Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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Ex-Gov. Brown on tke Civil Rights Bill. In response to certain inquiries touching his opinions as to the effect of a passage by Con? gress of the civil rights bill, Ex-Gov. Joseph E. Brown, of Georgia, has written a strong and manly letter on the subject, giving emphatic stterance to his antagonism towards the meas? ure. A considerable portion of the letter is occupied with a recepitulation of events trans? piring since the war, in which he bore a prom? inent part. Our limited space only permits the publication of the concluding portion, which bears directly upon the maiu subject: Bocthe reconstruction contest is in the past, and to-day we see the whole people of Georgia coming np to the position of acquiescence which we took in 1867, and indeed going far beyond it. We then acquiesced in the four? teenth amendment and the Sherman bill. They have since acquiesced in these measures with the fifteenth amendment added, which might have been avoided if the whole South had promptly acquiesced in the fourteenth amend? ment and the reconstruction act known as the Sherman bill. But at this period we are met with a much more dangerous issue than any that was pre? sented in 1867, and it becomes us to meet it fairly and squarely, and to do all in our power to avert the enactment of a measure which will be productive of the most ruinous consequences throughout the entire South. It was a hard enough fate upon us for our ?conquerors to abolish slavery, and wrest from us without a dollar of compensation the billions of dollars invested in that property which had ?descended from generation to generation, as the patrimony of several ages; and then to ?compel us to stand upon terms of legal equali? ty with our former slaves, aad meet them as equals at the ballot box. This, however, the conqueror dictated, and compelled submission to his dictation; and those who were most fiery and denunciatory in their warfare against it accomplished nothing of good for our people. All parties have now united in acquiescence in these measures, and all the States have been re-admitted in the Union, as the Northern States must now admit upon terms of legal equality. Here then the reconstruction meas? ures should cease, and all parties should agree J that the war is at an end ; that we have suf? fered its disastrous consequences, and that no further wrongs should be inflicted upon us. At this stage, however, with a view, no doubt, to the next presidential campaign, and for the purpose of making the colored voters more en? thusiastic in their support of the republican party, certain leaders or that powerful organi? zation bring forward what is termed the civil rights bill, which is now pending on the calen? dar of congress, and which, in fact, is intended, I not as a civil rights bill, but as a social rights \ measure, for the purpose of compelling social! equality between the white and colored people j of the South. This can never be done, and if attempted should not, and will not, be submit? ted to, be the consequences what they may. God has created the two races different, with different tastes, capacity and instincts for social enjoyment, and no human legislation can ever compel them to unite as social equals. Those who urge this measure in Congress with a view of bringing up the colored voters to a more enthusiastic support of their party are putting themselves in a position to do the greatest possible injury to the colored race. Suppose this bill should pass at the next Con? gress, what will be the result ? The legislature of each Southern State, as soon a3 it is called together, will at once repeal all laws by which public schools are maintained at the public ex? pense, and leave each man to educate his own children as best he can. This will leave the colored people who are without property to I grope their way in ignorance with no means of J educating their offspring, and it will necessari ly leave a great many white people in the same | unfortunate situation. But be this as it may, I we will never submit to mixed schools where \ our children shall be compelled to unite with those of the colored race, upon terms of social equality. I have been president of the board of educa-1 tion in Atlanta, since the organization of our J system which is now working most admirably; under which we have separate schools, open to j the white and to colored children, and every j child belonging to either race can find its way into a good school, if the parent thinks proper 1 to send it. These schools are maintained by j taxation of the whole people, and the burden falls mainly upon those who have most wealth, and who often have no children to educate. I j am proud of the system, and of the great bene? fits which are resulting from it And I feel as our white people generally do, that since the colored people are made citizens, if they act in their proper social sphere, it is our duty, as well as our pleasure, to aid them in the education of their children. But I do not hesitate to say that I should favor the immediate repeal of all laws on this subject, and the disbanding of the schools, as soon as the civil rights bill shall become a law. It cannot be said that we violate any provi? sion of the Constitution of the United States, when we repeal our school laws, as that consti? tution requires no State to maintain any public school; and we make no discrimination on ac? count of rase, color, or provious condition of servitude, when we refuse to maintain any publie school, at the public expense, for the children of either race. But this is not all. The attempt to force equality between the races, on railroad cars, steamboats, and especially in hotels and churches, will produce constant strife, and very frequent bloodshed, that will probably soon lead to a war of races, and produce a horrible state of things, throughout the entire South, terminating in general anarchy, which will end in the extermination of the negro race. Much as I deprecate and oppose all mob law, and de? sire the faithful execution of the laws, I cannot j doubt that in the excited state of the popular mind, which would follow the attempt to en? force such a measure, it would soon be found that white juries would not convict white men for killing negroes who undertook to intrude themselves upon them, as social equals. And if the Government of the United States attempted to coerce the white people of the I South into submission to negro social equality, \ they would find that the white troops who might be called into the field against us, to i fight for such negro equality, would generally lay down their arms before they would perform \ the task. In a word, if they drove us to sub? mission at the point of the bayonet, the bayo? net would generally have to be in the hand of the negro, and our people would have to defend themselves against it as best they could. The result would not be doubtful. All prosperity would be destroyed, and general confusion, bankruptcy and ruin would prevail until the struggle between the races terminated, which would, as I have already said, in the end result in the extinction of the weaker race. But I do not care to pursue this theme. The consequence of this measure would be too hor? rible for contemplation, and we can only hope that the evil will be averted by the good prac? tical common sense of the American people; and that the political organization which at tempts to force this state of things upon the country, or any section of it, will meet with overwhelming defeat in every issue. I have no hesitation, therefore, in agreeing with you, that the passage by Congress of the civil rights bill would inaugurate a feeling of antagonism between the white and black races that could never be reconciled, and in saying most unequivocably that no Southern gentle? man, I care not whether he be republican or democrat, ought, in my opinion, to identify himself or continue longer to act with the par? ty, who seek to impose this measure upon our people. In my judgment, there are but two contin? gencies which can avert the evil; one is the overwhelming defeat of the republican party, in the elections this fall, upon this issue. They are determined to make the issue, as already announced by some of their leaders upon the stump; and my sincere hope is, that every State, county, city, town, village and hamlet, throughout the entire Union, where an election may be held, will give the democratic party an overwhelming majority. To this end, I shall cheerfully contribute my humble mite. This would check the passage of this most iniquitous measure, and relieve the country of the horrors consequent upon its passage. If this should fail, and I trust it may not, the only remaining hope is in the exercise of the veto power by the President of the United States. I know nothing of the intentions of the President onthis question; but I trust a sense of patriotic duty may compel him, if the meas? ure should ever come before him for action, to save the country from anarchy and ruin, by the use of this great conservative power, which is wisely placed in his hands, by the constitu? tion. If it should come to that point, and General Grant should veto the measure, and throw the vast weight of his executive power and person? al influence, in the scale of peace and harmony ; he would be entitled to, and I believe wouid receive the thanks and the applause of the en? tire white populationof the South, and of a vast majority of the people of the Union. I have no wish to thrust my opinions before the public on any political issue; but on ac? count of the magnitude of this question, and the fearful results which may follow, I think it the duty of every citizen to speak out and state his position, in terms two unequivocal to be misunderstood. I therefore authorize you, to make such use of this letter, as you may thing proper. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, JOSEPH E. BROWN. Office-Seeking and Canvassing for Nomina? tions. One of the worst signs of these degenerate times is the trickery and wire-working of men seeking office, and the hungry greed which men pretending to be high-toned and honora? ble will display in their efforts to gain power and position. Not only demoralized them? selves iu a wild hunt for office, these men exert I a bad influence upon society in general by in j flaming bad passions and creating unfounded prejudices against their opponents. The Char lottesville Jeffersonian, alluding to the charac? teristics of these modern intriguers, suggests certain reforms which would be creditable to any people to adopt. We quote as follows from our Virginia contemporary : This practice is a novelty to us in Virginia, and comes to us as one of the bitter fruits of the war. When it first made its appearance in this State, gentlemen of high standing, who scorned to do an indelicate thing without prop? er consideration, reluctantly yielded to what they supposed the necessity of the times, and did canvass for nominations. It took but a j brief experience to satisfy them and all the right-thinking men of the great evil of such a < practice, and these gentlemen have been among the most prompt and decided to condemn it. We wish distinctly to disclaim any purpose of applying to tbem anything that we nave said iu regard to peddler politicians. But now, after the subject has been calmly considered and discussed, and the great evils clearly pointed out, we do most earnestly desire to see public opinion intensely concentrated against this humiliating, demoralizing and pernicious prac? tice. If public opinion does not frown down such a thing, every man of real ability and self-respect will be deterred from permitting his name to be used as a candidate for office, and we will be doomed to a representation by small, narrow, cunning, selfish little men of blunted sensibilities and obtuse moral percep? tions, and the administration of our public afiUirs will lend rapidly to corruption and ex? travagance. Men of ability aud solid worth will not consent to go around on exhibition as political organ-grinderc, razor strop men, show? ing off themselves and their political wares to the criticizing gaze of the multitude, in order to be nominated to canvass for an office. It is far too difficult now to get such men to consent to#become candidates for office. They will never consent if they have to canvass for the nomination and then canvass for the office. A Touch of Sentiment.?Mrs. Oliphant, in her recent novel, "For Love and Life," J shows her boundless sympathy with all the griefs that parents suffer from the self-will and the wrong-doing of children ; and she touches 1 one sorrow that is often borne but seldom con? fessed, when she writes : "Many a volume has been written about the love of parents, the love I of mothers, its enthusiasms of hope and fancy, its adorations of the unworthy, its agony for the lost; but I do not remember that any one has ventured to touch upon a still more terri? ble view of the subject?the disappointment, for example, with which such a woman as I' have attempted to set before the reader?a wo? man full of high aspirations, noble generosi? ties, aud perhaps an unwarrantable personal pride, all intensified by the homely circum? stances of life around her?sometimes looks j upon the absolutely commonplace people whom she has brought into the world. She, too, has her dreams about them while they were children, and all things seemed possible ?while they were youths, with still some grace and freshness of the morning veiling their un heroic outlines. But a woman of seventy can cherish no fond delusions about her middle aged sons and daughters, who are, to all in? tents and purposes, as old as she is. What a dismal sense of failure must come into such a woman's heart while she looks at them ! Pei haps this is one reason why grandfathers and grandmothers throw themselves so eagerly into the new generation, by means of which human nature can always go on deceiving itself. Heavens! what a difference between the ordi? nary man or woman of fifty, and that ideal creature which he or she, appeared to the mother's eyes at fifteen ! The old peeple gaze and gaze to see our old features in us ; and who can express the blank of that disappointment, the cruel mortification of those old hopes, which never find expression in any words!" The Terrors of a Demand for an Honest Gov? ernment. Iu his elaborate and effective partisan ad? dress in support of the nomination of Mr. Chamberlain for Governor, delivered before the Radical Convention, Judge Mackey exerted all his powers to show the imminence of a deadly struggle for control of the political power of the State. It was, in his view, so threatening as to be likely to imperil the common rights of the citizen and to lead to bloodshed. This was the justification of himself and others for the distribution of troops throughout the State, and lor the orders of the Attorney General to the Federal officers in this State to see the strict observance of the Enforcement Act. Mr. Chamberlain himself regarded the contest as gigantic in the amount and character of the elements of opposition which his party would have to cope with. The party tocsin was sounded, the changes were rung again and again upon the endangered principles of Re? publicanism, and some huge undefined spectre of disaster duly pictured as certain to occur, if faithful relaxed in their efforts, if they did not utilize every particle of the strength and influ? ence of their organization. We believe we represent the underlying thought in the efforts of these speakers correctly. The same has been harped upon in the newspaper organ till overybody has it by heart. All over the State, the cry is raised, that the Republican party is in danger of being overthrown. What are the facts? The Radical party, which has just placed its banner in Mr. Cham? berlain's hands, has all the machinery of the State Government under its absolute control. It has all the offices, including the Treasury, and command of the Bank of the State assets yet unstoleu. It has a militia of 40,000 men, armed with the best rifles, which has been for several years past regularly drilled all over the State. It claims 40,000 majority of voters. It has laws governing elections, which give it im? mense advantages in determining the result in its favor. It has partisans whose highest sense of duty is to promote and secure success by any and every means. It is a common saying with them, that they would support the old boy himself, if he should come up here in person, and be, as of course he would be, their leader. Not coutent with all this, they have procured an order from the United States Government, ordering troops here in certain emergencies, which is intended and is calculated to inspirit their followers, and awe the spirit of whatever opposition there may be. They have raised the cry of violence where peace and serenity dwell, they have invented terrors where none exist. Their representative journal asks pite ously, "who does not know that we cannot hold an election with the smallest prospect of success without aid from the General Govern? ment?" Look now in another quarter. There is no political party in South Carolina standing in political opposition to the Radical party at all. There is absolutely none. We have not seen a discussion turning upon political principles in this State for years. State rights, internal im? provements, civil rights, hard money, inflation ?whatever questions may exist elsewhere and be discussed?are as unknown here in a party sense as the Sanscrit language. Questions which concern government and polity in any enlarged sense are no longer questions for us. They are luxuries denied to us. The action of the people who arc the victims of misgovern ment is limited to protests, memorials and rep? resentations of their wrongs, merely. They pray simply that they may not be destroyed utterly, that the gatherers of taxes shall not take the hist dollar, that the State authorities shall not confiscate the remnant of their prop? erty and drive them From homes which they love in the State of their birth or adoption. Their one exclusive idea, embodied in all the public action they have taken, or propose to take, is embraced in the demand of honest gov? ernment in the hands of capable men. There is no array of forces organized for any other purpose. Some cases require nothing more than a fair statement; this is one of them. The people who support this State government, the pro? ceeds of whose toils are poured to the amount of nearly two millions into the treasury, who see it squandered and enjoyed by ollicials, who see all the institutions of the State famishing and declining merely by the demand for hones? ty in government, has struck terror into the party in power, claiming to have at its back the National Government, and holding subject to its will for party purposes the offices, the treasury, the sword, all the machinery of State and party organization, and the unquestioning suffrages of a blind constituency, whom they have only to lead whither they will. We have read of nothing like this in history, unless it be what occurred at the great revelry of Bel shazzar and his lords, when, with their wives and eoncubincs, they impiously drank wine from the "golden vessels taken out of the tem? ple of the house of God," a subject grandly treated by the genius of Washing.on Alston. As the fingers of a man's hand came forth and wrote over against the candle-stick upon the walls of the palace had unspeakable terror for the dissolute monarch, so the majestic word honesty demoralizes the hosts of evil-doers, the plotters against the peace and prosperity of this State. In that word sleeps the storm which they fear will overtake them. With all their resources they feel insecure while it flames in the van.? Pfucnix. . . . me I ? ? The Sin.rHuuic Acin Cure for Diph? theria.?The Hamilton Specta/or (South Australia) publishes details of the "Grcathead" cure for diphtheria. The disease is declared by Mr. Grcathead to be of hydatid growth, and that the germs of it, floating about in certain impure atmospheres, were inhaled by human beings. For a grown person, four drops of sulphuric acid diluted in three-quar? ters of a tumbler of water ; with a smaller dose for children. ! The effect of this treatment was said tobe instantacous, the acid at once destroying the par? asites and the patient coughing up the ob? struction. The papers have teemed with ac? counts of suflercrs who had recovered in a few minutes by adopting the "Grcathead" treat? ment. Children, previously almost in a dying state, were declared to be playing about, within ten minutes, and, at a moderate; computation, some forty or fifty of these sudden recoveries have been placed on record, with full particulars. United Statics Troops in South Car? olina.?Under the instructions of the Attor? ney General, troops are in process of distribu? tion to various points in South Carolina. Wherefore ? The blacks arc in complete pos? session of the State and tin; government. All the powers of the State are in their hands. And they number four hundred thousand in the State, against three hundred thousand whites. Why, then, these troops to maintain order in South Carolina? It is because the poor blacks are proved utterly incompetent to govern themselves in undertaking to govern the whites, and consequently need the presence of the Uuited States Army to hold them to law and order? If so, and we fear it is so, why not let the truth be officially made known.?Sr. Y. Herald. To the Republican Voters of South Carolina. It is well known to you and to the country that, during the past six years, the administra? tion of public affairs, by the men whom we have placed in office, has been directed by in? terests and influences entirely separate and dis? tinct from the interests of the people. Com? binations, such as are known in other States as "rings," but putting, by the recklessness of their action, the "rings" of other States to shame, have seized upon the machinery of the Republican party and consummated their schemes, to the detriment, not only of the par? ty itself, but of the whole people of the State. Through their domination, the public debt has been largely and fraudulently increased, and an immense contingent and floating debt in? curred, without the people receiving any bene? fit in return. Through their domination, the public credit has been prostrated below that of any State in this Union ; and throughout the State has been so reckless, so corrupt and so shameful, that the very name of South Caro? lina Republicanism has come to be a by-word and reproach to the Republican party of the United States. The universal cry for reform, from within and without the State, has recently led to tho hope and expectation that the Union Republi? can State Convention, recently in session iu this city, would nominate as candidate for Gov? ernor some member of the Union party who had not been identified with any of these rings, and who would use the power and influence of his high office for the protection of the peo? ple against legalized robbery, corruption and wrong. But the influences which have hither? to prevailed iu our conventions and Legisla? ture have, by the use of the means which they have heretofore employed, prevailed in the present Convention. The "rings" which have brought about the condition of affairs needing to be reformed, have captured the cry of reform for the purpose of maintaining their hold on power, and have secured the nomination of a man for Governor who, as we sincerely believe, is, of all men, the most responsible by his ac? tion while Attorney-General for the ruin of the State, and who, since he has ceased to be At? torney-General, has been well known fron; the records of the courts and otherwise to be the attorney and counsellor of those whose fraudu? lent claims, if allowed, would make that ruin complete and irremediable. Fellow-Republicaus, the hopes you have lately entertained that a genuine and thorough reform would be inaugurated by this Conven? tion, have been most cruelly disappointed. Men, for the beggarly pittance of a few dollars, have deliberately betrayed the confidence you have placed in them. What shall be your ac? tion? Will you tamely acquiesce? Will you see your party betrayed?its honor and good | name still deeper plunged into infamy and dis? grace? Will you, by your iuactiou, confirm as true the oft-reneated assertion of our Demo? cratic opponents, that the call for reform with- J in our ranks was a mere sham, and that there is no honest purpose entertained by any con? siderable portion of our party to remedy the terrible evils and corruptions so loudly com? plained of by honest men of all parties? We know that the fifty delegates who voted in the Convention against its nominee, tru'y represen? ted the honest Republican masses of the State, who are, as we believe, unalterably opposed to the gubernatorial chair of any representative of the bond ring swindlers within or without the State. The undersigned, composing an Executive Committee, elected at a meeting of delegates to the late Convention, which meeting unani? mously protested against the nomination of Mr. Chamberlain, and declared their intention not to sustain it, hereby invite their fellow-Re- j publicans in the several counties of the State to meet in County Conventions as early as prac? ticable and elect delegates to an "Independent Republican Convention" to be held at the city of Charleston, on Friday, the 2nd day of Oc? tober, 1S74, at 12 m., for the purpose of nomi noting independent Republican candidates for the offices of Governor and Lieutenant Gover? nor of South Carolina, for the ensuing term, and of transacting any other business that may be deemed necessary, iu the interests of the people. The Chairman of this Committee will ap? point temporary chairmen in the several Coun? ties of the Suite for the purpose of calling the said County Conventions. THOS. C. DUNN, Chairman, E. B. SEABROOK, SAMUEL LEE, GEO. F. MclNTYRE, W. A. HAYNE, Wr. H. JONES, J. M. SULLIVAN. The Red River Outbreak. The Shrevcport (La.) Times, of the (Ith inst., gives a full and accurate report of the Coushat ta outbreak, which gives the lie to the garbled and distorted accounts of that affair which have been so industriously circulated by the partisan press. The facts, as substantiated by a hundred reliable witnesses, are briefly these: The parish of Red River was formed under the Warmouth regime iu 1871 out of several sur? rounding parishes; and the real purpose of its formation was to furnish a new field for plun? der for the rogues who filled all the offices in the State. The elder Twitchell and Dewces had made a handsome fortune from the per? quisites of the ollices of the parish, and had vacated in favor of the younger Twitchell and Dewees, who were fast growing rich from pub? lic plunder. The troubles were first started by the office-holders, who conceived a diabolical plot to get the negroes to attack ami murder the whites, hoping thereby to secure the pres? ence of Federal troops. The population of the parish consists of 1,100 negroes and three hun? dred whites. The discovery of this plot led to the arrest of Twitchell, Dewees and the other ring leaders of the plot, who were placed in in"! to await their trial. In the meantime the shooting of Mr. J. B. Dixon, a white citizen, and the report of the plot had spread to the adjoining parishes, and num? bers of armed citizens were pouring into the parish. The prisoners in Coushatta became alarmed at the storm of indignation which their treachery had provoked, and offered of their own accord to vacate their ollices and leave the State if the people would guard them to Shrevcport, where they could take the cars. Their proposition was accepted. They selected their own guard and commander, and route of* travel, and left Coushatta on Sunday morning. At a distance of thirty-live miles from Coushat? ta, they were met by one hundred armed men, who overpowered the guard and shot the pris? oners. Who these men were or where they came from the guard could not ascertain, but they are confident that they were not from Red River Parish. This is the plain, unvarnished story of the dreadful affair, and it is corrobora? ted in every particular by the Coushatta T'nvea, a Republican paper published in Red River Parish. ? Ladies don't known whether they like smoking or not. With special favorites lin y like, it ; with general favorites they don't dislike it, and with no favorites they detest it. Wheat Culture and Good Pasturage. There is no cereal that can be acclimated throughout as wide a latitudinal belt as wheat. It has been successfully grown within the frigid j zone, and thenco through i:he whole breadthTof ; the temperate zone to localities within the j tropics. Growing as it does on different soils, j and in different climates, the varieties of this ! valuable graiu are almost numberless. The in ' fluence of climate, cuiture and soil in produc | ing varieties of wheat is known to every intel I ligent agriculturist. Inasmuch as certain regions and localities, by nature seem to be chiefly adapted to its culture, and afford no competing valuable pro? ducts in those localities, such as the cotton belt in our Southern States, that produce as valuable and remunerative crops, agriculturists j have given but little attention to the cultiva J tion of wheat, and may be said in general to ! know but little about it. A planter who puts j in a full crop of cotton, knows that the wheat j harvest comes at a time when his cotton crop ! demands all the labor under his control. Those in the upper portion of the cotton belt, who were before the war in the habit of raising their own stock and provisions, found it nec? essary to abstain from putting in a full crop of cotton, if they cultivated enough of Indian corn and wheat, and other cereals to meet their domestic wants. Those joiut farmers and planters, who made it an unalterable rule to raise their own sup? plies, while they did not handle "big money" every year, were, as a class, the most solvent and solidly prosperous of the slave-holders prior to the war. Since the war recuperation has been more steady among them than among the planters whose crops have been almost ex? clusively cotton, and who have depended on purchased provisions to feed themselves, their laborers and stock. Experience is demonstrating that sooner or later the world will have to depend chiefly upon the mixed farmers and planters of the upper region of the cotton belt for its supplies of American cotton. A conviction of this truth is fast forcing itself upon the farmers in this region. Already there has been a vast increase of the cotton product, at the hands of j white labor, while there has been a great fall? ing off of the product in the more sultry allu? vial sections further South. As the temptation is very great to risk de? pendence upon an exclusive cotton crop, there is great danger of the farmers, who have heretofore raised their own provisions, aban? doning that judicious, and, in the long run, ouly safe policy of raising their provisions, and" betting their whole year's labor upon the yield of cotton alone. This temptation, if yielded to, is fraught with evil, and evil continually to the.land-hol? der and his posterity, and is prohibitory of enterprise in manufactures. Any population of agriculturists, who do not raise their own food, under the free labor system, are at the mercy of monopolists and money kings, who can make a corner upou cotton or the currency that moves it to market, whenever they will to do so. No community can expect manufac? tures to be built in their midst, whose agricul? turists do not raise food with which to feed themselves, and a surplus sufficient to afford an economical living for the operatives engaged in manufacturing. White people in general require more of | wheat bread and less of Indian meal bread than negroes. Hence, in providing for the subsistence of the former, the cultivation of j wheat is a matter of prime importance. When labor has to be hired to cultivate it, a crop of Indian corn is not as remunerative as one of I wheat. Ordinarily, one acre of wheat will furnish more substantial subsistence than an acre of maize. Maize requires the presence of the hired labor on the laud most of the year. Wheat requires his presence only twice a year, to wit: at seed-time and harvest. Therefore every fact touching the successful raising of wheat in the upper portion of the cotton belt is of great importance to the people living there. They should at once give it much study and investigation, with reference to the best means of securing a certain yield of an annual supply of it, adequate beyond a peradventure to meet the home demand. To this end they should observe and experiment in each locality until a variety of wheat is developed or dis covered, suited to and acclimated in it. Few, perhaps, aware, that by a careful selection of seed fh . year to year, how certainly and easily an acclimated wheat that will seldom disappoint the expectations of the farmer, can he developed. Few are aware of the disas? trous sensitiveness of many varieties of wheat to a change of climate and soil. Every farmer who has by experiment suc? ceeded in finding a variety of wheat that sel? dom disappoints him as to certainty and quan? tity of yield, should stick to it and endeavor to improve it. This he can do by carefully selec? ting every year before he cuts his wheat, choice heads for seed, to be sown in an experimental patch, until he has secured a variety with a capability of yield that shall insure adequate remuneration for the labor and expense of j sowing and harvesting it. It can be demonstrated that beef and mutton are more economical articles of food than pork. They are preferred by most white people. Hence, it is important that farms be so im? proved and cultivated as to afford plentiful and convenient pasturage, and that small grains of all kinds receive more attention than hereto? fore in our section. If the people in the upper portion of the cotton belt wish to secure permanently the ad? vantages of their situation, the hints here given are of importance, and all should give more or less of heed to them.? Greenville Xcils. Remedy von Rheumatism.?A patent medicine advertisement says. "This article will cure the reumatism of nineteen years' standing." As far as it goes this is perfectly satisfactory; but we want light upon another view of the matter. Suppose a man's rheuma tish is only of three years standing, must he let it stand sixteen years more before the med dicinc will cure it ? Or if it has stood twenty years is there no hope of a remedy? We want to know about this. It is going to be very un? pleasant for a man to endure rheumatism for seventeen or eighteen years before he can take medicine for it. ? The boys tell a good joke on the Rome, Ga., Railroad, which is just sixteen miles long, to this effect: That a man left a horse to be shipped to Kingston, for which they charged ten dollars. When they tried to get the horse in the car he wouldn't go in. So the agent gave a negro a dollar to ride him over, and then made him pay the dollar to ride on the cars back to Rome. They also collected the ten dollars from the owner of the horse. ? Give a man the necessaries of life and he wants the conveniences. Give him the con? veniences and he craves for the luxuries. Grant him the luxuries and he sighs for the elegancies Let him have the elegancies and he yearns for the follies. Give him altogether and he com? plains that he has been cheated both in price aud quality of the articles. Curing: Pea Tines. The common field pea has been styled the clover of the South. It well merits the title. In fact, where both succeed perfectly, we are not sure that the pea is not most valuable of the two. As we have often remarked, there is no crop that can be raised on the light soils of the Southern States that, with the same labor, will yield so large a return as the field pea, when grown for its fruit alone. In addition to this, the best timothy and clover hay does not, in our estimation, equal good pea-vine hay for either working stock or milk cows. Howfool ish the regret, therefore, that we cannot raise the clover in perfection where the field pea grows so well. There is but one drawback to the production of pea-vine hay, the difficulty of properly curing it. But even in this there is not so much labor and trouble as is generally imagined. The vines should be cut during settled, dry weather, if possible, and only cut in the morn? ing. In the evening of the same day they should be rolled up into little heaps of perhaps a hundred pounds each. Thus they are to re? main until the second morning thereafter, or the third after being cut, when they should be "hauled in" and stored loosely as possible in a freely ventilated loft or crib. A still better house for them is one made of rails with the rail floor at least two feet from the ground. Upon this floor throw the vines loosely to the depth of two feet; then put in another floor, then another two feet of vines, and so on till your crop is stored. After the first, each floor should press lightly upon the vines below; thus in settling will give plenty of room for a cir? culation of air above and below them, thus preventing all danger from heat or mildew. Thus stored, each chamber of the pen can be ( emptied without interfering at all with the oth? ers, simply by slipping out two or three rails from one side. Of course the pen must be se? curely covered, the sides will need no protec? tion other than the rails. This is no book farming fancy, but a real practice that in our farming days suited us so well both in thesav ving of pea vine and potato vine hay that we had no use for any other of the hundred and one ways to cure "pea vinos." In our travels through the rural districts next fall we hope to see these extemporized bay-pens as common as rail cotton-pens used to be in the old time.? Our Home Journal. The "Outrages Connnittee.w The following resolution was adopted by the State Tax Union : Whereas, to our great surprise, a communi? cation of President Grant to the Attorney-Gen? eral, of date 2d September, instant, contains the following declaration: "The recent atroci? ties iu Alabama, Louisiana and South Carolina, show a disregard for law, civil rights, and per? sonal protection, that ought not to be tolerated in any civilized government; and, whereas, we are confident that the information conveyed to the President regarding these alleged atroci? ties in South Carolina is not true. Be it Resolved, That one delegate from each Coun? ty be selected by the President of this Union, to inquire what atrocities of the above nature, if any, have been recently committed in this State, and if any, in what section and by what class of persons; and that said delegates report without delay the result of their investigations to the Executive Committee of the State Union. Under this resolution, the Chair announced the names of the following gentlemen, who shall constitute the said committee: From Aikcn, E. S. Hammond; Abbeville, F. A. Connor; Anderson, J. S. Murray; Barnwell, W. Gilmore Simms; Beaufort, Wm. Elliott; Charleston, C. 11. Miles ; Chester, W. A. Wal? ker ; Chesterfield, A. McQueen ; Clarendon, J. E. Tindall; Edgcfield, M. L. Bon ham; Fair field, J. H. Rion; Kershaw, E. M. Boykiu; Laurens, J. W. Watts ; Lexington, G. Muller; Marlboro, C. W. Dudley; Newberry, J. N. Lipscomb; Orangeburg, J. H. Kellar; Rich land, E. W. Wheeler; Sumter, J. B. Moore; Union, J. W. Finch; Williamsburg, S. W. Maurice ; York, J. F. Hart. The several delegates on the committee are requested to investigate thoroughly and report promptly to James H. Rion, at Winnsboro, Fairfield County, who will act as chairman, consolidate the several reports, and transmit the whole to the Executive Committee of the State Tax Union. JAMES CHESXUT, President. A Sexsicle Speech.?In the Republican caucus held in Columbia during the sitting of the State Convention, a sensible speech was delivered by Maj. M. R. Delaney, a genuine representative of the colored race, which de? serves a careful consideration at the hands of the colored man. We give a brief synopsis of his remarks: He sets out by saying that he never made a speech unless he had something to say, and that he knew what he had to say on this occa? sion would not be acceptable to all present. He then supplemented this remark by a broad hint that he didn't care a cent whether it was acceptable or not. He intended to talk to his own race, to look men in the face, and to call things by the right name The black man had been purposely misled by the white politicians for selfish and interested motives. He warned the black men that, if they didn't-stop in the course that they had beed led to pursue, they would be deprived of all thepolitieal privileges wh'ch they now enjoyed. The colored people in South Carolina had a great and important duty to perform. And the most important duty that they owed was to the white people of the State who were not in the Republican party. The whites had the education, owned the land, and had the capital. Tbe black man owned the labor, and it was easy to see that it was the interest of both races to go hand and hand together. This might not be called orthodox Republicanism, but it was sound political economy. He urged the black men to take this matter into serious consideration. The Democrats, he said, were accustomed to regard the term Republican as a bugaboo, and the Republicans, on the other hand, had been taught to be frightened at the mention of the word Democrat. It was all a mistake. Demo? cracy ami Piepublicanism were synonymous terms, both meant the right of the people to rule. The slaves were set at liberty by Demo? cratic teachings. He warned the negroes of the mistakes that they had made, and impressed upon them the fact that they had nothing to hope from Grant unless they mended their ways and quit the evil practices that they had been led into by designing politicians. They need not be misled into the belief that Grant, who was a white man, loved the black men better than he loved hjs own race. A war of races could only result in the extermination of the black race. He called their attention to the recent enactments of Congress fixing an educational qualification for jurors in the United States Court, and to the failure of the civil rights bill. These were significant facts, he said, and all pointed to the fact that unless the black race changed their course all their political rights would eventually be curtailed. It was not a sufficient excuse that they were misled by men of another race who knew bet