral ground of justice to your race. Recent events make it highly probable that great changes are likely soon to occur, not only in tho administration of many of the State Governments, but in the administration of the National Government itself. Such are my views on the momentous subject in question. I give them to you in frankness as in kindness. Some of your people may think that I am not sufficiently hopeful in my views ; but I believe that the facts I have ro cited justify my conclusions. The near future will prove their truth or their falsity. I am, dear sir, very respectfully, &c., ROBERT K. SCOTT. ? Tobe was once stricken with what every? body supposed to bo his last sickness. He called his son John to his bedside and said in a husky voice : "John, when I am goue I wish my death to be published in the papers. Oh, John, will you put in the words 1 tell you?" "Oh, yes, father," said the mourning son. "Well, John, put in the papers that I was the sickest man that ever died." From the Spartanhurg Spartan. Lanrcns and Her Tronbles?Joe. Crews, the Notorious Scoundrel, Expo.scd at Last. On the Sth of November, 1868, a party of five young men?consisting of Dr. E. C. Shell, two brothers named Barksdale, and two broth? ers named Hudgins, all residing in the same neighborhood,?were returning on horse-back, after nightfall, from Laurens, where they had been spending the day. Henry Shell, Esq., father of Dr. Shell, lived just three miles from Laurens, and the forks of the road are just be yond his house. Dr. Shell had concluded to spend the night with the Hudgins, therefore the party did not stop at his father's; but all rode on to the forks of the road, where the Barksdales were to turn off towards their home. Just as the party reached the forks, a murder? ous volley was fired upon them from the fence corners, and Dr. Shell was instantly killed, falling from his horse to the ground, while the horses of the others, several of whom were slightly wounded, dashed forward, but were immediately turned and brought back to the spot where Dr. Shell was lying. The murder? ers immediately fled, and though every effort has been made to get to the bottom of the whole affair, and though a negro acknowledged that he was present and participated in the murder, for which, on his own partial confession, he was sent to the penitentiary, yet the people of Laurens have long felt and always believed that he was simply a "scape-goat," aud that when all the circumstances were fully devel? oped, it would be found that Joseph Crews had instigated tho murder. Several years ago, a negro boy, named Adam Epps, died at Lau? rens, and while he was lying at the point of death, Joe. Crews remained at his bedside for a considerable length of time?until he died, as the negroes said, for fear that Adam would make a death-bed confession in regard to the murder of Dr. Shell. Nothing definite, how? ever, was arrived at until II. C. Alley succeed? ed in arresting Alf. Walker and Wright Sulli? van?the first for the murder of Rev. Mr. Mil? ler, of Union ; and the second for a number of i robberies, murders, etc., in which they had been accomplices. It was well known that these men (especially Wright Sullivan) were tools of Joe. Crews', so they were questioned in regard to the murder of Dr. Shell. Alf. Walk? er, who is now about 22 years old, said: "I was too young when Dr. Shell was killed to have had anything to do with it," and that he had commenced his career as a pupil of Joe.'sabout the time of the Laurens riot. He says he was kept in Columbia, with Wright Sullivan and a number of others, as swift witnesses; and that Crews wanted them to swear to whatever and against whomsoever he told them. He aeded, however, that Adam Epps was there when Dr. Shell was killed; that Wright had told him "he was there and knew all about it, but would not tell the names, saying, 'that some of them were dead, and nearly all gone away.'" When Wright was approached, he at first denied knowing anything of the affair; but when Alf. Walker was carried to Greenville to testify against him, he became alarmed and made a full confession of all the rascalities and crimes in which he had been engaged, adding that he would never have been engaged in any murder if it had not been for the white men who induced him and started hi m in that line. Wright had always been a notorious rascal and thief, but it is a rare thing for a negro to turu murderer. Doubtless, however, the former characteristics were the traits which comman? ded Joe.'s admiration for him, and was the original cause of their friendship for each other. Another self-confessed witness turns up, iu Al? fred Parks, who was also arrested as belonging to the gang, and we give his and Wright's con? fession below. In his first confession, Wright states that Tuxbury, Adam Crews, John Bolt and Abe Dial, who are still living, and Adam Epps, Abe Simmons and Bill Riley, who are dead, (the two last killed iu the Laurens riot,) were pres? ent ; and that Crews put up the whole job, and paid them to execute it. After the killing was done the party reported back to Crews, who was anxiously expecting them, as he walked to and from his house and bam. John Bolt, the white man, has also made a confession, show? ing that he is guilty, as well as Crews sent them to do the job. In this way the trouble in Lau? rens* began, the feeling between the two races being kept up by the ingenuity of Crews, until it reached a climax in the Laurens riot, when for a short time the people in their indignation threw off the yoke, and nothing'but the timely flight of the scoundrels saved them from their just punishment. Crews is as indefatigable as he is mean and malicious, and has never let an opportunity slip for annoying and persecuting the people of Laurens. After the Laurens riot, he went on to Washington, and secured from Grant the use of a Brigadier General and some six hun? dred troops, with which to subjugate Laurens, and has always until the present time had troops at his command to hold her people in awe. He has literally carried every election since the war at the point of the bayonet; in? deed, we may say that Laurens has not had anything but a mock election since the war. He .has arrested, hand-cuffed aud imprisoned her citizens, many of them old men ; he has driven many of her best young men from their homes, and has done the country an injury, which it will take years to repair. There is but little doubt, but that at one timo he con? templated assassinating several of her best citi? zens, having hired men in New York for that I purpose, whose confessions, coupled with cir? cumstantial evidence, is almost conclusive. It would be impossible for us to enumerate the wrongs which her pe?ple have suffered at his hands; and in all of his persecutions he has been assisted by the Hon. Senator Y. J. P. Owens, who is as malicious, but not as mean, ?imply because he has but little sense. We thank Providence, however, that the time has at last arrived when her people can become free from their bated presence. "The mills of the Gods grind slowly, but very fine," aud we feel that Joe. has waved the ceptre over Laurens for his last time. The devil has certainly taken care of his own so far, or Joe. would have re? ceived his just reward long before this. We cannot understand why Joe. and his son Adam have not been arrested at once; for we care but little for the punishment of his hirelings, or even that of his son, in comparison with our anxiety to see justice meted out to the princi? pal scoundrel. Crews has heretofore been pro? tected by the State and United States Govern? ments; but the time has come at last when he must face the music by himself, and though it may be hard to convict so great a, rascal, yet we hope that the end is not far off. Here is the sworn testimony, and wo state that every man who has heard the confession of these negres, believe what they say ; aud the circumstantial evidence makes them know that Wright Sullivan and Albert Park have told the truth and nothing but the truth: THE STATE VS. JOHN J50LT?MUKDEtt, Wright Sullivan sworn, says?Knows John Bolt; has seen him often at Laurens Court House; it has been some time ago ; remember.*; the night that Dr Shell was killed in Laurens ; | 'saw John Bolt that night; was present when ' Dr. E. C. Shell was killed; knows that John Bolt was present at the killing; don't know that he shot; saw him lying in the fence-cor? ner, with two others; he was one of the lead* ers ; don't know the day of the month on which the killing took place; it was about seven years ago; told about it some little time ago ; there were some soldiers present whom I did not know; William Riley, Abe Simmons, Adam Epps, Abe Dial and Adam Crews composed the party; did not know that night that George Simpson was there; this plot was formed at I Laurens Court House; Tuxberry was the first j one who mentioned it to witness; Adam Crews I and Tuxberry were the originators ; Bolt knew about it; Tuxberry and Crews said that Dr. I Shell's name was signed to some of the letters thrown into Joe. Crews' yard ; the party were told that if they would go money would be no object; I got my pay?forty dollars; Dr. Shell was in town that day; Tuxberry paid me my money; we had the understanding before we left town; Bolt left before I did, and when I next saw him he and two soldiers were togeth? er; talked to Joseph Crews about it a week after the killing, and perhaps before ; Joseph Crews said that he would stick up to me any time ; we were to meet at Joseph Crews' house; the killing took place early in the night?say about eight o'clock. his Wright X Sullivan. mark Albert Parks sworn, says?Knows John Bolt; have seeu him at Laurens often; knows that Dr. Shell was killed about seven years ago; was with the crowd who killed him ; the party consisted of Tuxberry, Adam Crews, John Bolt, George Simpson, Bill Riley, Abe Jones, Adam Epps and witness; the party assembled at Joe. Crews' and started from there; Adam Crews told me to fire when the others did or I would not get my money; I fired when others did; after shooting I ran back to town to Joseph Crews, who put me in the barn to keep me from telling it; I hollered so that he came to stop me, and I ran out; there were others present who I did not know; Mr. Joseph Crews paid me; don't know how much Bolt got; did not tell it before, because I was afraid; I was paid thirty dollars, but Joseph Crews afterwards took it away from me ; Adam Crews gave me a pistol that night; Joseph Crews said after the killing that he would take all the responsibility on himself; Mr. Joseph Crews gave a paper to Tuxberry and he read it; it was from Dr. Shell, saying that Joseph Crews would not be alive the next morning; I have had no induce? ment held out to make this statement; have no spite against John Bolt; Wright Sullivan was the first one I ever told it to; I was telling him about the way Joseph Crews did about it, and he told me he was there. his Albert X Parks. mark. I do hereby certify that the above is the tes? timony taken before me ataprelimiuay examin? ation held this day. Witness my hand and seal this 11th day of June, A. D., 1S75. F. B. McBEE, (l. s.) t. j., g. c. From the Miss. Valley Progress St. Louis. Mississippi Patrons of Husbandry on Immi? gration. Gen. S. D. Lee, of Columbia, Miss., made a report to brethren of the County Grange, March loth, from which we copy the follow iu?: "Our State Grange is correct in regarding Immigration as the all important matter for the consideration of our order. In my opin? ion it is the only door of permanent relief to our State in its present condition. The expe? rience of ten years has demonstrated beyond a doubt that our present system of holding and trying to cultivate large tracts of land with our present labor is disastrous. That the cultiva? tion of cotton at present prices and non-pro ?ction of provisions is ruinous. That we are in debt, and owing to our social change we must follow the rule insuring prosperity else? where, viz., subdivide our lands, sell enough to pay our debts and at the same time cultivate our land with more skill and intelligence, which cannot be done till more capital aud in? telligence is concentrated on small farms. Much of our land is idle for want of capital to direct its cultivatiou. Land is depreciating steadily in value, and now a man's burdens are measured almost by the number of acres of bis unromuuerative lands on which the taxes come with unerring certainty aud oppression. We are land rich and money poor, and must continue so, till we can create a demand for land. As soon as this demand i3 created, it will at once apppreciute and soou return to its former value and our country to its former ?prosperity. Our experience has shown there are no buyers among us, and we must create them. This, immigration will certainly do, and to obtain it certain conditions are neces? sary to be complied with. 1st. We must want it and earnestly solicit it, 2nd. We must of? fer such inducements as, coupled with our great advantages, will compete with other lo? calities? such as donating lands or selling parts of our lands at reduced figures, such as will certainly attract. 3d. A judicious arrange? ment of statistics from oflicial sources as to climate, soil, health, crops, &c, which canuot be gainsayed. 4th. Insuring the immigrant a cordial welcome from our Order in the shape of a pledge that wo will receive him properly and see that he is not imposed on in his new home. 5th. An earnest endeavor to remove distrust aud so shape legislation that it will offer inducements for capital to come among us. "To condense, wc must solicit immigration by the extensive advertising of the fact that it is wanted and of the inducements we have to offer. Aud we must waut it so earnestly that we will give or sell at low figures a certain proportion of our lands, which will certainly bring immigrants. This is to our plain advan? tage, as it must make our lands more valuable by?crcating a demand. Wc can't get immigra? tion without advertising and offering great in? ducements in the way of cheap lands, and it is useless to try unless we arrive at this conclu? sion." Accompanying the report, Gen. Lccsubmitlcd a plan for carrying out the recommendations of the State Grange on the subject of Immigra? tion, to all which the County Grange heartily concurred, and also adopted the following with other resolutions: licsolvcd, That we earnestly solicit all look? ing for uew homes to come to our country, and pledge that reception which will make them feel that they are among friends, and we offer them tho friendship and protection of our Order, as to securing their rights as good citizens. ? Some of the greatest benefits are those j which we aro slowest to detect, and a man who j moves into a quiet neighborhood with a family | of boys is perhaps one of them. ? ''Why do you use paint?" asked a violinist of his daughter. "For the same reason that you use rosin, papa." "Mow is that ?" " Why,.to help me draw my beau." 1 I A Life-Long: Democratic Judge Declares the Constitutionality of the Civil Rights Act, Winona, MiSN./ June ?? Judge R. R. Nelson, of the United States District Court, now in session, to-day rendered an opinion affirming the constitutionality of the supplemental Civil Rights law. As Judge Nelson has been a life-long Democrat, his em ! phatic opinion produces no little astonishment among politicians, as well as lawyers. His I opinion was given in response to a request by ! the grand jury, before whom a case was brought by the District Attorney under the Civil Rights bill. After reciting the provis? ions of the last three amendments to the Con? stitution, and after alluding to the celebrated slaughter-house decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, Judge Nelson proceeds: "I call your attention to this case 'for the reason that several distinguished Federal Dis? trict Judges and an eminent Circuit Judge, in instructing grand juries upon the presentation of a similar question, have considered that the interpretation by the United States Supreme Court of this first section of the Fourteenth amendment, is a judgment againat the consti? tutionality of the law under consideration, and have, therefore, given a negative reply to the question propounded. With great respect for the opinions of these judges, I cannot as:-ant to their conclusions, and while I have no sympa? thy with this kind of Congressional legislation, aud believe that the State government should punish all wrong or outrage of this character, committed within its limits, still I think where race, color, or nativity or political belief fur? nishes the only reason for the commission of such wrong or outrage, a proper occasion arises for the exercise of the power of Con? gress under this amendment. The objection urged agaiust such a law is that it seeks to punish in the Federal Courts a violation of certain privileges which pertain to State cit? izenship. It is not doubted that the punish? ment of an ordinary offense agairsttbe persons of any race belongs to the State gjvernraeuts. They were created for the purpose of protec? ting liberty and the pursuit of individual hap? piness, and should legislate for this object. Yet, as the Fourteenth Amendment creates citizenship and guarantees the equality of all citizens before the law, I think Congress can provide for the punishment of individuals who deprive any person of the enjoyment of the rights of citizenship and legal equality, solely on account of race or color. These rights and privileges are derived from the FederalGovern ment, and are under its protection. It will be conceded, I think, that a State legislation, ma? king it an offense to refuse the enjoyment of hotel accommodations to white persons, and permitting the exclusion of all other persons would be repuguant to the amendment. If so, cannot Congress interpose until some unfriend? ly and discriminating State law is passed? Must it confine its action to correct an obnoxious legislation, not restrain individuals? In the case of McCulloch vs. the State of Maryland (4th Wheaton, bb. 400 aud 437) the construc? tion of the grant of legislative power, under the Constitution as it stood before the recent amendments, was fully discussed, and it was decided that within the grant of power to Con? gress for the purpose of legislation, it may se? lect any proper means of effecting the object in view and may adopt any which might be ap? propriate and which were conducive to the end. Applying the reasoning of the court to this case, where the express power to enforce ?the provisions of the amendment is given in the fifth section, it seems to me that Congress can legislate, even though a State had passed no obnoxious law, and may also in advance, by such enactments as it may deem suitable and necessary, remedy the evil against which the amendment proposes to guard. If the opinion in that case correctly represents the extent of Congressional legislation, the power of Con ?ress can be exerted to put down all outrages or iscrimination on the part of individuals when the motive originates only in race or color. I do" not deem it necessary, at this time, to more fully discuss this question. The law is, in my opinion, constitutional." The Business Depression The newspapers in all the large commercial centres havej for the last four weeks, been* filled with articles announcing that the busi? ness prospects of the country were brightening up, and that we might expect from this time forward a steady improvement in all the trades. That this may be so, to a great extent, in the larger cities of this country, we do not doubt, but whether it will continue for any length of time, or extend in a southerly direction, is a matter of grave concern. The late financial crash and its subsequent effects were too great and of too disastrous a nature to be so soon overcome. Coupled with the troubles in America, we have but to glance across the "great water" to see that even in Europe finan? cial crashes have occurred. Few people have considered the fact that great wars aud heavy ? speculations have prevailed there also, and that the reaction now taking place is the result of these devastating episodes in the world's history. As in this country the unhappy struggle in which we were engaged has seri? ously affected our prosperity, so also will the same rule obtain in regard to the wars that have raged in the past ten or twelve years in that part of the world. War is a very extravagant luxury, which in? duces wild and indiscriminate speculation in all the necessaries of life, and everything else, and large sums have to be provided by govern? ment to put armies in the field. After it is over aud the reaction comes, then the costs are to be paid, and then is the time the people-? who are to furnish the means in the way of taxes, etc.?find out what it takes to carry one on. Experience in this regard is dearly bought, and teaches a lesson that should not easily be forgotten. The South should and does feel the effects of the "black streak" of war more severely thau any other portiou of this country, as everything her people pos? sessed was swept away as with a breath, and it will take years upon years to rebuild and ac? cumulate the wealth and comfort which her citizens enjoyed before the war. To the results of the struggle may be added the unfortunate legislation which has been adopted by a Radical Congress, which has had the effect of paralyzing the entire South, caus? ing her people to lose heart in all efforts to re? cuperate their losses, and the complete demor? alization of society, resulting iu financial distress and perple'xing troubles. This has also had a powerful influence against business resumption upon anything like a satisfactory and legitimate basis, and until a change is in? augurated, there is slim prospect of any better state of affairs, in tJie South, at least. In fact, we think that we have not yet seen the bottom of this financial depression, and it will take some time to put affairs upon a firm footing and re-establish confidence. But the untiring and manly efforts of the Southern people have succeeded in dissipating a great portiou of the rudo blasts of war, aud we know that with time she will regain the proud position former? ly attained.?Savannah Advertiser.