Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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HOYT & GO., Proprietors. ANDERSON 0. H., S. C? THURSDAY MORNING, APRIL 8, 1875. VOLUME X.?NO. 38. THE CIYLL EIGHTS LAW. Judge Emmons Declares the Act Unconstitu? tional. As promised in our last issue, we present a summary of the recent decision of Judge Em? mons, of Memphis, in his charge to the grand Jury of the United States Circuit Court : Judge Emmons said: It is to be regreited that a question of such exceptional importance and one that is producing so much excitement, should come before the court in this form. At an early day, however, and during the term, vie are compelled to decide the matter you lay before us. The several penalties imposed by this law upon prosecuting attorneys and other ?officials will, we are advised, be attempted to he enforced should the grand jury fail to indict, an assumption that their action will be con? trolled by such officers, unless the court acts. Every consideration makes it a duty to answer 7our questions at once. You ask whether it is 4 crime for which you have a right to find an indictment that a negro has been denied the full and equal enjoyment of the accommoda? tions, advantages and privileges of theatres and inns in this State. Such denial is not an ?offense over which Congress can give this court .'jurisdiction. Those are matters which the State Government alone controls. Parties who think themselves aggrieved can bring their <?ivil action in this court at ouce. Any decision we can then make can be reviewed by the Supreme Court. He then gives his reasons for entering into the details of the case, which are mainly the excited condition of the classes whom the law was intended to affect. Until the three recent amendments to the national constitution, which abolished slavery and at tempted to protect the civil and political rights of the freemen, all parties conceded that the Federal Government had no power, whatever, to restrain such an offense as this. The pun? ishment of murder, arson, assaults and batte ries, trespasses, frauds, injuries or reputation, obstruction to the right of attending church, public schools, theatres and forcing the right of being accommodated in inns, and by com mon carriers within the State, were matters not only not granted to the General Govern xnent, but in the Constitution itself expressly reserved to the States. The vastness of civi" and political rights included in the compendi ous phrase, "right of life/liberty and the pur suit of happiness," rested entirely under State protection. To this familiar and unquestioned truism there was universal assent then, and is now. The only question presented for judicial determination is, have these amendments com pletely revolutionized the whole character of our Government, because, it is certainly evi? dent that, if Congress has the power of regu lating the theatre and other places of amuse ment in Memphis and other cities of the Union, this necessarily involves the power of protect? ing the more sacred and important ?rights of the colored citizen. He then reviews the thir? teenth amendment, and declares that it abol ished slavery and did no more. He also re? views, at great length, the fourteenth amend ment, and says the clauses forbidding States to deprive any person of life, liberty or property, without due process of law, or denying to auy person the equal protection of the law, have no application to this subject. They are inten? ded solely to prevent the arbitrary transfer of property from citizen to citizen without legal adjudication or process, and prevent the estab? lishment of tribunals lor one class of persons varying from those which determine the rights of all. These inhibitions, too, beyond all con? troversy, are aimed at the action of the State only, and have no reference to individuals. He cites decisions in Michigan and Ohio in support of this, and also the slaughter house cases of the Supreme Court?Sixteenth Wal? lace?and then deals at great length with the outrages against the colored race, and expresses his sympathy with that large and respectable class of our fellow-citizens, including beyond Suestion a majority of the more conservative, hristian gentlemen of the South, who regret that there exists nowhere in either government, State or National, the power of punishing those mean and cowardly murders. Mr, Seward's Construction of the Constitu? tional Amendments. In this connection, we append a letter from Ex-Gov. B. F. Perry recently contributed to the Greenville Enterprise and Mountaineer^ which gives to the public an important fact in the history of the Constitutional Amendments respecting the negroes iu the United States. It.will be seen that the late Wm. H. Seward regarded the amendments as rather restraining than enlarging the powers of Congress, and that this power did not extend to legislation upon social or natural rights, as the ultra Rad? icals have always claimed: Afr. Editor: As the constitutionality of the Civil Rights bill is questioned, and may come before our courts for adjudication, I think it proper that Mr. Seward's construction of the amendment should be known. The clause or second section of the amendment, giving Con? gress power to enforce the amendments by appropriate legislation, is the same, In 1865, whilst Provisional Goveruor of South Carolina, I wrote Mr. Seward, then Sec? retary of State, that the only objection which the members of the Legislature had to adopt? ing the Thirteenth Amendment, was the second section, which authorized Congress to enforce the amendment by appropriate legislation. They thought that at some future day, Con? gress might construe this section as author? izing them to legislate in the State for the gov? ernment of the colored people. In reply to this communiqation, Mr. Seward wrote me, usiog the following language : "The objection which you mention to last clause of the Constitutional Amendment, is regarded as querulons and unreasonable, be? cause that clause is really restraining in its effects, instead of enlarging the powers of Con? gress." The Fifteenth Amendment is in these words: "The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. Sec. 2. That Congress by appropriate legisla? tion may enforce the provisions of this article. Now, let us remember the construction of Mr. Seward in regard to this second section, "that it is restraining in its effects, instead of enlarging the powers of Congress"?that to suppose this section gives Congress any addi? tional powers of legislation for the colored people, other than those contained iu the first section, is "querulous and unreasonable!" Then what power has Congress under the Fif? teenth Amendment? Simply to see that no citizen of the United States is deprived or abridged of his right to vote, either by the United States or by any State. This is all ! Congress may, by appropriate legislation, en? force this constitutional right. Now is it not most "unreasonable," to use the language of Mr. Seward, for Congress to undertake to de rive from this amendment the power to regu? late inns, railroads and places of amusement! Because it is their duty to see that colored peo? ple are not denied, deprived or abridged their right of voting, they have declared that this class shall have social equality in all hotels, on all public conveyances, and in all places of amusement. A more preposterous construc? tion never was given to human language I If any State should attempt to make a dis? tinction between the colored race and the whites in voting, Congress had power to inter? pose in appropriate legislation. But in no other instance can Congress legislate in favor of the colored people under the Fifteenth Amendment of the Constitution. I do not regard the Civil Rights Bill as at all affecting us in South Carolina, for we al? ready have the same law in effect, passed by our Legislature, and it constitutionally cannot be evaded* however much we may object to its policy, wisdom and propriety. The Civil Rights Bill puts all the States in the same cat? egory with South Carolina. I do not regret its passage. The Northern people have this day a stronger prejudice against the colored people than is entertained in the Southern States. They will be more unwilling than we are to give the colored people those rights and privi? leges secured to them by the Civil Rights Bill. If the colored people are to have social equali? ty in South .Carolina, by all means let them have it in Massachusetts. There was a lady from Greenville in Phila? delphia last fall, who purchased a ticket to the theatre for her colored maid servant. She was refused admittance ! This, too, in that strong abolition city which has the honor of origina? ting the first abolition society in America. B. F. Percy. The Decision of the Supreme Court in the Woman's Rights Case from Missouri. Washington, March 29. In the case of Miner vs. Moffersatt, from Missouri, a suit brought by a Mrs. Miner, to test her right to vote, the Supreme Court to-day delivered the following decision : This is the case presenting the question whether, under the fourteenth amendment, a woman who is a citizen of the United States and of a State is a voter in the State, notwith? standing the fact that the provisions of the constitution and law3 of that State confine the right of suffrage to men alone. It is said that women are citizens; they are persons, and, therefore, under the fourteenth amendment, declared to be citizens of the State wherein they reside. But it did not require that amend? ment to make them such. They were before persons and people, and were not in terms ex? cluded from citizenship by the constitution. The Federal constitution was ordained by the people of the United States, composed of the people of the several States, and whoever, at the time of its adoption, was one of the people became a citizen. All children born of citizen parents, within the jurisdiction, are themselves citizens. The naturalization laws are reviewed to show that women have always been consid? ered citizens the same as men. Also the laws giving jurisdiction in Federal cases. It is then said that the fourteenth amendment did not affect the citizenship of women any more than it did that of men, and thus Mrs. Miner's rights do not depend on it. She has always been a citi? zen from her birth, and entitled to all the priv? ileges, immunities, &c, of citizenship. The amendment prohibited the State in which she lives from abridging any of those rights. The right of suffrage is not made in terms one of the privileges of the citizen. The United States has no voters, and no one can vote for a Feder? al officer without being competent to voce for State officers. The elective officers of the United States are chosen directly or indirectly by the voters of the States. The amendment did not add to the privileges or immunities of the citizen. It simply furnished an additional guarantee for the protection of such as he al? ready had. Now, is the right of suffrage co? extensive with the citizenship of the State ? When the Federal Constitution was adopted, all the States but Rhode Island had constitu? tions of their own, in not one of which were all citizens recognized as entitled to this right. Under all these circumstances, it cannot be for a moment doubted that if it had been intended to make all citizens of the United Sfcites voters the powers of the constitution would have so expressed that intention, and not have left so important a change in the condition of citizen? ship as it then existed to implication. But if further evidence is needed it is to be found iu other provisions of the Constitution. If suf? frage is necessarily a part of citizenship, then that provision of the Constitution which gives citizens of each State all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States would entitle the citizens of each State to the right to vote in the several States precisely as the citizens of those States. Other provisions, among them that relating to the apportionment of representatives, were cited to the same point. But still again, after the adoption of the four? teenth amendment, it was found necessary to use in the fifteenth amendment the following language: "The right of citizens of the Uni? ted States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude." The fourteenth amendment had provided against any abridgement of the privileges or immunities of citizens, and, if the right of suffrage is one of them, why amend the constitution further to prevent its being denied on account of race, color, &c. The duty of the United States to guarantee to the States a republican form of government is discharged in protecting those governments which were recognized as being republican in form by the constitution when adopted. The governments of the States being then accepted, it must be assumed that they arc such as are to be guaranteed. The admission of new States is then considered, and it is found that there is nothing to favor the idea that suffrage is a right of citizenship, but everything to repel it. The restoration of the States to the Union after the war was accomplished, although none of them had provided for female suffrage. The Court is unanimous in the opinion that the i Constitution of the United .States does not con? fer the right of suffrage upon any one, and that the constitution of the several States which commit that trust to men alone are not neces? sarily void. The opinion was delivered by the chief jus? tice and affirmed by the rest of the court. ? A gentleman from Mississippi informs us that a well-known citizen of Tishomingo coun? ty, personally known to him as well as to some of our citizens, recently lost all power of speech under the following circumstances: He was cast in a lawsuit at luka, at which he became greatly enraged and drank heavily during the day. On going home at night he abused his family, and cursed his Maker in the most blas? phemous manner, whereupon he was suddenly deprived of all power of speech, in which con? dition he still remains, although otherwise he appears to be in his usual mental and bodily ! health. ? Order is heaven's first law, and it has I never been repealed. Special Dispatch to ike Baltimore Sun. Views of Lending Men on National Affairs. vice president wilson and public affairs. The Vice President, it is evident, does not believe in saddling played-out Congressmen upon the public treasury. In conversation he has expressed himself as not recognizing the Government offices as asylums for broken down and extinct politicians. He says what the Re? publican party needs now is an infusion of new blood into its leadership. He thinks now there is too much dead timber in it. At this very time if one-third of the office holders in Wash? ington and throughout the country were dis? missed and their places supplied with new men from the people, and more thoroughly imbued with the spirit of Republican progress, it would be of great party advantage. There should be very general changes in the offices every four years. The Vice President thinks that his Springfield letter cured some of the demorali? zation which has been overtaking the Repub? lican party since last year. He thinks now that if the energies of the Republican party are properly concentrated upon general princi? ples and issues, instead of being divided and split up on local differences, there would be not the least doubt of success in 1876. speaker BLAISE on national politics. Speaker Blaine, in his conversations on po? litical matters, leaves the inference that, al? though he has strong hopes of a Republican triumph at the next Presidential election, he cannot regard it as at all assured. Mr. Blaine has not much to say in regard to the personal attacks made upon him by a portion of the Radical press in this city and elsewhere be? cause of the somewhat conservative attitude which he has of late assumed. He does inti? mate, however, that he does not consider the Republican party in that flourishing condition which makes it wise or expedient to drive from it those who have contributed to build it up. It is also very certain that Mr. Blaine does not believe that the Northern heart can be fired by the insane and mendacious ravings relative to a new rebellion in the South. Shortly after the passage of the Poland Ar? kansas resolution, Gen. Butler said to Mr. Blaine, "Our people, (the carpet-baggers and negroes) will now be slaughtered." Mr. Blaine replied that he did not for one moment believe any such thing. He considers now that the people, not only of Arkansas, but of the other States of the South, are on their good be? haviour, and that they are not likely to offer any excuse for further Federal interference with their affairs. Without some overt action on the part of the people of the South, the North will sustain no more interference with the internal affairs of that section. what senator morton has to say. Senator Morton seems to take a more gloomy view of affairs than any other of the Republi? can leaders. In private conversation he im? putes the same dreadful purposes to the South? ern people and the same murderous instincts as he charges upon them in his public utteran? ces. He insists that he entertains no doubt that the South means to inaugurate another rebellion. He was asked whether he had any fear as to its being put down, and with a gloomy shake of the head, he said he did not know, that the North might hesitate to pile up anoth? er great debt and another load of taxation, to say nothing of other sacrifices, even for the sake of saving the Union. Senator Morton may be sincere in his belief in this ridiculous idea of a new rebellion. He is certainly very persistent in the expression of such belief. But it is well to record in this same connection the words of another shining light of the Republican party, expressed also in conversation in the presence of witnesses, "Unless we can get up another civil war the Republican party is gone." A New England Senator came to Senator Bayard and said, "We (meaning the people of the North) can never consent that the South shall control this government again." It is perhaps not unnatural that the Radical leaders should view with jealousy and alarm the return to public life of the cultured class of who yielded so much power in the national councils before the war. It lessens measura? bly their own influence and importance. But if our free institutions are to last, and these men of the South are the choice of the people, their participation in State affairs cannot be prevented, nor is it to the interest and well being of the country that it should, nor is there any reason to believe that the New England Senator had the right to speak for the North in what he said. On this point another North? ern Senator, a Democrat, said to-day that it forcibly recalled to his mind the incident told by the old historians of oliver cromwell and john hampden. CharlestI, proceeding from one arbitrary act to another, finally issued an edict stopping the emigration of those who were fleeing from his tyranny to the American Colonies. It is rela? ted that Cromwell and Hampden were on board a ship in the Thames, bound for Virginia, when this edict was published, and they were compelled to disembark. But for this edict Charles would probably have never lost his head nor his crown, and would have died in obscurity in Virginia. So now, the Republican leaders of the North, who waged a four years' bloody and terrible war to prevent the Southern leaders from leaving the Union, would like to inaugurate another war through the apprehen? sion that these same men whom they would not let go may become their rulers. Helping Others.?It seems astrange thing, but it is nevertheless true, that sharing anoth? er's burden will lighten our own. If you be? gin doing little things for your neighbor, it will very soon be e:isy for you to perform great deeds in his behalf. No man is sufficient unto himself. Trust in Providence is nothing but higher belief in humanity. You may feel very well-nigh despairing, when some kind friend happens in?God sent?and you are soothed, cheered and encouraged ; the vail is lifted, and you are happy once more. Many are able to give substantial help to those who are in need ; money, to tide over some financial trouble ; food, to keep a family from starving; gifts, that nourish the heart with assurances of love; something that may be a trifle in itself, but helps make up the sum of human happiness. But perhaps you cannot do this ; you have a large family and limited income, or arc other? wise prevented from making the hand the almoner of the heart. Well, then, draw on the spiritual treasury. Give kind words to those who need them ; comfort those who are bowed down ; speak lovingly to little children, and encouragingly to those who faint for this sup? port. Stand ready to help everybody. ? The Marietta Register says the following is a list of words given at hist examination for teachers: Eying, sealing, ceiling, august, ac? knowledgment, disparagement, Senator, centu? ry, camplior. Sixty out of sixty-four missed the first word. Washington, March 25. southern men A Lesson in State Government. There are some who incline to believe that our State governments, especially in the South, are so far revolutionized and confused as to be no longer fit for the protection of the rights heretofore entrusted to them. This feeling was at the bottom of all the honest support given to the Force bill in the recent session of Con? gress. Many Republicans, valuing general justice and the protection of life and liberty above all things, rushed to the conclusion that if the State governments would not or could not secure these, the Federal government must step in, bar out the State governments from all interference by means of the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, and proceed, by Federal agencies, to make up for the shortcomings of the States. This feeling has its counterpart among the Democrats. The cry of that party against centralization is a very empty one. Many Democrats, especially in the South, are expecting from the Federal government, if it changes hands, the advantages for which they ought, under the Constitution, to rely solely on the State governments. They declare that, with the introduction of an ignorant mass of negroes to the suffrage, without knowledge and without fixed principle, it is impossible to ob? tain honesty and justice in the administration of affairs in the South. And there is little doubt that the Federal Administration to-day, would be sustained by the Southern Democracy in going great lengths toward interference with the States, if its purposes were approved. A glance at the recent history of one of the most remarkable of the Southern States will show that the modern want of reliance on the States is not justified, and that there is in the public opinion of a State, acting through the constitutional agencies of the State a vigor and vitality sufficient to acquire many substantial results. South Carolina has suffered as badly as any State possibly could from the operation of the reconstruction laws. It has a majority of blacks among its voters, and there was, im? mediately after the war, an intense and obsti? nate clannishness in this race, which made all hope of wresting the Government from their hands by ordinary means, when once they had seized upon it, apparently vain. It was, we have no doubt, this view of the case which produced among respectable men in South Car? olina that remarkable tolerance of the Ku Klux outrages which was shown to exist four years ago. There was a feeling, not very well defined, but exceedingly strong, that since persuasion was to all appearances of no avail, there was not much harm in intimidation. But this reasoning was promptly and justly met by the Federal government by the repression of the Ku Klux ; and the whites of South Car? olina, finding themselves compelled to live with the blacks, and to prevent misgovernment by peaceable means if at all, set themselves to the task. The result was, in the course of acoupie of years, the iormation of a powerful reform party, which last fall, while it did not succeed in electing its candidates, compelled the domi? nant party to put forward men little, if any, inferior to the reform candidates themselves. In other words, a steady, patient, active, and intelligent use of the forces which are legiti? mate under a free government, achieved a sub? stantial improvement. And the process is still going on. Governor Chamberlain, who was elected on the Republi? can ticket under the strongest pledges of fidel? ity to the cause of reform, has so conducted himself as to win the approval and support of the leaders of the Reform party. Associated with him in his efforts to secure an honest gov? ernment is Mr. Cardozo?also a Republican? holding the important position of Treasurer. Mr. Cardozo has lately betn attacked by a par? ty of Republicans in the Legislature, who are seeking to displace him. They charge him with disregard of law, though we do not under? stand that they allege that the State has suf? fered any loss by the acts imputed to him, or that he has himself gained anything by them. Whatever may be the merits of the matter, the point we wish to call attention to is, that Mr. Cardozo is defended by the Charleston News and Courier, the leading Conservative paper of the State, and that this journal also supports Gov. Chamberlain with the utmost cordiality. It expresses the opinion that in this course it will oe sustained by the Conservatives in the Legislature and throughout the State. This incident throws a great deal of light on the changes that have taken place in South Caroli? na. It reveals a practical coalition of the best men of both parties when the issue is one of honest vs. dishonest government. And when this is possible in South Carolina, does it not argue a conservative and corrective force in the public opinion of every State, which can hardly be overrated ??New York Times. Good-Bye, Chignon.?"The reign of the chiguou is over; its glory has departed; its name is Ichabod." The ladies will take no? tice accordingly. It seems that with this dis? appearance romance has come back?a romance before impossible, says the writer. The chig? non was the open foe of poetry and romance, as all artificial things are that have not in their construction the elements of beauty. It was born of a hard era, where everything was being reduced to the commonplace of money-making and the display of money, an era that would have assured us that money was so omnipoteut it could even purchase the bloom of beauty and make it transferable. But the long and silky hair itself, in its native grace and simplicity, belongs to poetry, is one of its haunts, indeed, for it loves to linger in its perfumed locks and to do homage to its compelling charm ; paint? ers have painted it; poets have sung it; the curious have preserved it, till one, looking on a golden lock of Lucrezia Borgia's hair, feels all the splendor, the temptation, the luxury, the crime, of that Italian age that produced her; or, touching a silkeu lock of Keats', feels the sweet nature throbbing with love and beau? ty beyond its power to bear, as if some shep? herd lad had met the sun-god on the mountain side and died of the glory ; or holding a dark soft lock of Byron's hair, finest and most lus? trous, sees as it in a vision the passion and the power that lifted him on strong wings out of soil and slime and among the gods themselves. "Only a wi.man's hair/'" wrote Swift upon a lock of poor Stella's, and the world has ever since reviled him for a heartless wretch, never pausing to think whether it was nul the very I depth of tenderness and sorrow mocxiug at it- i self. As though one said, "Only a woman's hair; nothing, nothing to you ; but once it was I all the world to me !" ? It is safe to assort that a lease for nine hundred and ninety-nine years has never run out in this country, hut this has recently oc? curred in England. The laud was church property one thousand years ago, but was 1 leased to the crown for military purposes, j There was an unbroken continunity of posses? sion from the time of Alfred the Great. ? In the opinion of the Nashville corres? pondent of the Louisville Courier Journal, "the ; operation of the Civil Rights bill will be sus- i pended for two years in Tennessee by an ap? peal of the first case to the Supreme Court of the State. It will there he placed lowest on the docket, and thus deferred for the period named. The Work of the Tornado?Further Accounts. The destruction of life and property in Or? angeburg County by the tornado of the 21st is much greater than was at first supposed. A Mrs. Aarons, who fled from her house at the approach of the storm, was killed by a falling house, and her two children, who were with her, were badly wounded. The storm struck Mr. Joseph Bozard's dwelling-house and in an instant it was blown to pieces, and its inmates covered with its debris. Mr. Bozard and his wife were both dangerously if not fatally in? jured. The Orangeburg Times describes the scene after the storm as follows: "In the house where the dead and wounded lay a ghastly spectacle presented itself. On the floor lay old Mr. Bozard (a man who served in the war of 1812) and his wife, both stretched speechless upon beds of intense pain and mise? ry. Close by them was the corpse of their lifeless daughter, and close by the dead woman was her little daughter, whose face was black and blue from the bruises she had sustained. In an adjoining room lay another unfortunate womau whose piteous moans testified to her suffering. A subscription was at once taken up to aid the sufferers." In Darlington County the storm was very destructive. Between Florence and the river several colored men were killed. Houses, trees and fences were blown down in every di? rection, and on one plantation four mules be? longing to Mr. William Fountain were killed, Mr. Fountain himself being dangerously wounded. Mr. John D. Sansbury, who lived near Eflingham, was mortally wounded, and the dwelling house of Morgan Purvis was blown down, resulting in the serious wounding of the entire family of occupants. A corres? pondent states that on the Darlington road in a space of two hundred and fifty yards, seventy trees were laid across the road. As far as the eye can stretch each way in its course every? thing is felled to the earth. The tornado struck Mr. Rhem's place, in Georgetown Couuty, about eighteen miles from the Courthouse, and blew down, wrung off or took from the roots all trees in the space of a quarter of a mile wide/ and as far as the eye could reach a direction eastward. On Mr. Rhem's land alone upwards of i'0,000 trees were levelled to the ground, not a single tree having escaped unharmed. A large number of them were wrung off at twelve to fifteen inches from the ground, many torn up by roots and others blown down. Mr. Rheni says that not one perfect tree can be'found in the space which the hurricane passed over. Even a cy? press measuring more than three feet in diam? eter, was wrung off and almost torn to atoms. Mr. Rhem estimates his los3 at over $2,000. The house of Mr. Daniel Johnson, in the same county, was blown down and his wife fatally injured. Vast damage was done to the small farmers particularly, by the loss of their tur? pentine trees and houses. On the same day, and about the same time, another tornado com? ing from an opposite direction passed over laud ten miles above Mr. Rhem's place, destroying a large number of turpentine trees, and doing incalculable damage to the fences and build? ings in the neighborhood. No damage was done to life or property in the village. Speaking of the tornado in Barn well, the Sentinel says: "It exceeded in violence any? thing witnessed in this latitude for twenty years. The trees, fence.-;, &c, were tome to atoms, and the Methodist Church of the col? ored people, completed but a few months ago, was levelled to the ground?a perfect wreck. The damage done around plantations cannot be repaired in months, and in some parts of the county numbers of buildings were com? pletely demolished. At Mr. Wm. Woodward's plantation, on the Runs, every building on the place, except his residence, was blown down, and we learn that two negroes were killed." Useful Prizes. I The managers of our agricultural society might get an idea or two from the management of the Anderson Association which would add something to the interest of its next fair and encourage the people to compete for the prizes. The Anderson society, in the field department, for the best yield of the cereals and cotton in small quantities offer agricultural magazines and newspapers as prizes. This is very sensi? ble. Instead of giving a silver-plated spoon the Anderson society places in the hands of the successful competitors at its annual fairs first class agricultural publications which will con? tribute to the comfort of the farmers through? out the whole year, improving his mind, and leading him to make such scientific experi? ments in the cultivation of his crops as will materially increase the productive capacity of his land, and more than counterbalance any outlay of money and time to which he may be subjected. If the farmer expects to keep up with the progress of day ; if he expects to suc? cessfully compete with the learned professions in the amassing of wealth he must set about it in an intelligent way. It is necessary that he should keep his mind active as well as his body. The muscles must be subjected to the mind. Another attractive feature about the manage? ment of the Anderson fair is the prize offered to young ladies for successful competition in the culiniiry line. A stove is to be giveu at the next Anderson fair for the best dinner, not exceeding six dishes, to be cooked and served on the Fair Grounds, bv any unmarried lady under twenty years of age. Something of this kind would stir up the young ladies of Abbe? ville, and would make them of greater help to the old folks who now do all the work that the girls may not spoil their hands. Let the man? agement of our fair think about these things and take the bint.?Abbeville Medium. DYSPEPSIA.?A writer in the MnliealJournal, discoursing on dyspepsia, says: "We have seen dyspeptics who suffered untold torments with almost every kind of food, and torments of which they did not tell after some medicines given for relief. No liquid could be taken without suffering. Bread became a burning acid. Meat ami milk wero solid and liquid fires. And we have seen their torments pass away and their hunger relieved by living upon the "white of eggs, which hail been boiled in bubbling water for thirty minutes. At the end of a week, we have given the hard yolk of the egg with the white, ami upon this diet alone, without lluid of any kind, we have seen them begin to gain flesh and strength and refreshing sleep. After weeks of this treatment they have been able, with care, to begin upon other food. And all this," the writer adds, "without taking medicine." lie says that hard-boiled eggs are not half so bad as half-boiled ones, and ten times as easy to digest as raw eggs, even in egg-nog. The only trouble about this is that men who sutler torture from dyspepsia will not diet, and prefer sausages and physic to a simple remedy. ? A good many unkind things have been said about the unbearable heat of St. Louis in summer, but the. "unkindest cut of all" is the story, now going the rounds, that a man who died there last summer and went to a place famed for its heat, has sent hack for overcoat and blankets, being unused to such low teuiper nture. The Republican Platform for 1876. The. Republican party, as represented by an enormous majority in both houses of the Forty third Congress, and illustrated in the acts of its i last session, points with pride to its past record, and rejoices in the following declaration of its I present principles; 1. Third term now, and Presidency for life i hereafter. 2. Government by the bayonet, suspension of j habeas corpus at discretion, and drumhead i courts-martial, are the true elements of politi ! cal strength. 3? Specie payments in 1879 without coin. 4. Civil rights mean the white mau has no rights which the black is bound to respect. 5. More taxes, more debt, and more expendi? tures the true road to permanent prosperity. 6. Subsidies, special tariff, Credit Mobilier, Texan-Pacific, back-pay grabs, railroad grants, j and all sorts of monopolies blaze the pathway of Republican legislation. 7. Nepotism is obedience to scriptural au? thority, and a blessing to the reigning family* 8. ^ Negro supremacy in the South to advance Christian civilization. 9. Opposition legislatures ought to be sup? pressed by Ftderal troops as dangerous to Gra^trrn. 10. Returning boards are more potent than elections, and should be appointed by the Pres? ident. 11. The people have no right to complain when the Administration is content. 12. A large standing army and powerful ap? propriations for the navy are indispensible to a republic, and to hosts of magnificent officers seeking commands. 13. Opponents of the third term, critics of the President, champions of the Constitution, economists, and the toiling masses who grum? ble because they are poor, must be classed as banditti, and punished accordiugly. 14. Centralized government is national strength, and State Governments should be abolished, except as dependencies. 15. Present salaries are insufficient to raain^ tain the dignity of office, and cu^ht to be dou? bled immediately, with back pay, at the pleas? ure of the official. 16. Carpet-baggers and officeholders' are abused patriots who have suffered for their country, and merit its grateful recognition. 17. investigations by Congress, intended to expose corruption and jobbery, and to damage the Republican party, cannot be too sternly condemned for trenching on private rights. 18. The President is the recognized head of the Government, to whom Congress and courts owe obedience. 19. The newspaper press is a nuisance. A censor to restrain carping utterances and a se? verer law to condemn offending editors, are de? manded forthwith. 20. Rings are self-sacrificing organizations, intended to promote the public welfare, to shape legislation wisely, to stimulate enterprise, to aid commerce, to build railroads, and to place appropriations where they will do most good. 21. A constitutioual amendment is recom? mended making Long Branch the summer cap? ital of the nation, with liberal allowances for the President and his household during Gen. Grant's life. The Truth of History.?Says a corres? pondent iu the Chicago Tribune: "Mrs. Swisshelm may have been an eye-witness to innumerable instances of the kissing she men? tions ; but, let us hope she kept herself, like Cresar's wife, above reproach." We have got tired of this quotation, as it misleads the reader. Csesar's wife was not above reproach or suspiciou, as it is generally written. The innumerable multitude who put into everything they write the fine old crusty re? mark about Csesar's wife being above suspic? ion will please take notice that she was not above suspicion, and that Caesar divorced him? self from her on that ground. Calphurnia, the wife in question, was misled, or, to state it plainer, seduced, by Clodius. Ceesar declined to prosecute the latter for political reasons, and the criminal was therefore acquitted after a sham trial. His wife he promptly flung away, but he would noi jeopardize his power with his own party just then by demanding the punishment of him who had debauched her. Clodius be? longed to Csesar's political party, and was very influential with the common people, though hated by the patricians. The intrusion of the lecherous demagogue into the household of the great triumvir, and the seduction of his wife, became notorious in Rome. A word spoken by the injured husband would have insured his condemnation and death, but C?sar would not speak. He contented himself by procuring a divorce from his false wife, who denied the proof of her guilt, and by declaring that "Ciesar's wife must not even be suspected," or by another translation that "Caesar's wife ought to be above suspicion ;" but she was not. She has figured as a model of purity and vir? tue long enough. Persons in search of such a model will please take some other woman. The Model Statesman.?Hou. Proctor Knott has been lecturing at the North on the ".Model Statesman." Here is his pen picture of that American institution, the professional politician: He loves his country with a passionate devo? tion, but he loves it because of its admirable and unfailing system of gathering its revenues into the public treasury. He loves it because of the regularity and certainty with which they receive the presidential signature. He loves it because of the liberal salaries with which it rewards its devoted, self-sacrificing servants, and the promptness with which it pays them. He loves it for its subsidies, its jobs, its rings and its lobby privileges. He loves it for the cheapness and durability of its "whitewash," and for the even and liberal hand with which it is applied to persecuted patriots by its ingen? uous and justice loving committees of investi? gation; for with him the first great command? ment is to "get an office," and the second is like unto it, "put money in thy purse." Upon these two commandments, in his estimation, hang all the law and the profits ! TnE Cold Weather Explained.?A young man of this city, while talking to an old gray-headed darkey, a few days since, remarked on the extreme cold weather of the season of the vear, and asked the old man if he could explain the reason for it. The old man scratched his head for a moment and remarked : "Why yeSi <hirc :inl t anything singler 'bout it. I can" explain dat in about a minit. Don't you 'member dat comat what we bad last' fall ? and don't you 'member dat we had a yarth-quake about dat time?" The young man answered that he did not remember the circumstances, when the old man said: "Well, dc fac is dat comat struch dis yarth and caused dat varth-quake, and it butted so hard dat it done sent dis here yarth about tree or four hundred miles furder "north, and dat's de cause of de 1 preseut cold weather."? Cairo {III.) Bulletin.