Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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HOTT & CO., Proprietors. ANDERSON C. EL, S. C, THURSDAY MORNING, MAY 16, 1073. VOLUME "vTL?NO. 45. The Liberal Republican Candidates. We presume that every one will desire infor? mation concerning the early life and history of the two men nominated for the highest offices in the gift of the American people, and who are just now occupying so large a share of pub-' lie attention. One remarkable feature of the Cincinnati nomination is that both candidates earned their reputation in journalistic life, and hence the profession feels a commendable pride in placing before the public every incident "connected with their onward march to fame And greatness. We appeud sketches of Horace Greeley and Gratz Brown, as detailed by one of our exchanges: HORACE GREELEY, OF NEW YORK. , Horace Greeley, who is probably tho best known individual in America, was born en the 3rd of February. 1811, in Amherat, N. H , and is consequently sixty-one years of age. His descent is Scotch-Irish, and his ancestors; were members of that sturdy band who made famous 4he siege of Londonderry. The poverty of his father's family reduced him at a very early age, to the necessity of la? boring at the most arduous toil for the support of his family. At eleven years of age he per-1 formed a journey of one hundred and twenty five miles on foot, with all his worldly geur in a .small bundle thrown over his shoulder. Even at this age he hired himself to the neighboring farmers to cut wood, clear up "new grounds, tend serve otherwise in the humble capacity of lured laborer. In the meantime a taste for literature devel? oped itself. He enjoyed the most meagre pos? sible opportunities lor studying under instruc? tors, but such an were afforded him were seized .with avidity. At home, also, he pushed and diversified bis slender acquisitions by reading by a fire of pine knots all the books he could gather up in the neighborhood. In this way he soon becamayi kind of oracle among those of his own age/and an authority of no little note with the simple minded people of the neighborhood. It would appear that he was no dullard in divining his destiny, as it appears that he discovered a fixed intention to become a printer before he reached his teens, and de? voured any chance newspaper with something of the ferocity with which Dr. Johnson is said to have swallowed books. After various vicis .Situdes aud alterations of fortuue from bad to .worse, and hard to harder, he finally realized the art of settiug type, and finally started to New York. He reached that city in his twen? tieth year with ten dollars in his pocket For many weary days the awkward looking country boy sought employment in vain. His advent in New York is strikingly similar, in its cir? cumstances of discouragement, poverty and contempt to Dr. Franklin's first visit to Phila? delphia ; and the parallel continues as to the objects which the two adventurers proposed to themselves, their persistence iu effort, and the prompt success which awaited them as soon as their supercilious and,'doubtiug employers gave them an opportunity to display their capacity. Horace engaged in this department of tewpa per-making but a short time before he ven? tured, like Benjamin Franklin, to try the dex? terity of his pen. Will it be believed that one of the first sheets to which he contributed was a sporting paper, then as now, called the Spirit of the Times t Yet such is the fact, and while playing that gay role he also (and very natu? ra; ly) became ,u frequent habitue of theatres. The latter, however, was a matter of business as well as pleasure. In 1833 Mr. Greeley became one of the ori? ginators of the Morning Post, the first daily faper ever published in the City of New York, t is difficult to imagine the condition of things before the world realized the advantages of that great moral and historical luminary, the daily press, which now emits its light every morning as a fitting accompaniment of the sun as he rises upon the universe. It has become almost as indispensable as the means of illuminating Our dwellings. But, sad to say, the Morning Post, this avant courier of the glorious array of dailies, soon ceitsed-to exist, the public, it ap? pears, not bei Eg prepared torso venturous an innovation. The first number of the New Yorker, Mr. Greeley's next venture, made its appearance in 1834. In this journal we find him engaged in discussions which furnish extraordinary ex? amples of the consistency of his convictions ana principles, for we find them paraphrased in to-day's Tribune. Almost with the first ap? pearance of the New Yorker he began his at? tacks upon capital punishment; the coloniza? tion of the negroes; the evils of slavery; tem? perance reform, aud protection to American industry. In 1839 Mr. Greeley added to his editorial staff the talented and brilliant Henry J. Ray mood, subsequently so widely known as the editor of the New York Times, and about the same time edited the Jeffersonian aud the Daily Whig. In the famous Harrison campaign of 1840, he made his best hit by publishing a sheet which rejoiced iu the euphonious name of the Log Cabin, and it is unnecessary to say that he placed it on the side of Harrisou and the Whigs. In 1841 he started the Tribune, a journal through whose columns he has made himself recognized as the first journalist of America, if not the world. Since then his history nas been that of the Tribune, and the latter has been identified with the revolutions of Ameri? can politics. He has never wavered in his ad? herence to the principles he proposed for him? self or others. Commencing a Whig, he has stood firmly with that party through all its changes down to the present time. Henry. Clay was his especial favorite?his model of a statesman. Another distinguished son of Ken? tucky, John J. Critteuden, was the object of his warmest admiration. His opposition to slavery was not of a very earnest character un? til the annexation of Texas, from which time onward he never abated his antipathy and earnest hostility until it was forever abolished. His efforts in the cause of African freedom most signally exceeded in persistence, seal and suc? cess those of any other man in America. While a member of Congress, being elected in 1848, he signalized himself rather by his zeal as a working member in behalf of his favorite measures than ax an orator or debater. I In 1851 he went to Europe, as chairmen of one I of the committees of the great exhibition. At | the approach of the late unhappy war, he la- \ borea earnestly to reconcile differences between j the North and South, by striving to obtain from both sections a recognition of the constitution, and of those associated interests which be | charged were about to be sacrificed \o a mo-1 inentary gust of passion. During the war, it was his constant endeavor to alleviate necessa-1 ry horrore, and to mediate in behalf of the Sonth. For his earnestness in this noble effort he suffered that malignant persecution which small minds are prone to inflict upou a great? ness which is to them inaccessible. His gener? ous and independent course in becoming a surety on the bail bond of Jefferson Davis dis? gusted his party associates no less than it sur? prised the iio-called rebels and traitors?to use the mikl phraseology current with the party which claims the honor of his afliliation, with? out having the capacity to assimilate the na? tional instincts of his patriotism. Mr. Greeley has found time, in the midst of his multitudinous labors, to perform immense tasks as a lecturer and author. His works are either agricultural, historical or statistical. He made a most notable donation to the aspiring youth of America in his Recollections of a Busy Life, a familiar, detailed and philosophic portraiture of his own energetic, busy life. His great work entitled the American Conflict is an immense repository of facts aud statistics. As to the work entitled "What I Know About Farming," the supposition that only a practical farmer is capable of advising ou agncultural subjects, has subjected the author to some ridi? cule; but competent judges pronounce it to be entirely worthy of his general ability and vast miscellaneous knowledge. There are several others of equal note. As a lecturer he has treated a wide range of subjects with much applause, and in all sec-. tions of the country. His genius is much more ' cosmopolitan, much more varied, than is gen-1 erally supposed. It would surprise many to witness the flashes of wit and humor which play amid the solid works of his lecturing es? says ; and would, perhaps, be a cause of still greater amazement to hear that the Philoso? pher of Chapaqua has even been a poet. Yet the columns of the various old New York pa? per files contain abundant evidence ;hat such was the fact. The distinguishing traits of Horace Greeley's personality are blunt honesty, sturdy indepen? dence, philosophic range and clearness of vision, unfaltering and unwearying consistency and devotion to principle. He undoubtedly has faults, but they are not such as to tai nt his in? tentions with dishonesty. His mind is singu? larly emancipated from the shackles of party, sect or section. Its catholicity is as broad as the country as regards party and sections, and as universal as the human race in questions of moral economy. And there is no man proba? bly more fortunate in enjoying the absolute and most implicit confidence and affection of bis acquaintances and friends. Those who know him aud his writings best will not fail to discover that this imperfect sketch doesn't assume the character of eulogy. It is asserted by his enemies that his greatest fault is intemperate and partisan zeal or bigot? ry. Let the following extract from the Tribune answer, the reader taking it in connection with the fact that he has long been the champion protectionist of America: '"We have not asked or wished that protection shall be accepted or indorsed by the Liberals who see fit to be free? traders. We have denied the right of any con? vention or committee to make those Liberals who are protectionists profess or seem to be what they are not. We are not of one mind on this question. Then why not frankly say just that? We would not exclude or repel free traders from the movement if we could." governor b. gratz brown. The choice of the Cincinnati Convention for Vice-President w?is boru in Lexington Ky., May 28,1826. He graduated at the Transyl? vania University in 1815, and at Yale College in 1847. After studying law in Louisville he settled at St. Louis, Missouri, and was a mem? ber of the Legislature of that State from 1852 to 1858. It was about this period that he aided in establishing the Missouri Democrat, which journal he edited from 1854 to 1859. Although his father and grandfather before him?the lat? ter once a United States Senator from Ken? tucky?were men of the old Southern regime, it is a noteworthy fact that B. Gratz Brown, even in his youth, entertained fixed ideas against the institution of slavery, and a speech which he made in the Legislature of Missouri, as far back as 1857, was the initial step in be? half of freedom in that State. His subsequent life has followed in the line dictated by his ear? lier feelings. At the outbreak of the war he volunteered and raised a regiment, which he commanded during its terra of service and which assisted in the capture of Camp Jackson. He afterward, during an invasion of the State, commanded a brigade of militia; and through? out the whole secession war not only did he take a most active part in favor of the govern? ment-, but he was one of the foremost in organ? izing the movement which resulted in the ordi? nance of freedom in 1S64. He was elected to Congress, as senator from Missouri, from 1863 to 18(i7, during which term he served on the committees for military affairs, Pacific Railroad, Indian affairs, public build? ings and grounds, printing, and as chairman of the committee on contingent expenses of the Senate. On the death of S. Foot he subse ! quently served as chairman of the committee \ on public buildings and grounds. But it is since the war that the political career of Gov? ernor Brown has been brought most conspicu? ously before the world, by taking a decidea step among the foremost of those who were opposed to the centralizing influences at work in Wash? ington. It was in the year 1870, when Govern? or McClurg was put forward for a renomination, that Washington dictation introduced those dissensions in the Republican ranks which, t though like the storm-cloud, at first no bigger than the prophet's hand, have since grown to the tremendous movement which culminated in the convention just held at Cincinnati.? Gratz Brown, on being put in nomination against McClurg, so roused the Missourians against the attempted dragooning of citizens into voting for the latter, at the orders of the Grant administration, that party dictation was crushed in Missouri, and Gratz Brown?to the astonishment of every one?elected over the Grant candidate by a majority of forty thou? sand. From that time forward, both in speech and in writing, he has been an ever-active op? ponent of administrative interference with lo? cal government, and as such became the lead? ing champion of the important movement which has terminated in his nomination as Vice-President of United StateB. Governor Brown is a man of most decided character and intense energy; and being not yet forty-six years of age is iu the full enjoy? ment of all his powers, mental and physical. Tea and Coffee.?The bill to admit tea and coffee into this country free of duty has at last become a law. It goes into effect on the 1st of July, after which date all tea and coffee in bonded warehouses will be delivered to the owners free of duty. This will enable import? ers to continue their business without interrup? tion, as it will not be necessary that the articles Bhall corno into tho country after tho 1st of Ju? ly in order to bring them within the provisions of the act. The tax thus taken off is only three cents on coffee and fifteen on tea, but its repeal will probably make a reduction of twice as much in the prices of those articles. ? I once knew an industrious boy whose parents were poor but honest. He began life without a cent. Ho had a wart ou his nose and a sore foot; but nothing daunted, he worked with a determination and a will, backed by i Eerseveronce aud energy, and nobly fought is way along, surmounting every obstacle. Mark the result. Last week I met him for tho first time in ten years, and that little boy who began life only ten short years ago without a ceat; han't got a darned ccnfc'yet V Platform of the Liberal Republican Party. We give below the full text of the address and platform adopted by the Liberal Republi? cans at the Cincinnati Convention: ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE. Tbe Administration now in power has ren? dered itself guilty of wanton disregard of the laws of the land, and of usurpation of powers not granted by the Constitution. It has acted j as if the laws had binding force only for those who are governed, and not for those who gov? ern. It has thus struck a blow at the funda? mental principles of constitutional government and the liberties of citizens. The President of the United States has openly used the powers and opportunities of high office for the promo? tion of personal ends. He has kept notorious? ly corrupt and unworthy men in places of pow? er and responsibility to the detriment of the public interests. He has med the public service of the Gov? ernment as machinery of partisan and person? al influence, and interfered with tyrannical ar? rogance in the political affairs of States and muuicipaliti.es. He has rewarded with influ? ential and lucrative offices men who had ac? quired his favor by valuable presents, thus stimulating demoralization of our political life by his conspicuous example. He has shown himself deplorably uneqtnl to the tasks im? posed upon him by the ne ?ities of the coun? try, ana culpably careless f the responsibili? ties of his high office. The partisans -of the Administration, as? suming to be the Republican party and con? trolling its organization, have attempted to jus? tify such wrongs, and palliate such abuses, to the end of maintaining partisan ascendency. They have stood in the way of necessary in? vestigations and indispensible reforms, pre? tending that no serious fault could be found with the present administration of public af? fairs, thus seeking to blind the eyes of the peo? ple. They have kept alive the passions and resentments of the late civil war, to use them to their own advantage. They have resorted to arbitrary measures, in direct conflict with the organic law, instead of appealing to the better instincts and latent patriotism of the Southern people, by restoring to them those rights, the enjoyment of which is indispensable to a suc? cessful administration of their local affairs, and would tend to promote a patriotic and hopeful national feeling. They have degraded them? selves and the name of their party, once justly entitled to the confidence of the nation, by a base sycophancy to the dispenser of Executive power and patronage, unworthy of Republican freemen. They have sought to stifle the voice of just criticism, to stifle the moral sense of the people, to subjugate public opinion by tyranni? cal party discipiline. They aro striving to maintain themselves in authority for selfish ends by an unscrupulous use of power which rightfully belongs to tho people, and should be I employed only in the service of the country. Believing that an organization thus led and controlled can no longer be of service to the best interests of the Republic, we have resolved to make an independent appeal to the sober judgment, conscience and patriotism of the American people. * ] THE PLATFORM. We, the Liberal Republicans of the United States, in National Convention assembled at Cincinnati, proclaim the following principles essential to a just Government: First?We recognize the equality of men be? fore the law, and hold that it is the duty of the Government in its dealings with the people to meet out equal and exact justice to all of what? ever nativity, race, color or persuasion, religi? ous or political. Second?We pledge ourselves to maintain the Union of these States, emancipation and enfranchisement, and to oppose auy re-opening of the questions settled by the Thirteenth and Fifteenth Amendments of the Constitution. Third?We demand the immediate and ab? solute removal of all disabilities imposed on account of the rebellion, which was finally sub? dued seven years ago, believing that universal amnesty will result in the complete pacifica-1 tion of all sections of the country. Fourth?Local self-government, with impar? tial suffrage, will guard the rights of all citi? zens more securely tuau any centralized power. The public welfare requires the supremacy of the civil over the military authority, and the freedom of person under the protection of the habeas corpus. We demand for the individual the largest liberty consistent with public order, for the Stutes self-government, and for the na? tion a return to the methods of peace, and the constitutional limitation of power. Fifth?The civil service of the Government has become a mere instrument of partisan ty? ranny and personal ambition, and an object of selfish greed. It is a scandal aud reproach upon our free institutions, and breeds a demor? alization dangerous to the perpetuity of repub? lican government. We, therefore, regard a thorough reform of the civil service as one of the most pressing necessities of the hour; that honesty, capacity and fidelity constitute the only valid claims to public employment; that the officers of tho Government cease to be a matter of arbitrary favoritism and patronage, and that public stations become again posts of honor. To this end it is imperatively required that no President shall be a candidate for re elcctiou. Sixth?We demand a system of Federal tax? ation which shall not unnecessarily interfere with the industry of the people, and which shall provide means necessary to pay the ex? penses of the government, economically admin? istered, pensions, the interest ou tho public debt, ana a moderato reduction annually of the principal thereof, aud recognizing that there are in our midst houest but irreconcilable dif? ferences of opinion with regard to the respec? tive systems of protection and free trade, we remit discussion of tbe subject to the people of their Congressional districts, and to the decision of Congress thereon, wholly free of Executive interference or dictation. Seventh?The public credit must be sacredly maintained, and we denounce repudiation in every form and guise. Eighth?A speedy return to specie payments is demanded alike by the highest considera? tions of commercial morality and honest gov? ernment. Ninth?We remember with gratitude tho heroism and sacrifices of tho-eoldiers and sail? ors of the Republic, and no act of ours shall ever detract from their justly earned fame or the full reward of their patriotism. Tenth?We arc opposed to all further grants of lands to railroads or other corporations.? The public domain should be held sacred to ac? tual settlers. Eleventh?We hold that it is the duty of tbe Government in its intercourse with foreign na? tions to cultivate the friendship of peace by treating with all oa fair and equal terms, re? garding it alike dishonorable cither to demand what is not right, or to submit to what is wrong. Twelfth?For the promotion and success of these vital principles, and the support of the candidates nominated by this Convention, we ! invite and cordially welcome the co-operation of all tho patriotic citizens without regard to I previous political afiliatioaB. 1 Extract from Gor. Vance's Speech at the Greensboro Convention. We are confident that the annexed extract from the eloquent speech of Hon. Z. B. Vance, delivered at the State Convention of North Carolina on the 1st of May, will prove accep? table to our readers. His reputation as an ora? tor is fully sustained in this speech, which we find reported in the Charlo'.te Daily Despatch: History gives many examples of people who have thrown off a foreign joke, but who were not able to preserve the liberties which they had achieved, because they were not able when j the strife was over to surround them with the | safeguards necessary for their protection in I times of peace. The encroachments upon civil J liberty in the days of our ancestors, led them by constitutional enactments to guard those liberties oy certain muniments, such as the habeas corpus, the freedom of the press, the right of trial by jury, and the right of repre? sentation according to taxation, every one of which rights was held to be an element of the j life and liberty of every subject. Our liberties cannot be invaded until these rights are over? thrown or denied. How could our distin? guished chairman have been treated with such indignity if this writ of habeas corpus had not been trampled upon ? How could the citizens of your State have been thrust into hateful dungeons if the liberty of the press had been denied? How could your property have been stolen and the credit of your State ruined by fraudulent taxation, if the people had been al? lowed the right of representation according to taxation? How could they be branding the names of your honorable countrymen with in? famy aud incarcerating them without legal pro? cess, if they had not denied them the right of trial by jury? Your liberties could not bo de? stroyed without first destroying the muniments. The idea seems to prevail that what we most need in the South is wealth?development of our resources, &c. The papers arc full of it, the public speeches teem with it. Every lean hungry Yankee that comes dov/n here begins to talk of developing this and developing that. You ought to have railroads, and they have tried to develop us by their railroad bills.? [Laughter,] And they have done it, haven't they ? [Repeated laughter.] You might make the whole land full of railroads, but they will not make our condition much better. Our people will not all believe this, but my dear un? converted friends, [laughter,] it is liberty we want and railroads are not liberty. I visited the great Northwest lately and be? held its wealth and progress, and found it very great indeed. But amid it all, the old fash? ioned ideas of liberty and constitutional gov? ernment were fast fading out before the ad? vances of centralization to which they all seemed resigned. The accumulation of riches absorbs every other idea. But I tell you that no amount of wealth, no height of perfection in the arts aud sciences, no degree of* national glory or oxtent of empire can compensate for the loss or disregard of those principles which guard our rights and liberties, f The histwy.of the world confirms this truth, j The Egyptians and Assyrians exceeded us in their magnificent arts, but they were the veriest slaves the world ever saw. The Hun excelled us in military prowess, but they were disgusting barbarians. 1 he Romans far surpassed us in extent of empire and national glory, but they were only free whilst they were poor. In the [>ride of their greatness and magnificence they ost sight of their liberties and sunk into ruin and decay. Roman liberty was born and flour? ished in the hovels of the Latian hills, it per? ished in the palaces of the Casars. The Tar? tars were a set of fiends and witches, outcasts from society, yet they were mighty in military achievements. Mighty towns, empires, states and countries fell before their victorious march. This tendency to develope may be a tendency to ruin?a tendency to despotism and slavery. The things we have to do are not to pile up great works of art, not to build miles of rail? roads and magnificent palaces of luxury, but to preserve these muniments of our liberties by which the humblest man of our country shall not have a single footstep impeded in "his la bora, for his family, nor a single private right invaded without due process of law. All the use we have for armies and navies is to uphold the authority of civil law. The ships of war and troops of soldiers should be used, p.nd only used to preserve these requirements of liberty ?to say to the arresting officer, you shall not put this man in a dungeon without due process of law?to subject them to the writ of habeas corpus. If you neglect these rights, or if you sutler them to be invaded with inipuuity or without protest, you may despair of liberty. I was almost in despair of tho liberties of this country, when I saw the people of the North calmly surrendering principles in their blind hatred of the South ; and if you dared to raise your voice in their defense it was stifled by fresh cries of treason, aud even the Presi? dent of the United States was threatened with impeachment because he dared to hold that it was not in I he legislative power of the govern? ment to override the judicial and executive au? thority. I confess I was almost in despair, but, thank God, there is a rift in the cloud that overspreads this down-trodden country. I th|nk Godj, that out of the bosom of this party itself such men as Trumbull, Schurz, Greeley and others have had their eyes open to its strides toward despotism, and are rising in their might to contend for the first principles of civil liberty. Judgment must begin at the house of God. When we were powerless judgment be? gan there. You and I could not appeal to them, for we had a record of treason and re? bellion that was odious to them. Numbers of these great men are rising up. The God of day begius to herald his approach. If wise and prudent in the exercise and maintenance of our rights we may yet rejoice in hope of the glory of victory. It is always pleasaut to receive returning con? verts, but no pen can express nor tongues com? bined can tell the doom that awaits those trai? tors and oppressors who have been zealous in heaping infamy and outrage upon their coun? trymen. [Applause.] And wheu that day of redemption snail dawn, I hope we shall all be able to say, "I faltered not in the hour of trial." I am in this matter a believer in the final per? severance of the saints. When liberty aoes come to us, it will come with strength and pow-' er, and come to stay. In conclusion, let me recommend to yon what tho Apostle Paul wrote to his beloved son | Timothy, when so many who had professed to ' standby him, were ashamed of his chains.? j "For the hope of Israel I am bound with this chain : fight the good fight of Faith." If we suffer to too end, we shall see the gates of lib? erty unfolding to receive us?there we shall by and by enter into the blessed enjoyments of lasting peace and liberty. [Tremendous cheer? ing-] ?? It is said that a man in Caroline county, Md., has a little lamb that is very fond of rab? bit hunting, and will follow the dogs in that sport with all the zest of a greyhound. Every? where the jovial hunters go "the lamb is sure to went" " i Gor. Scott'? History of "My Administration." The world-renowned occupant of the Execu? tive Department of South Carolina condescen? ded to address his beloved constituents in Charleston, while on a visit to that city last week, and the result of his stupendous effort at speech-making is thus reported by the Charles? ton Daily Republican, the recognized organ of the Radical party: Governor Scott was then introduced to the meeting, and, after applause, proceeded to ad i dress the meeting. He said that for four years j he had not had the pleasure of addressing his I constituents, during which time great events had occurred ; that he had deemed it his duty ! to be present, for the purpose of reviewing, in j a manner, the position with which he had been j entrusted; that the position conferred upon \ him had been unsought, but that he was not in- j sensible to tbe honor conferred. There had been grave and serious responsibilities to as-1 sume, which he considered should have been j undertaken by one versed in public affairs; 1 j ihat it was almost an impossibility for any man to conciliate the different elements, and that he j felt that impossibility and the grave doubts that he had in accomplishing what he had un- j dertaken. From the moment that his adminis tion had been inaugurated, it had been de- j nounced as illegitimate; that, on assuming the duties, he had an empty treasury, with not a I dollar to meet the current expenses; that the j government had met with no encouragement, I and that it was pronounced a failure, and would be overturned; that great difficulties had to be i I encountered in all the Southern States; that embarrassment surrounded all the affairs of j this State; that during the first two years of his administration no taxes were paid, and that it was necessary to provide meaus ;o sustain the government. He said that it was his high? est ambition to uphold the credit of the State, and believed that it was possible to do so, had not opposition to his udmiuistration been so unscrupulously urged. The Governor was in? terrupted at this stage of his remarks, but or? der was partially restored by the Chair. The Governor then said that he was not anxious to speak, and if any one wanted to do so, they could proceed. He then announced that he was no candidate for re-election, and would not arraign any faction ; and that his endeavor was to correct any errors that had been made in his administration. The remarks of his Excellency were again interrupted, and, from all appearances, a con? certed plan to disturb the proceedings bad been agreed upon. Order was again restored, and the assembly became quiet. The Governor then asked if he had any friends there, and was answered "yes." He said he could answer, to the satisfaction of all, any questions that might be asked; and he then proceeded to review the condition of the State during the year 1870. He spoke of the Ku Klux organization throughout the upper por? tion of South Carolina, and the organization of the militia; that soon after the militia had been organized, an attack had been made by the Ku Klux upon colored men. in the Coun? ties of Chester and York, and that murder and whipping had been visited upon some; that Fairheld County had been visited, aud arms taken ; that out of 4,000 stuud of arms, the Ku Kiux had taken and destroyed 3,U0O. Now, what was the duty of the Executive under these circumstances? Did he take the arms from the city of Charleston? During this time, their friends were hung up to trees and shot. The Legislature was in session, aud, if the meeting would listen, he would tell them the duty of the Legislature. That body did not deem it expedient to put the refractory counties under martial law; and yet it had been said that Ac had not done his duty. Now, how many in that meeting would have gone up to meet ex-Confederate soldiers, who had served four years in the war ? Not one! and the men who were anxious for martial law would not have gone. What was his duty ? To call for United States troops ? The Governor had no power to call on the United States, while the Legislature was in session, and when he did call for them, it was with reluctance. When the Legislature adjourned, he asked for troops, and got them in ten days afterward. His de? sire was for peace and the enforcement of the law. He had a conference with the leading men of the opposition, who were interested in good order and peace. He was astonished that men in the low country remained quiet, while those in the upper country were being whipped. He was surprised at this quietude. He did not approve of retaliation. He hoped that he bad answered the question. The Governor was again interrupted, and great confusion ensued, a Mr. Hardy, an cx-memberof the Legislature, desiring him to answer a question, and pro? ceeded to make a speech in support of his ques? tion. The Governor said he would answer the question, but would not allow a speech, until his remarks were concluded. The question of Mr. Hardy was repeated, when the Governor desired to know if such remarks were to be al? lowed in a. Republican meetiug, and finally took his seat, the opposition resorting to all manner of actions to prevent him from continuing. Major Delany then rose, and desired that the meeting should be quiet. That he felt hu? miliated by the proceedings. That they were in duty louud to hear the Governor of the Commouwealtb, and they should give him that respect which his exalted position entitled him to. He wanted common decency. That he was opposed to the Governor politically, but wanted every respect accorded to him. "That he was a true representative of the negro race, and that the race was being disgraced by these unheard of proceedings. At the conclusiou of Major Delany's speech, tbe Governor resumed his remarks, and statea that he would speak to his friends at some fu? ture time. He knew where the disturbance came from, and but a short time would elapse ere office-holders under the government would not be allowed to disturb the proceedings of another meeting. [He was again interrupted and took hii seat.J Judge T. J. Mackey then took the stand, and said that, as a Charlestonian and a Republican, be had never known such proceedings before, in the history of this State To-morrow night, these men would be silcut; that they came to the meeting, acting in accordance with the j views of that convicted felon, C. C. Bowen, and ! none of these men would show their faces in ' another meeting. After the close of Judge Mackey's remarks,' Major Delany again demanded that the Gov-; ernor should be heard, and that he must be heard. You have not given, 6aid he, tbe Gov? ernor an opportunity of stating about the finan? ces of the State. What the people most desired ! to hear was about the condition of the State.: They had the declaration from his Excellency that he would not be a candidate, and just at this time the question was about being solved, whether the negro race could appreciate the position which they occupied; ar.d now tbe opposition would see that they were not pre pared for self-government, and these white men would laugh at them, and pronounce them unfit for the position which uad beeu accorded htcrn. I At this stagb of the proceedings, the parties : who had been disturbing the meeting were ejec j ted from the room and order restored. The Governor again occupied the stand, and i said that he wanted to make a plain statement, ? and if he was not allowed to speak there, he j would elsewhere. He knew he was among ; friends, and that he could carry the country by , a three-fourths vote, if he again became a can* ? didale; and that the opposition, by its action, j were doing the very thing to make him a can I didate, ana a succesful one, too. He said that j not one dollar of the money of the State had j been used by him, as Governor; that the bonds ! had been placed upon the market, and money borrowed upon them. Every means had been used to depress the credit of "the State. It was impossible to carry on the affairs of the State I without money; that there had not been raised i enough money to pay the expenses of the State; i that his administration had oecn left a debt to j pay, without anything to meet it. By reference to the appropriation bill, it would be seen that I no more taxation had been levied than was ne i cessary to meet the legitimate expenditures of the State. The Treasurer bad borrowed money to meet the deficiency. The taxes had not been collected, hence the difficulty. He referred to the Land Commission, and said that it had been badly managed, but that he was not responsible for its actions, and spoke of the $700,000 which had been expended. Money was to be raised from some source or the other to meet the affairs of the State. The nine mills tax which bad been levied was enough, if the taxes had been paid; and ail expenses .could have been met. Philosophy taught that no two bodies could do the same thing at one time. Over $100,000 had to be provided for when the Legislature met to meet its expenses. He spoke at greater length, de? monstrating to the satisfaction of a majority present that his endeavors had been given to an economical government. The Governor was followed by several other speakers, and at a late hour the meeting ad? journed. A License to Preach the Gospel. It is a fact that Ministers are required to take out a license to preach, under the law lately passed by the Legislature of South Carolina. It is difficult to write calmly, and in a Christian spirit, about this last, crowning act of infamy; yet, it is the duty of the press and the people to herald the fact to the world, that in this day, generally conceded to be one of great civiliza? tion and enlightenment, for the first time in the history of the world, the minister of the Gos? pel of God is required to pay for the privilege. In every civilized community, ever since per? secutions and inquisitions have ceased,' the minister of Christ has been regarded as pecu? liarly privileged, from the nature of his high calling, and his person uf?. been more carefully and respectfully guard?d, for his work's sake. And in almost all Christian communities, the {?roperty of religious corporations, used for re igious purposes, has been exempted from tax* ation, and uot required to afford any revenue to the government. If such is the case, upon I what ground can it be held that a minister must be taxed ? The pittance that may be derived from the imposition of this tax, will not exceed six thou? sand dollars; but that is not the question at all. The real point to be considered is the ten* dency of this ruling. It demonstrates the grasping, covetuous, diabolical disposition of the authorities of this State. To squeeze every dollar that they possibly can, and use it in a fraudulent manner, to pay debts fraudulently contracted, to fatten themselves upon the earn* ings of honest toil, is the purpose of these cor? morants. The office of the minister of Christ has hith? erto in a measure been held sacred. The min? ister was not called upon to perform many du? ties which other citizens were required to per? form. The levying of this tax has a tendency to obliterate all these distinctions which the wisdom and delicacy of law-givers has thrown around ministers, and leave no outward indica? tion of the sanctity of their position. These distinctions were made because of the sanctity which respecters of religion bad for the cause, but in these days, South Carolina's rulers have no such respect and no need for religion. Who ever beard of ministers being required I to take out license under the U. S. Internal Revenue Laws, or any other that was ever framed; and yet it was conceded that those laws reached everything that was taxable. Being no candidate for office, and not con? cerned in politics, we cannot be accused of say? ing what we are about to say, for political pur? poses, nor do we care whether or not we are accused of so doing, but we would invite the colored men who have hitherto given tbeif support to the Republicans at the head of this government, to consider this new feature of Radical law, and to ask tberu whether they will adhere to and support the authors of such a law ? The colored: man like the white, pays taxes on all he has (the more property he has the greater are his taxes) and yet at this time he beholds the State nearly tweuty millions of dollars in debt, two-thirds of which has been added within little more than a year; the Bchool-honses closed, industry of every descrip? tion paralyzed; the taxes growing more bur tbensorae every year, and he not one wbit im? proved by all the laws that have been enacted, and every promise made to him unfulfilled.? Finally, invading a hitherto sacred domain, this Radical government taxes your ministers. The Gospel is no longer free, the church is no longer free, the Altar of God has been polluted by the Radical tax-gatherer, and yet you stick to him closer than to a brother. The contemplation of such blasphemous ac? tion as requiring a license to preach the Gospel to fallen man, is shocking auo horrible.?Cam den Journal. Worthy of Imitation.?Dr. Durham in? forms us that an industrious freedman, named Bird Upshaw, living on his land near Watkins ville. hit Upon a new idea in cotton planting. Having but one horse and plow, which was era ployed in opening the furrows in which to drop the seed, he must either wait until done laying off, or resort to the tedious process of covering bv hand. Not wishing to do either, he con? structed a very light plow for covering the ceed _to which he" attached himself ns 3 horse, and an old man acted as plowman. They were thus enabled to follow immediately after the drop? per, without loss of time, and in this manner twentv five acres were planted. We commend to persons similarly situated the employment of this new expedient. Bird says it was as easy work as he ever performed on a farm. The case recorded by Sut Lovengood may be cited to prove that this is not a novelty in ploughing: but it will be recollected that, so far from having been a success, the experiment of Sut's daddy resulted disastrously.?Athens (Ga.) Watchman. ? Persistent effort and untiring perseverance will move mountains of difficulties, and smooth the roughest places. Fortune seldom lays her bounty at the feet of the indolent, listless and indifferent She must be courted by unceasing vigilance, flattered by patient attention, and. managed by guarded and- politic action. "