Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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HOYT & CO., Proprietors. ANDERSON C. H., S. C, THURSDAY MORNING, AUGUST 22, 1872. VOLUME Vm.?NO. 7. The Duty of Democrats in the Present Crisis. Hon. Jeremiah S. Black, of Pennsylvania, has written the following letter to Mr. Welsh, of the Baltimore Gazette. Judge Black is a life-time Democrat and an eminent statesman, and his views and opinions will prove interest? ing to the people: York, Pa., August 3, 1872. My Dear Sir : I promised the gentleman who delivered your letter that I would answer it folly and as soon as' I could consistently with other engage men ts. I am fulfilling that prom? ise. If I take more time and space than might be expected you will please remember that I and a great many other Democrats are in a po? sition which requires something more than a mere definition. We cannot avoid miscon? struction without furnishing a rather full ex? planation. I admit that the next President mnst be Grant or Greeley. The circumstances of .the political situation limit our choice to these two men as strictly as if nobody else were legally eligible. We must weigh them against one another, and like practical men decide the case before us ir. favor of the best. Even if we find no good in either of them, we must take that one who shall app'ear to be least bad. It is undeniable that the leading measures of the Administration are not only unconstitu? tional, but anti-constitutional, showing not merely contemptuous indifference to constitu? tional obligations, but a settled hostility to those rights of the States and those liberties of the people which the organic law was made to secure! The President's appointment of officers and his general exercise of public authority, under, the influence of men who paid him large sums of money, are scandalous outrages, and the effort to defend them has combined with other like causes to extinguish among his sub? ordinates all respect for those rules of morality which used to be held sacred. When we con? sider what these men have done in the North, and add to it the large-handed robberies per? petrated in the South by the retainers of the President, with his direct aid and assistance, we are compelled to acknowledge that no other government now in the world is administered so entirely for personal and partisan purposes, or in such complete disregard for the rights and interests of the general public. This demor? alization is not "confined to the Executive branch, the tide of corruption rolls in upon the Legislature, and in some places it has risen high enough to touch the feet of the judiciary. Even the rank and file of the President's party have become debauched, let ns hope not alto? gether, bnt certainly in a fearful degree. Acts which in former times a hardened criminal would hesitate to whisper in the ear of his ac? complice can now be openly advocated by a political leader, not only with safety, but with a tolerable chance of being sustained by a sort of public opinion. That love of liberty and justice which used to pervade the whole com? munity now "reneges all temper," and yields without resistance to the unprincipled de ma-1 gcgues who would enthrone fraud. Hake the boar leprosy adored; place thieves, And giro them title, knee and approbation, With Senators or. the bench. If General Grant had been equal in mind and heart to the exigencies of the times he could easily have made himself a great public benefactor. He might have purified official and political morals by simply setting the ex? ample in his own person of a clean-handed de-1 votion to duty. His own obedience to the laws would have restored them to universal suprem-1 acy. All the objects of the Constitution as re-1 cited in the preamble would have been accom? plished but for the obstructions with which he himself impeded them. Unfortunately the in? terests of certain rings were in conflict with the interests of the country, and they by large presents seduced him into their service. The public contracted to give him the salary which his predecessors had been conteut with; the rings offered him more; he accepted their bounty, fell over to them, and took the Govern? ment into his hands as "a Black Republican job." Now, as to Greeley. It cannot be pretended that his political life is .very symmetrical. He was in the ranks of the radical abolitionists for a good many years. That is bad; for such as? sociations wonld have a natural tendency to debase him. But we must not forget that, though he was with them, he was not always of them. He refused to be a partaker in their worst iniquities; he had none of their diabol? ical hatred for the Constitution; he did not lend his lips to their ribald blasphemies, and his feet were never swift in running to shed in-1 nocent blood. Before the great conflict began his opposition to the designs of the abolition-1 isla against the Federal and State governments impelled him to the opposite heresy of the se? cessionists. Like the Koman father, who killed Ms daughter to save her from a worse fate, he chose to destroy the Government rather than j see it dishonored and violated by lawless force. When the war was flagrant he provoked the extremest rage of his associates by exerting himself for a peace which would have left all the people in possession of their constitutional liberties. After the close of the contest he was the advocate of regular and legal as well as honest government for all parts of the country. I have good authority for saying that he never gave his approval to any form of kidnapping or murder by military commissions. In short, although he did join the abolitionists in their "devil's dance," he never learned to keep step with his partners, and wo all know that when he could not stop it he left it aud denounced it with becoming indignation. On another point he ought to have credit. The friends of reli? gious freedom owe him an old debt of gratitude for the zeal and ability with which he resisted the church-burners when banded together in the secret lodges of the Know Nothing order. It is but reasonable to believe that his opposi? tion saved the country from the great danger it was once in of being subjugated by that infa? mous organization. He has often been accused of complicity in cheats of one kind or another, but in every case he has triumphantly refuted the charges. For this, and for other reasons, I conclude that his personal integrity is without a stain. He has many times spoken of the Democratic party and its most honored mem? bers in harsh and abusive terms. Those are faults of manner and of temper, which, when mended, are always pardoned. We will not permit onr judgment to be disturbed by con? siderations so trifling as this. I have looked into his past history only to as? certain what he is now and what he is likely to be in the future. I am bound to caro noth? ing for his "antecedents," except as they fur? nish the means of estimating his character. I think I have found out with reasonable certain? ty how far we may confide in him. I devoutly believe that, if chosen President, he will keep his oath, preserve the Constitution inviolate, execute the laws faithfully, restore the States to their rightful autonomy, protect individual liberty by jury trial and habeas corpus, put the military in proper subordination to the civil authority, use neither force nor fraud to carry elections, keep his hands clean from corrupting gifts, set his face like a flint against all manner of financial dishonesty, purify the Administra? tion of justice as much as in him lies, maintain the public credit by a prompt discbarge of all just obligations, economize the revenue and lighten taxation, give to capital the right which belongs to it, and at the same time see that labor is not robbed of its earnings. He will certainly hold his power of appointment as a public trust, and not a part of his personal possession to be used for the support of his family, or to encourage the private liberality of his friends. He will, so far as he can without transgressing the limits of his legal authority, relieve the Southern States from the gangs that are now preying upon their vitals in open part? nership with tne present Administration. I think ne will do all this; and my faith is founded on the testimony of his friends and enemies, on the known facts of his history, and on the moral influence which the Democracy will necessarily exert upon his conduct. The errors of his past life were caused by certain evil communications from which he has clean escaped. He heads a great revolt against wickedness in high places,-and I do not believe he will go back upon us and be guilty of the same wickedness himself. The contrast between the two candidates being so very strong, no fair-minded Democrat can doubt what he ought to do. Yet, the reluctance which many of us feel to vote for either of them is hard to over? come. I did, and do, most heartily sympathize with that class which received Mr. Greelev's nomination in much sorrow. I am sure this feeling proceeded from no unworthy passion or prejudice, but was the natural result of sober thought on the condition of the country and the fitness of things pertaining thereto. In our view the Controversy between the par? ties was not all about men, and not wholly on questions of mere administration. The Liber? al Republicans and some Democrats think that we owe all our sufferings to the corruption^ or incapacity of General Grant and the rings that surround him. But the prime cause lies fur? ther back and deeper down in wrongs for which the triumph of Mr. Greeley with all his reforms offers no immediate atonement and only a par? tial remedy. In England, after every civil commotion, the victorious party vented its rage and gratified its rapacity by passing bills of at? tainder and bills of pains and penalties against their fallen and helpless opponents. The best and greatest men of their respective ages were the victims of these legislative decrees. In all the most notable cases subsequent Parliaments acknowledged the wrong, reversed the attain? ders, and made what reparation they could. Our fathers determined that no such thing should ever be done here, and so they put their solemn interdict into plain words, and made it a part of the fundamental law that neither Congress nor any State Legislature should ever pass a bill of attainder. The reconstruction act of 1867 was a bill of attainder more delib? erately cruel, and with pains and penalties more compendiously unjust than any British bill that ever was passed. But its authors were conscious that it could not stand, and they must replace it with something else, for sooner or later the courts would be sure to pronounce it void. Besides, the object being to put the Southern people under the domination of greedy adventurers from the North with un? limited license to oppress and plunder them, the officers of the army were not very good agents in such a nefarious business. The ne? groes would be instruments of tyranny much more easily managed. But an act of Congress disfranchising the white people for offences real or imputed, and handing over their State governments to negroes to be run by them in the interests of carpet-baggers, would be mere? ly another bill of attainder, or rather a modifi? cation of the first one, making it much worse, but equally within the reach of judicial correc? tion. In this strait they resorted to the expe? dient of converting the Constitution itself into a bill of attainder. The fourteenth and fif? teenth amendments were frauds upon the spirit' and letter of the instrument, inasmuch as they effected the worst outrage .which it was made to prevent. They were carried against the known will of nearly every State in the Union, by shameless deception in the North and by | brutal violence in the South. "May this be washed in Lethe and forgotten ?" Certainly not, as long as any portion of our people are compelled to bear the intolerable burden of the yoke thus fastened upon them. I need not say how much they have suffered already, nor try to conjecture how much they will be called to endure hereafter; but it is certain that any or? dinary despotism would have been a visitation of mercy in comparison. When we reflect upon the number and rapacity of the thieves that have been upheld in their pillage by means of the negro governments, wo cannot help but regret the non-adoption of Mr. Ste vens's proposition, atrocious as it was, for uni? versal confiscation. The pernicious conse? quences of this rule are felt in the general as well as local governments. The legislation of Congress is largely controlled by fit representa? tives of the carpet-bag interest, and the worst acts of the Executive Administration are done to please the power which corrals the negroes at the meeting-places of the leagues, and drives them thence to the polls. Mr. Greeley's election will do all that we could wish to free us from these evils. It will not even be a popular condemnation of the base means by which they were inflicted upon us, but it will begin the process of their grad? ual extinction. It will give the white people a reasonable hope that the heritable qualities of their fathers' blood may some day be restored. In the meantime, if it docs not reverse the at? tainder, it will at least insure a merciful execu? tion of it. Democrats who disliked Mr. Gree? ley's nomination have reflected well, and I think will support him with almost perfect unanimity. The thought that a victory will not give u3 everything at once mcy diminish in some degree "the rapture of the strife," but it will not impair the efficiency of their support, for they are impelled to their utmost exertions by a profound conviction that nothing but his election will save the country from a long pe? riod of misgovernment, and perhaps the total destruction of our free institutions. I am, with great respect, yours, Ac., J. S. Black. Gov. Ore on the Situation.?Governor Orr docs not seem to have much of an opinion of the present State Government, if we can judge by the following language, used by him in Columbia a few days since: "I have not received a cent of pay for nine months, and most of the State officers whose pay is due quarterly are in the same condition. Meanwhile the State debt has been increased at least twelve million dollars, aud between four and five million dollars have been collected in taxes during the nast four years. That is to say, the Columbia thieves have had an income during four years of at least sixteen million dollars, and now they say that they haven't got a dollar in the treasury. And what have they got to show for it? Not asingle public improve? ment. Not ono mile of railroad or canal, not one dollar's worth of legitimate expenditure on the State house?nothing at all, except a few acres of swamp lands and sand-hills bought by the Land Commissioner at from two to ten times its value, and which are now going beg? ging for purchase at eight years' time and six per cent, interest. Bah ! It makes me sick to think of it."? Charleston Republican. How Honest Settlers are Received in South Carolina. The annexed letter, says the Baltimore Sun, in regard to South Carolina, its people, their disposition and prospects, is interesting, and gives refutation to much that has been alleged against the people of that State in justification of the continued persecutions practiced to? wards them. It is from a gentleman who is a Republican iu politics, and not a native of South Carolina, but of Maryland, who, being a Unionist during the war, has since made his home in South Carolina: Columbia, S. CL May 31, x872. Wm. L. Southard, Esq.?Dear Sib : Your letter of the 15th instant reached me several days ago, and would have received an earlier attention, but for pressing official engagements. I am glad to have an opportunity to give my views oriefly on the several subjects mentioned in your letter. And first as to the climate here. It is mild and salubrious. I do not think it surpassed in these respects anywhere on this continent. Professor M. LaBorde, in his Physiology, while speaking of climate and mineral waters, says : "It will be gratifying to the Southern community to know that we have iu the States of South Carolina, North Carolina and Georgia as fine a. climate, per? haps, as can be found in the world, and mme eral waters which will compare favorably with those of the highest celebrity." Diseases gen-1 erally are of a much milder form than they are in the more Northern latitudes, and many dis? eases that are very prevalent and very fatal in the North are almost entirely unknown here. I am certain that neither consumption, pneu? monia, pleurisy, nor any of the forms of ca? tarrh, nor rheumatic and neuralgic affections, are anything like as prevalent or as severe here as they are in colder climates, and of course far less fatal. As to the effect of the climate of this locali? ty upon Northern people who settle here, I can best answer that question by stating that there are about fifty Northern families living in Co? lumbia, who have settled here since the close of the late war, and I am sure I am safe iu saying there has not been over a half dozen deaths in these families since their residence here. Nay, there is less sickness in Northern families residing here than there is in the fam? ilies of the natives. Whether this is because Northern people bring with them healthier systems and more vigorous constitutions than the old residents possess, thus enabling them the better to resist disease, or whether there is something in the habits of the Northman that gives him au advantage in this respect over the Southron "to the manor born," I am not pre? pared to say; the fact, however, is none the less true, whatever may be the explanation of it. My experience and observation, therefore, teach me to concludo that tho climate of this region is fully as friendly to the stranger as it is to the native. Now, as to the personal safety of Northern men who settle here. This is a subject embra? cing such a wide field of circumstances that I might dilate upon it almost to endless extent. But so much has already been said in this con? nection in the newspapers, pro and con., by pol? iticians, for political effect, that the people have learned to look with suspicion upon everything that is said upon this subject, and to take the honest views of unprejudiced minds as mere political clap-trap, that I forbear to say more than that I have lived here nearly six years, have mingled as much, perhaps more, with, the people than any other Northern man here ; have met with gentlemen from every part of the State, many of whom were most earnest in their support of the Confederate cause, having sacrificed their entire fortunes upon the altar of their political faith, and I have not heard a single expression, with one or two exceptions, that' might be construed into opposition to honest, respectable Northern men settling here. I have tried to be au impartial observer, and from all the data that I have beeu able to col? lect, my logic forces me to the conclusion that an honest man, be he Jew or Gentile, come from where he may, and whatever be his creed, who tries to make au honest living in a decent way through any of the multitudinous legiti? mate avenues of business, is just as safe here from personal violence as he would be in Mas? sachusetts or New York. I know that there have been many outrages end acts of violence committed here of late, I but these difficulties are purely political. The people of the South have not been able to re-1 conciie themselves to the new order of things here. They cannot believe that it is right and just and most promotive of the public good that the ignorant, the illiterate ana the corrupt should make and administer the laws, while the intelligent and educated pay the taxes? bear all the expenses of tho State, without having any voice in the administration of its affairs. And is it surprising that they should feel some unkindness toward those who thus deprive them of man's dearest privileges ? "Love vour enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for for them that despitefully use you and perse? cute you," is beautiful enough in theory, but hard to practice. "Do unto others as you I would that others should do unto you," is, in I my opinion, much better advice, and, if follow? ed: by those who aspire to mould and direct Eublic sentiment, there would be less cause for I itterness between factions, less strife bctwce.n neighbors, and more contentment and happi? ness among the masses, because more peaceful and more prosperous. In view of all tho circumstances, the devas? tation of their country, the destruction of their homes by the iron heel of the war, the loss of property, their descent from wealth and case to poverty and hardships, defeat in battle, eclipse of their long-cherished and fondest hopes, their own degradation and the elevation to places of power and preferment of their for? mer slaves, whom they were taught to regard as only fit for "hewers of wood and drawers of water," the abridgment or deprivation of their political privileges, I think the Southern peo? ple have behaved with a good deal of forbear? ance. Though some political outrages have been committed, what people under the sun, subjected to the same provocations, would not have done as much and more ? Reverse the results of the war, and impose upon the people of the North the same onerous and to them odious burthens that the people here have had to endure; in a word, suppose we transfer tho whole set of circumstances under which the Southern community has lived since the war, and is still living, to the loyal, law-abiding North, and think you that all would be borne meekly and tamely, without any exhibition of feeling?no murmur against oppressive and un? equal government, no breach of the public peace ? Would tho Northern people servilely stoop and kiss the rod that smote them? Not if I know them properly. And I tell you that human nature is the same in South Carolina that it is in other parts of the world. You may say that the Southern people are them? selves responsible for their misfortunes. Be it so. Does that make them any the less misfor? tunes, or soften in the least the miseries they entail ? If you east a stone against a resisting surface and it rebounds and fractures one of your limbs, is the pain any less acute because you threw the stone yourself? ' I ara no apologist for the Southern people, nor do I pretend to justify the political outra? ges committed here; my notions of Republi? canism are utterly at war with such practices. I was a soldier in the United States army du? ring the war, and no man rejoiced more than I did at the downfall of the Confederacy, because it re-established the integrity and supremacy of the Federal Union. But this does not war? rant the annihilation of the enemy after he has laid down his arms and made an honorable surrender. I am also a Republican, and am identified with the party here; but this is no reason why I should stigmatize those who oppose the po? litical principles which I espouse as traitors and murderers, and unworthy to be trusted with tkic public weal, and unentitled to the privileges of free citizens. The point I want to make is this: That the only persons the Southern people are inimical to are venal and unprincipled politicians, who, under the misnomer of Republicanism, seek to force obnoxious and oppressive measures upon the people, for their own aggrandizement, re? gardless of the public good. Your next question?namely, opportunities for business?is more difficult to answer. The professions are all crowded. Merchants com 5lain of hard times and dull business, (but this oes not prove anything, it is a fashion of theirs?force of habit, perhaps.) A large num? ber of persons, reduced by the war from afflu? ence to comparative poverty, and who never before knew what it was to labor in any capac? ity, being now compelled to earn their living "by the sweat of their brows," pretty well sup? ply the demand for labor, both mental and manual. Still, I cannot but think that with the increased development of the natural re? sources of the country, which are varied and abundant; the progress of internal improve? ments, which the spirit of the age demands shall go forward; the building of new lines of railroads and telegraphs, the establishing of manufactories, &c, &c., there is room enough for all who may desire to find homes in this1 sunny clime. To those who may wish to turn their atten? tion to the cultivation of the soil, I would say, come to South Carolina, and come at once. No section of our country offers better inducements for investments in real estate than does this. Land can be purchased here for from one dol? lar up to twenty dollars per acre, and snug little nomes of from twenty to sixty acres and upwards, with comfortable residences, can be had for $1,000 to $3,000, and large tracts of land suitable for sub-dividing into small can be bought at exceedingly low figures. I am satisfied that as soon as the upheavings of society consequent upon the war can have time to subside, and peace resumes once more her wonted sway, anu the natural advantages of the South become more generally known, enterprising, home-seeking thousands will pour into her borders from all parts of the world. And when they come with honesty of pur? pose?come to help build up the broken for? tunes of the State; come to people her unoccu? pied lands, and to cultivate and enrich her wasted fields, to rebuild her burnt cities and to found new ones; to make the shores of her splendid water courses rin? with the busy hum of machinery; to fell her mighty forests, and to dig down into the bowels of the earth, and bring up her rich metals, and refine them and apply them to the various uses of man?then can I guarantee them a hearty welcome from the whole people, and respect, and social con? fidence and consideration. I would add, that those who once make their homes here are never willing to leave, if they find suitable means of making a living. There 13 a charm in the climate and a fascination in the beauty and luxnriousness of the plants and flowers, that must awaken even the dullest na? tures to admiration, and attach them to the country. I have known but one person who settled here since the war to get dissatisfied and leave, and I confidently expect to see him back here before the end of another winter. Hoping that I have answered all your ques? tions fairly and honestly, without doing vio? lence to the feelings or opinions of any fair minded man, I am, very respectfully, J. F. Exsor. B. Gratz Brown's Acceptance of the Balti? more Nomination. Executive Department, 1 Jefferson City, Aug. 8. J Gentlemen op the Committee : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication advising me that I had been unanimously nominated as a candidate for the Vice Presidency of the United States at Balti? more. For this mark of confidence on the part of so large a representative body of my | fellow-citizens, I cannot too deeply express my gratitude. The distinction is one which I feel to be, in a great measure, undeserved, where so many more suitable could have been found; and yet, should your action be confirmed, I shall endeavor to discharge the duties of that high place with fidelity to your trust, with de? votion to the public interest, and with the in? flexible resolution to prove not unworthy of such choice. The fact that it reposes also upon the declaration of principles affirmed by the Liberal Republicans at Cincinnati, and was proclaimed, without amendment, by the Dem? ocratic party at Baltimore, gives assurance tliat in this combined expression there is sought ouly the deliverance of the nation from a pres? ent great peril to its peace and liberties. To that end all minor considerations have been subordinated, and an illustration presented to the country of unselfish patriotism rather than any stickling for party advantage, which should convince all of the perfect sincerity of this movement. It has involved no surrender on cither part of any former convictions. It has not been negotiated or bargained. Its origin was from the people. Though differing in the past on some issues of great magnitude, yet, now that they arc settled, there is a hearty concurrence between us upon all vital questions agitating the public mind. The conduct of national affairs that involved your conveution was well set forth in its platform, and its true accord with the democratic ideas that guided an ear? lier Administration, is the best guaranty that it will restore equal rights, tranquility, devel? opment and constitutional rule. Permit me also, gentlemen, through you, to to express my thanks to the great masses of your party who have since ratified this action with such signal unanimity; and to say to them that, in accepting this, their nomination, 1 do so believing there is nothing in honor or conscieuce that should prevent the most cordi? al co-operatiou henceforth in behalf of politics presented. In concluding, it is proper to state that se? vere illness has intervened since the reception of your communication, which has delayed this*reply until my recovery and return home. With very great respect, yours truly, B. Gratz Brown. ? Ben Butler says if Greeley is elected "all that was gaiued by the war will be lost." But lor is evidently getting uneasy about his ppoons. Horace Greelcy makes a Speech. I At the reception tendered to the Sage of Chappaqua at Portland, Me., on Thursday last, our distinguished candidate for the Presidency made the following timely and eloquent ad? dress : 1 Mr. Chairman and Ladies and Gentle? men : It is certainly true that throughout the course of my life, so far as I have been con? nected with public affairs, I have struggled with such capacity as God has given me for, first, impartial and universal liberty; second, for the union and the greatness of our common country; and third, and by no means least, when the former ends were attaiucd, for an early and hearty reconciliation and peace among onr countrymen. For these great ends I have struggled, and hope the issue of the third is not doubtful. I thoroughly comprehend that no personal consideration has drawn this vast assembly to? gether. Other high and grander considerations have collected yon around me to-day. It is part of the unwritten law of our country that a candidate for the Presidency may not" make speeches in vindication and in commendation of the principles whereupon he is supported, or the measures which his election is intended to promote; though a candidate for Vice Pres? ident is under no such inhibition. I not mere? ly acquiesce in the restriction, but I also fully recognize and affirm its propriety. The temp? tation to misinterpret and misrepresent a can? didate for the higher post is so great, the means of circulating such perversions among people who never see a word of their refutation are so vast, that a candidate has no moral right to subject his friends to the perils he must brave, if not invite, by taking part in the canvass. Yet there is a truth to be uttered in behalf of those who have placed me before the American people in my present attitude, which does them such honor, that I claim the privilege of stating it here and now. This 13 that truth?no person has ever yet made the fact known that he proposed to sup? port or actively did support my nomination, whether at Cincinnati or Baltimore, or in any action which resulted in sending delegates to either convention, as the basis for a claim for office at my hands. No one who favored my nomination before either convention, or at either convention, has sought office, either for himself or any one else; or has any suggested to me that I might strengthen myself as a can? didate by promising to appoint any one to any important office whatever. In a very few in? stances, less than a dozen, I am certain some of the smaller fry of politicians have, since my double nomination, hinted to me that I might increase my chances of election by promising a post office, or some such office, to my volun? teer correspondents respectively. I have not usually responded to these overtures, but I now give general notice that, should I be elected, I will consider the claims of these untimely as? pirants after those of the more modest and reticent shall have been fully satisfied. [Ap? plause.] In two or three instances, I have been asked to say whether I would or would not, if elected, confine my appointments to Re? publicans. I auswer these by pointing to the i plank in the Cincinnati platform wherein all who concur in the principles therein set forth are cordially invited to participate in their vindication. I never yet heard of a man who invited his neighbors to help him raise a house, and proceeded to kick them out of it as soon as the roof was fairly over his head. For my own part, I recognize every honest man who ap? proves and adheres to the platform as my po? litical brother; and as such, fully entitled to my confidence and friendly regard. One other point demands a word. Those ad? verse to me and what pledges I have given to those lately hostile to the Union to secure their favor and support, I answer, no man or woman, in all the South, ever asked of me, either di? rectly or through another, any other pledge thau is given in all my acts and words. From the hour of General Robert E. Lee's surrender, down to this moment, no Southern man ever hinted to me an expectation, hope or wish that the rebel debt, whether Confederate or State, should be assumed or paid by the Union ; and no Southern man, wno could be elected to a Legislature, or made colonel of a militia regi? ment, ever suggested the pensioning of all the rebel soldiers, or any of them, even as a remote possibility. All who nominated me were per? fectly aware that I upheld and justified Federal legislation to repress Ku Klux conspiracy and outrages, though I had long ago insisted as strenuously as I now do, that complete amnes? ty and general oblivion of the bloody and hateful past would do more for the suppression and utter extinction of such outrages, than all the force bills and suspension of habeas corpus ever devised by man. Wrong and crime must be suppressed and punished ; but far wiser and ' nobler is the legislation and the policy by which they are prevented. From tliose who support me in the South, I have heard but one demand?justice; but one desire, reconciliation. They wish to be heartily re-united, and at peace with the North, on auy terms which do not involve the surrender of their manhood. They ask that they should be regarded and treated by Federal authority as citizens?not culprits?so long as they obey and uphold ev? ery law consistent with equality and right. Thev desire a rule which, alike for white aud black, shall encourage industry and thrift, and discourage rapacity and villainy. They cher between the 5th of November and the 4th of March next, quite a number of Governors and other dignitaries who, in the absurd name of Republicanism aud loyalty, have, for years, been piling debts and taxes upon their war wasted States, will follow the wholesome exam? ple of Bullock, of Georgia?seek the shades of private life. The darker and deeper those shades, the better for themselves and for man? kind, ami the hope that my election may have the much-desired hegira of thieving carpet? baggers, has reconciled to the necessity of sup? porting mc many who would otherwise have hesitated. Fellow-citizens, the deposed and partially exiled Tammany ring have stolen about S*30,000,000 from the city of New York. That was a most gigantic robbery, and hurled its contrivers and abettors from power and splendor to impotency and infamy; but the thieving carpet-baggers have stolen at the least calculation throe limes that amount; stolen it from a people already impoverished and needy ; and they still Haunt their prosperous villainy in the "highest places in the land; arc ad? dressed as honorable and excellency. [Ap? plause.] I think I hear a voice from the honest peo? ple of all the States declaring that their iniqui? ty shall be gainful and insolent no longer, at the farthest, than the 4ti: of March next. By that time a national verdict will cause them to fold their tents, like the Arabs, and as silently steal away. That, I trust, will be the end of their stealing, at the cost of the good name of our country and the welfare of her people. At the conclusion of his speech, Mr. Grecley sat down amid a storm of cheers. ish a joyful ho] hich I fully concur, that ? An exchange says California calls loudly for corks." In most of the other Stales the loudest call is for corkscrews. For the Anderson Intelligencer. NIGHT. BY IVAN IDICAK. Night, with thy cheering smiles, all hail! Welcome, for thou did'st ne'er fail To lend thy sympathy to the saddened heart, And strive to bid its many griefs depart. You stop the stroam of anguish flowing in each breast; You give the weary mind its craved rest, And breaking the seal of melancholy's tomb, You free the spirit from its citadel of gloom; You draw the veil of darkness from our view, And bid us see the pleasures that our pathway strew ; Remove our thoughts to glorious things above, And cheer our hearts to life with the pearly dew of love. Oh! welcome Night, come smiling on thy throne; Thine absence makes us feel ourselves alone, For at thy coming sadness takes it flight, And dares not stay to view tho smiling lace of Night, Believing that the colored people?more es Eecially those residing in what were formally nown as the slave holding States?are sincere? ly desirous to pursue such a course in the pres? ent political campaign as shall best subserve their own interests, as well as the good of the country at large, we offer some suggestions for their careful, unprejudiced consideration. Let one thing be borne in mind from the outset?the liberty and rights of the colored race are fixed beyond the possibility of recall. Their emancipation and enfranchisement are not merely accomplished facts, but (Tacts which cannot be changed by the rise or fall of party. Incorporated into the organic law of the land, they must and will remain there unaltered and unalterable as long as that law stands where it now does, the foundation of our Republican institutions. In the North we have yet to see the man, no matter what his p- evious opinions and'actions may have been, wno honestly wish? es to restore the system of slavery, or to de? prive the freedmen of those benefits naturally arising from the demolition of that system. That much anxiety is felt among thoughtful citizens lest .these benefits should not be fully appreciated and judiciously enjoyed and im? proved, is true; but there" is no disposition, even among the most ultra, to go back to the old ways if it were possible to do so. The public sentiments of the North virtually settles this business for all time to come, without re? gard to the sentiment which may prevail in the South; but there is no reason to suppose that any respectable portion of the Southern people intend, now or hereafter, to seriously oppose the inevitable results of the war. They have accepted these results in good faith, and ex? pect to abide by them. In short, the whole nation, South as well as North, is solranly pledged to the maintenance of the privileges conceded to the colored race; and those mem? bers of the race who allow themselves to be influenced by unscrupulous demagogues preach? ing the contrary doctrine, are simply the vic? tims of an idle hoax concocted for purely par With lreedom and citizenship guaranteed, what, then, is the duty of the colored people ? ?we mean more particularly those of the South. There can be but one correct answer to this question, and that is to establish such relations with their former masters, and white population generally, as shall produce mutual confidence, and ensure to all the blessings of wise and economical government. The South is now the common property of whites and blacks, and upon their hearty co-operation de? pends the prosperity of that section. Every intelligent colored man knows that since the termination of the war the South has been in? fested with a gang of political adventurers from the North, having no sympathy with the native born inhabitants of either race, and seeking only to create antagonism between the two in order to obtain for themselves the hon? ors of office and the chance for plunder. If the whole of the carpet-bag fraternity were driven across Mason and Dixou's line, or into the gulf, and the South left exclusively in the lianas of those who belong to the soil, all the difficulties which now encompass the political and social situation there would be amicably adjusted before the expiration of three years. The whites understand this thoroughly, and are anxious to begin the work of reconciliation, which is and must be the sole basis of solid [ and enduring reconstruction. Heretofore cir? cumstances have been unfavorable for the initi? ation of a compromise which promises to ac? complish so much?uow the path is open and swept clear of all obstacles. The Democratic party have iudorsed the Liberal nominees and f>laced at the head of their ticket a man whose ife-long devotion to the colored people has never been called in question. The record of Horace Greeiey on this point is too well known to require a word of com? ment. The whites of the South have accepted him cordially, and they ask the blacks to join with them in securing his election. If the lat? ter will take the hand thus held out, work side by side with the former in the contest, which is sure to end in a glorious triumph, the treaty of friendship is signed and sealed. The two races are henceforth bound together by indis? soluble ties; prejudices and jealousies will gradually but surely melt away; an cm of peace and good feeling will be inaugurated, and both races can unite in restoring the South to that political and commercial position which justly belongs to her?and which she never can regain until such an alliance is consummated. Is it wise to throw away an opportunity which may never return ? Is it sensible to de? spise the lessons of the past, and allow the fu? ture to drift from bad to worse? The white people of the South have gone as far as they can go ; they do not ask the colored people to come to them?only to stand still and permit the two forces to be united. Will they do it? One mistaken notion had, at any rate, better be abandoned at once. The colored element docs not hold the balance of power in the pres? idential struggle. Grecley can afford to givo Grant every colored vote North and South, ami yet be elected. He can easily get along with? out them ; can they get along as easily without him, and without tfiosc influences which his election will set in motion ? Wc do not think so ; and, moreover, wc arc satisfied that before sixty days have passed a very large proportion of the colored people will not think so.?St. Louis Republican. ? That was a beautiful idea in the mind of a little girl who, on beholding a rose-bush, on the topmost stem of which a rose was fad? ing, whilst below and around it three beau? tiful crimson buds were just unfolding their charms, at once, and earnestly exclaimed to her brother: "Sec, William, these litflobnd; have awakened in time to kiss their mother before she dies.'' ? A student, defines flirtation to be attention without intention. To the Colored People.