Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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1 , i. ? ?1 " : 1 HOYT & CO., Proprietors. ANDERSON 0. ft", S. C, THURSDAY MORNING, MARCH 21, 1872. VOLUME Vn.?NO. 37. The Deplorable Condition of oar Public Affairs as Described by a Tribune Correspondent Washinston, February 22. The condition of South Carolina is deplora? ble. In the days of secession it was the greatest offender. In the days of reconstruction it is the greatest sufferer. The government of the State was formerly in the hands of an aristocracy.? They were a body of men jealous, wilful, dog? matic, but high-toned and honorable. The roll of its representatives in Congress for near three quarters of a century, the names of its civic and military heroes in the war of the revolution, shine with a lustre that is undimmed by com? parison with the men Of any other State. True to the souvenirs of its former history, it precipitated the slaveholders' rebellion, and led its hosts to their doom. It sought in its pas? sion a bloody arbitrament on the field of battle, and a bloody arbitrament it has had. With 60,000 voters, it put 70,000 soldiers in the ffeld. The end. came, and South Carolina was black with, desolation. The smoke and the fire of civil war ascended from every household,; and the stain of blood was on the garments of .eve? ry survivor. Its young men had swiftly gone down to bloody graves till the dead outnum? bered the living. The means of support were swept away as oy fire and whirlwind. Havoc, and spoil, and ruin were its only'gain. This is where the end of rebellion left South Carolina What has been its condition since ? What is ib i condition now ? ' The population of the State is something over 400,000 blacks, and something tinder 300, 000 whites. The result of the war has made a yet greater disproportion in the comparative numbers .of the voting population. These are estimated to be in the proportion of40,000 white to 60,000 black voters, the aggregate being over 100,000. But in the Legislature, out of 124 members, there are but thirteen representatives; of the white minority. The rest of the assem? bly is black, with the exception that here and there is a white representative of a black con? stituency. There are enough of these, along with a few intelligent colored people, to lead the great miss of ignorance ana barbarism of which the main body is composed. Without going into details, it is enough to say that the men who lead and manage the Legislature and the State Government are thieves and miscreants. The great body of the Legislature are the ignorant and corrupt in? struments with which the leaders work, and though the individuals composing this mass ore bought and sold like cattle in the market, their venality in some cases is relieved of much of its criminality by reason of the denseness of their ignorance. Numbers of the blacks who occupy seats in the Legislature regard them? selves' only in the light of employees of the Government. Their pay is six dollars a day for their separate votes on every measure in which there is money. These votes are bought and sold without even a pretence of biding the flagitious transaction. The negro is hardly Conscious of criminality while he makes his bargain. He owns his mule. He sells it. He owns his chicken. He sells it He considers his vote jui t as much a part of his personal property as his mule and his chicken. Why should he not sell it also? He does sell it, and he naively wonders that anybody should com? plain. Of course, the scale of pay varies. It is just according to each man's intelligence and ra? pacity. A few hundred dollars in special grat? uities is enough to satisfy the demands of a plantation negro. Others get more, and more, and more. One of the smartest sort was ac? cused, the other day. or the door of the House, by a colleague, with then having $12,000 of State bonds m his pocket, corruptly obtained. And the charge was not; denied. Bat the evidence of gross and universal cor? ruption is palpable in the way everybody, lives who has anything to do with the Government. There is a happy-go-luck air among them all. If a black gets into the Legislature, that is enough. He works no more. He has no occa? sion. . He has money enough. It is the same with the occupants of the executive offices. All are sleek and fat with their ill-gotten gains.? They are like .pirates who have captured a richly-laden ship. They riot in the plunder, caring not at all for, nor even thinking Of, the owners. Bat the irrefragable evidence of gigantic theft and corruption stands like a monument in the vast increase of the State debt, an in? crease for which there is nothing to show. The. State may be searched in vain to find where the money has. gone. It is in no public work. It is in no schemes of public improvement. It has simply been stolen. It has gone into the pockets of the highway robbers who compose the legislative ana the executive government of the State. Behold the stupendous sums! In 186?, the bonded debt, according to the re Sirt of the Congress Committee, who have tely returned from their investigations, was, in round numbers, ?5,058,000. In 1868, it was $6,454,000. On the 20th of December, 1871, it had risea to the enormous aggregate of $15, 768,000. It was not even certain that this sum covered the whole liabilities of the State. So much fraud and complicity in corrupt practices by the State officials had been developed, .so much chicanery had been unearthed, so much wilful concealment and apparent ignorance of the amount of the robberies and issues of the State bonds was manifested, that there was no certainty that even the frightful aggregate which was established would not be augmented when all the plundering had come to light. But whether it be more or not, we-have here au addition to the State debt since the war of near $11,000,000. And this sum has.been, mil? lion by million, dollar by dollar, deliberately stolen by the villains who have had possession of the State since that period, with-the excep? tion of such moderate sums as were necessita? ted by the measures of reconstruction.. ? . The methods of robbery, have been too vari? ous and universal to be enumerated in an ex? position so general as this. Suffice it to say, that they have involved everybody of any ac count who belongs to the majority. It is a trembling morass of corruption that shakes un? der the tread of the investigation. There is no chance to stop or punish the flagrant crimes that have been committed, because everybody,, outside of a mere handful of representatives of the tax-payers, is implicated. Whatever vil? lainy is exposed, or whatever investigation is threatened, silence is at once restored by threat? en ing the threateners with au examination of thiir own criminality. It is simply a band of robbers threatening to tell on one another.? Was there ever such a burlesque on free gov? ern men t ? - The State is mired, and there seems to be no standing ground for an effort at extrication.?, And yet it must be extricated, or government is a failure. As has been already said there are but thirteen repr?sentatives out of 124 mem? bers of the Legislature who are regarded as ren reBentatlves of the tax-payers of the State. Of these, eight come from two upper Counties ad? joining Georgia These representatives are tired of a hopcles? struggle against the thieves who have plunged the State in bankruptcy, and threaten general confiscation. These two Counties have petitioned to be set off to Georgia. As their excision would just about extinguish the trifling minority of the Legislature, and leave it a unit in its corruptions, it is supposed the majority will grant the prayer. So that the last remnant of the holding ground of the tax-payers seems to be on the point of disap? pearing. It is thus that 300,000 white people, more or less, composing the intelligence and property holders of the State, are put under tiie heel of 400,000 pauper blacks, fresh from a state of slavery and ignorance most dense. Guided by unprincipled- adventurers from other States, who make use of these freed men as. their agents for the most nefarious acts which were ever committed under the shelter of republican forms of government, this blind and unintelli? gent mass is precipitated upon the intelligence and wealth of the State till they are buried out of sight. It is sometimes asked why the white people of the State do not endeavor to influence the blacks by kind.treatment and persuasion as to their true interests. The answer is, that the. jealousy of the black of his old master is pro? found, unyielding and. universal. Where the landest personal relations prevail,, where the freed men remain on the old plantations, aod work the land on shares in contentment .and harmony with the proprietors, the testimony is that, so far as voting is concerned, the old mas j ter is utterly without influence. He cannot obtain a vote or the promise of a vote. In this matter, the black will listen only to the J unprincipled adventurer who rides through the country claiming to be one of those who gave freedom to the slaves. Conscious of their pre-, sent liberty, the freed nan's dread of its possi? ble loss makes him the most suspicious and ap? prehensive.of mortals. In poverty and , sick? ness, in trials and. troubles, he resorts to his old master, and seeks his aid and counsel with a childlike confidence. But in voting, he is steeled to his advice,; and will die before he will take iL . ... Thus overwhelmed and. helpless, what is the average property-holding citizen to. do ? He aims faithfully to get upon his legs^ftpd keep upon his legs, but the grinding taxaram actu? ally imposed, and still more that which is, threatened,' makes him despair of escaping vir? tual confiscation. He would get out of the State if he could, but there is nobody to buy his property.. On a visit to South Carolina, a few years ago. Senator Sprague, of Rhode Is-; land, attracted bj the great natural advantages' of a water power at the capital of the State, purchased it, and spent a considerable sum of money preparatory to starting manufactories there. The development, soon after, of the corruptions and measureless robberies of,the State Government, brought his operations to a dead stand, and now he only awaits the forlorn hope of an opportunity to extricate his venture from the clutches of the thieves and villians who have the State by the throat and are suck-, ing its life's blood, "Why don't you rebel again?" asked a Bos? ton man who was lately traveling through the State. ''This time you would have a reason." Alas, why? Subjected to oppressive condition, such as it may be safely said no State or com? munity in the civilized world is to-day endur? ing, the white minority in South Carolina are quiet and dumb. They have no life. Their spirit has gone out. Their inertia amounts to demoralization. The fires of war licked up all their available substance. The grave covers a generation of their fighting men. Until time repairs the waste of blood and sinew lost by war, there is no material to organize into re? sistance. . At present, there seems to be no heart for it, and no thought of it. But do not the wild crimes of the Ku Kin:: youth of the State foreshadow a possible fature for that wretched people that demands the earnest at? tention of thoughtful statesmen? Shall we,: too, have a Poland in the Sotith? Can we ex? pect long to regulate the internal administra? tion of law ana justice in the State bt military rule? And, after all, are the Ku Klux out? rages but the expiring embers of an old contest, or are they in many cases the kindling sparks of a new ? One thing seems plain to the most ordinary apprehension^ The condition of things now. existing in South -Carolina would not be borne, a month in any Northern State without a tax? payers'' league being organized to resist* the payment of all taxes imposed for fraudulent purposes, and without the swift establishment of a court of Lynch law. So much treason as that exists in the blood of every American cit? izen worthy of his birth-right, . ' Admit everything, and has.not -South. Caro? lina suffered enough ? . Admit that she was a hot-bed of sedition. Admit that she was the J caaldron in which was. conducted the. venom that poisoned a nation. Admit anything.and everything. Is there to be no expiation ? < Re? collect that a generation is rapidly rising that had no hatld in these things?a generation al? ready more than half-way to its maturity. The Taxes this Year.?The rate of tax ?ation this year will be about twenty, times as much as we were accustomed to pay before the war. Yes, more than that There will be about ten times as much collected on less than, haif tbe amount of taxable property, which would of itself increase the rate over twenty times; and,. besides this,' real estate was for? merly assessed at never more than half its selling value, which, being taken into conside? ration, throws the.^)resentjrate up'to at least twenty-five times as much as that which was customary in ante bellum days. What a com? mentary on reconstruction and so-called Re? publicanism in1 South Carolina! The various taxes are as follows: For State purposes, 8 mills; for County purposes, 3 mills; Blue Ridge aid, 3 mills; interest on public debt, 6 mills?total, 20 mills. We have here two per cent on all the property in the State, appa rently, but when, as Is the fact, a great part of the real estate is assessed at a higher sum than its real or maricet?rjle'val?e", this two per cent, must be proportionally increased; The entire taxable propertv, as returned In the Comptrol? ler's report of 1870-71, is assessed at $183,913, 3t>7. It is to be presumed that the property in the Sr/>te has increased some. To be safe, and to pot it in round numbers, we will say that it amounts to $184,000;000. Two percent, on that-wirl amount to $3,680,000, which is about $1,200,000 more than Comptroller General Neagle's extravagant estimates. To this must be added the immense receipts from the Li? cense Act, which we have heard no one esti? mate at less than $1,000,000. There is no tell? ing, even approximately, what amount will be wrenched from the people under this most in? famous mode of raising revenue. But take it at $1,000,000. We then have to defray expen? ses to the sum of $4,680,000. The entire ap? propriations of the Genetral Assembly, outra? geous and extravagant though they bo, and the interest on the .public debt, all summed up, will reach over $2,000,000?which leaves a balance of $2,080,000 for Scot', Barker & Co., for oloctioneeriug purposes and private use. It is just as we predicted som-d time back. The bond swindles are played out, and the greedy cormorants are now turning upon the people. The hard-handed farmers must be ground to the dust to gratify their pampered and profligate desires.?Columbia Phasnix. A Pen Picture of Carl Schurz. George Alfred Townsend, the Washington correspondent of the-- Chicago Tribune, contri? butes the following graphic picture of the Ger? man orator and soldier'.' Carl Schurz is the wonder, of our. time. Born to speak another language, to roam over anoth? er continent, and to lead the dull life of a po? litical European?serving some petty monarchy as a faithful ally, or laboring in effectual revolt ?he has appeared like an apparition in a dem? ocratic country, and become, a spirit of the hour. Our rancorous partisans like Morton, our sprigs of conceit like Conkling, our rollick? ing Bohemians like Carpenter?all of these come down, boil oseiyshriak and splutter, when the fine young "Dutchman" asks for the.floor. Look at him before lie begins his speech.? You see a thin, tftll almost nervous man, tear? ing bits of papcrapart, seemingly troubled with the necessity about to approach, restless of eye and pulse, but very well dressed; a gentleman, a student, and apparently approaching this chapter of his life very much as- a college grad? uate comes to the time of his finishing speech. You look at this young man, and feel for him ; you wish that some stronger, broader and less sensitive spirit had this task to undergo; you roam over the fine points of his face, the gnarled look of his nose and chin, the red tint of his bownish hair, and you search the galleries around to see if his wife and daughter are. pre? sent to give him the comfort of their approba? tion. Nothing of the sort do you sec, only a young foreigner, almost newly naturalized among us, laying back upon the appreciation of three or four friends), and the belie! in fair play which should belong to' States like ours. Then you see the galleries fill up, blacks and whites dropping in until all the huge space is filled, and the door-keepers begin to struggle with the excess of people who want seats.? Then the large Reporter?' Gallery becomes crowded, and the door-keeper shows some con? cern as to those who really belong to the press, and who slip in as imposters. Then the Vice President leaves his chair and puts some dum? my in it, while he takes that dummy's seat near the young "Dutchman." Next, the oppo? nents of Schurz's policy walk around nervous? ly, and look up at the audience in the gallery, and feel that, with all their self-appreciation, the people are drifting off from Mr. Grant.? Then Senator Nye is seen to bavc something unusual to say, and, with his large ox-eyes, he slips around in the rear of Schurz, and says something grave to the man sitting next be? hind him. Then Mr. Morton squaU behind his stand, add has a lead pencil sharpened to take notes upon the formidable young champ? ion. Then Koscoe Conkling studies fine points midway between the cornice and the floor, and seems to show that he has a contempt for all this business, and. would like a buggy ride down the avenue, in order that he might not be a party to it; but he knows very well that he must remain in this audience and listen to the harangue, for it is going to be a good thing. Then perhaps you will see Mr. Horace Porter, or some of the young fellows around the White\ House; drop in as if it. were accidentally, but really to carry the first news back of what the "Dutchman"1 had to say. Then, members of the House appear at the door and force their way on the floor?Dawes, who leads the princi? pal committee, and Garfield, who leads the next, and all the others?and they slip around the space back of the Senator's chairs, or take the seats of certain Senators who arc smoking or lounging. Finally, the Senate looks like a great amphitheatre, black with heads, the doors I besieged, even-body expectant; and, in that moment, little "folks, unknown to the country, start up with little bills, to put aside or defer the real matter of the time. -.: . At length the man in the chair calls up the resolution, and says that Mr. Schurz has the floor. Then Mr. Schurz stands up in his blue cloth coat, plain collar, clean shirt, and black tie, fray breeches, and long Henry Clay boots.? [is voice is not full or resonant, but keen, well-intoned and plain, and everybody bends forward to hear it. He says that when mean insinuations, begging of the question, arid side] thrusts are requisite to defeat an investigation, the public may well open their ears ana know, the matter in. hand. At this everybody's ears are well alert and the speech goes on. Every sentence iu it is curt, sharp, and manly. Every point in it is a gentleman ? point never inten- j ded for "mouths of lowest censure." Without much temperament in the speech, it climbs its way tip toward classical climaxes. Very soon you can' see Morton's hands working and his mouth puckering; you can see Conkling stick? ing Iiis head down into some imaginary docu? ment, and preteriding to be deeply meditating it. You can see Harlan reading the Cherokee bill, and counting the moments of his scat in this body. You can see Nye slipping around to the rear and suggesting some grave plausi? bility to somebody who is listening too lutcut-J ly. But, looking away from those place-getters qu the floor of the Senate into the galleries, you will note that every eye is bright with ap? preciation, and every ear alertly intent to catch every syllable which- the "Dutchman" utters, i He stands before his desk with his hand upon the back, of his chair, and upon the desk is book upon book ready to be consulted, and nobody Knows better than he that the least slip in the line of his argument will be made a mat? ter, of triumph to the chaps who fear him. To make a speech like one of Schurz's is in great part a consecutive, documentary matter, de? manding the fullest, clearest sagacity?capacity to bring up in order, without hesitation, every piece of paper, every calculation, every book before him, and these books, in the case of the present speech, were in many languages, and the man, as a linguist, had to 'translate them off hand as well as to be an orator. No speech? es made in Washington City have trodden clos? er and more severely upon the direct path of argument than those of Schurz. His power lies, for the trunk part of it, entirely in the force of consecutive Statement of fact. With this argument he proceeds keenly, undevia tiugly, straightforwardly. . Now and then, when a point logically in its place is to be made against a political oppo? nent, he steps aside from the contemplation of his manuscript, and utters it with additional force and splendor, so that it pierces and makes biood for the instant flutter at the heart of eve? ry listener. As the thing goes on, you sec the additional interest of the galleries and the growing fury of the factionists. You can sec that the people .are with the man, and the place-getters distressed for the points ho is making on them. When he says "sycophant" yon can see a shudder in the shoulders of Conkling and in the begirt of Morton. No re? venge that thcy.aro capable of, under au en? lightened form of government, is adequate to meet this daring intellectual champion. He overcomes ?nmanlinesS with manliness, and meanness with honor. He describes Mr. Eos coo Conkling without montiouiug him, under a re-turued and re-applied form of speech. Be? fore he has finished, every independent soul in the Senate is marshalled to his side. "Heavens'!" Stiya a listening reporter, "is not this yonr[idealization of a young man's accom lishment of fame ? Look at him, and see ow these follows hate him ; how he holds the people, and yet without a particle of dcma goguery." Such is Schurz on one of his great occa? sions?a young man, making His points, libe? ralizing the country, terrifying terror. They only retort, in the langnage of Morton, that this man put a Democrat in the Senate and lost "the party" its representative from Mis? souri. And yet, look at Missouri to-day?per? fectly contented, perfeatly orderly, inducing immigration, developing its railway system rivalling the old States in population, and let us answer the question as to whether Carl Schurz committed a blunder when he prompt? ed that conservative step. Compare Missouri with Louisiana or Georgia, and which State is in the hands of statesmen ? This was "the Dutchman's" undertaking, and it has been as complete a success on that "Dutchman's" part as when the Kaiser Wil? helm made a United Germany out of the hodge-podge of Northern Europe. Mr. Morton, Mr. Conkling, all the rest? "the Dutchma. " has come to stay I His biog? raphy is part of the history of the West. It is an illustrious chapter in the history of Mis? souri. You may have been, in your turn, great war Governors. This man was director of the peace of Missouri, and his fame in the Senate of our country is achieved. The Yalne of Immigration. The Memphis Appeal presents forcibly, in the following manner, the value of immigra? tion: "Every able-bodied man who becomes a member of the community is worth one thou? sand dollars in gold to the commonwealth," says Lieutenant Slaury. His bone and muscle are worth it, estimating his value just as you would that of a horse or an ox?as a producing animal. But that is not all. The money cap? ital brought to this country by the immigrants proper is no inconsiderable item. We mean the steerage and deck passengers, who land now at Castle Garden, New York, and have no reference to those who, coming from abroad, are able to pay cabin passage. From tables carefully kept at the immigrant depot at Castle Garden, running through a period of five years, it was ascertained that the following amounts of money were brought to this coun? try per capita?that is, man, woman and child?by the different class of immigrants named; taking American gold as the standard. Of the class of immigrants named within that time, there was brought by each Scandi? navian, $60; by each Scotchman, $50; by each German, $40, and by each Englishman, $20. That is, an average, as to these four na? tionalities, of $42.50 per capita. This is the mere money wealth they bring to us. This has nothing to do with the comparative value of these people as citizens in other respects. As to the wealth brought by citizens from for? eign lands, who are able to come as cabin pas? sengers, there is no computing the amount they bring to this country. Some of them trans? plant immense private fortunes to our shores. Suppose a thousand Scandinavians were indu? ced to settle in Shelby county to-morrow. Four hundred able-bodied men would be worth, say, four , hundred thousand dollars. The money they would brimg with them, say sixty thousand dollars, making a total of four hundred and sixty thousand dollars?nearly half a million dollars?the moment they land on the bluff, not counting the women and children. Then as to their value as au additional clement of our population, there is no mode of computa? tion by which we can calculate it. So much added to our producing class, so much more trade, so many new branches of industry, so much skilled and educated labor, so many acres of our waste lands again under cultivation, so many acres of swamp and bottom lands re? claimed, so much forest cleared, so much to en? courage and 'sustain manufactories?so much and so many things, in short, that will make our country wealthy, prosperous, happy, and independent, that we cannot stop to enumerate, much less to estimate them. The Woman Suffrage Question in the House. A most ridiculous debate took place i*i the House,' Wednesday night, on the questiou of womau suffrage. A joint resolution to submit an amendment to the Constitution, conferring electoral privileges on women, to the people, at the next general election, was recommended by the joint committee to whom the petition of some women's rights females had been referred, and the question arose?"What will we do with it?" The gallant Byas, who didn't cane the reporter of the News, had been one of the committee, and delivered one of his forcible and learned arguments in favor of granting suffrage to the dear ladies, but hoped that the matter would be postponed till the next session of the Legislature. Jamison, a little, squatty member from Or angeburg, of very- inky visage, took up the cudgel against his. distinguished colleague. Byas. According to his philosophical and comprehensive view of the question, woman suffrage was a thing not to be thought of. He spoke, he said, as a married man, of thirteen years' experience, and it was his opinion that if any more rights were conferred ou women than they now cujoy, it was all up with the men. He thought it a woman's place to stay at home, attend the house, cook the meals and patch the old man's breeches, ?Sic., and felt as? sured that all married men would agree with him. It was only the young springald that was aiming at making fair weather with his dulcinea, uy preaching up the rights of the sex, said he, that would speak in favor of the movement; but he opined that they would all" live to change their views, if ever they mar? ried, and profited by his lengthy experience of thirteen years with a wife. Hurley, in his facetious style, commenced to reply to Jamison, stating that, in his opinion, any woman who had been subjected to the misery of living thirteen years with the mem? ber from Orangeburg, not only deserved the right of suffrage, but any and all other fran? chises, privileges or favors which a legislative assembly might confer upon her. Jamison sprang from his scat and took indig? nant exceptions to Hurley's use of the word woman. A most ludicrous and turbulent scene ensued, the Speaker striving to preserve order, and Jamison vociferating that he understood the English language, and knew what he was talking abo'it. As soon as quiet was somewhat restored, Hurley stated that, in his judgment, there was no better word in the language, nor a more charming specimen of God'* handiwork, than woman ; that he had used the word in no offensive sense; but, inasmuch as it was objec? tionable to the member from Orangeburg, he would take it back, and say that any man who had lived thirteen years with that member was entitled, &c This pacified the riled husband from Orangeburg and restored harmony, and the whole matter was finally laid upon the table.? Columbia Plmnix. ? A cynical society man says he docs not object to keeping the commandment which tells him to love his neighbor as himwlf, provided that neighbor is a woman and pretty. The Legislature?Its Record. . The Legislature, by concurrent resolution, fixed upon to-day as the time for adjournment. The session lias now extended over a period of not less than one hundred and twenty days, or nearly one-third of the entire year. During this time, but few bills of any importance to tht State have been passed. The session has been frittered away in unnecessary and useless squabbles between contending factions, and the people's business has been left undone until ihe vefy last days of the session. Bills of pub? lic importance, which should have passed be? fore the holidays, have been put off from day to day. until the very last day of the session finds them still pending, while acts of incorpo? ration, charters to companies, railroad, milita? ry and otherwise, have been rushed through with the most astonishing rapidity, asid without any apparent regard to the value of the time spent in considering them. It is safe- to say, that at least three-fourths of all the business done at the present session of the Legislature, is of a purely private nature. More than half of that which nas consumed so much valuable time, could just as well be done by the courts. The Republican party, if it expects to live in this State for any length of time, must re? member one fact; and that is, that the people who pay taxes, both white aud colored, will not long consent to see their money squandered by the Legislature in deliberating over meas? ures of no earthly importance to any, save those who introduce them. If we expect to exist as a party, we must in? troduce these measures of reform, and not have them forced upon us by the opposite party.? There is no disguising the fact that our Legis? lative expenses are nearly double what they should be, and this is caused solely by the ex? traordinary length of the session. The impeachment farce consumed not less than three entire weeks, and cost the State thousands upon thousands of dollars. Those who engineered that scheme should be held to a strict accountability when they again come before the people for office. There are scores of useless offices in the State which should have been abolished, or consoli? dated, but whenever this subject was broached, all sorts of fair promises were made, but no definite action could be secured lookiug to a curtailment of useless expenditures. Members were afraid if they votea for such measures, that some displaced official in their respective counties would 6 bis influence against them when they again come before the people for re? election. All action seemed to De purely for self, without the slightest regard for the public at large. The moment a man prostitutes his party, to serve his own purposes, that moment he should be kicked out of public position and sent into political obscurity. These facts, unpalatable though they may be, stare us in the face, and we must prepare to meet them. Wo have the elements of disor? ganization in our own rauks, and unless we seize and control them, they will eventually work the ruin of the party. He is a true Re? publican who sees the errors of his party, ad? mits their existence, and seeks to correct them. The demagogue and disorganize^ is he who studiouslv seeks to conceal all faults and short? comings in party, allows his partizansbip and thirst for office to overcome his judgment, and sinks his manhood in his ungovernable greed for popular favor. Generally, this is the man who talks the loudest about his devotion to party. We have many of such men who hang to the Republican party like barnacles to a ship's bottom, and the sooner we get rid of them the better. The present Legislature now goes home to mingle again with the great body of the people from whence it came. Its record has passed into, and become a part of, the history of our times. What its influence has been for good or evil remains to be seen. Whether it has helped our finances by the almost endless in? vestigations which have been kept up, is not yet apparent. There is a time, however, when some of the questions will be settled, and that time comes on apace. The elections are ap? proaching. P. S.?Since the foregoing was written, a resolution has been adopted by both branches of the General Assembly, conferring upon the presiding officers the power to call the Legisla? ture together at any time upon a petition of a majority of the members. Such a resolution is not in our judgment, worth the time consumed in passing it.? Co? lumbia Union, 13th imt. A Colored Man's Opinion of Carpet? baggers.?Lieut. Gov. Pinch back, colored, of Louisiana, docs not seem to appreciate at a high figure, the sincerity of his friends from the North, who profess to be the special cham? pions of the equal rights of the colored race. In the Senate of hit* State, last week, lie made a speech, in which this doubt was expressed in pretty emphatic terms. He said : The Southern people do not deceive the col? ored people. What they say they do; what they promise they perform. Laws are passed by the General Assembly of this State mainly by the white Northern leaders and the colored members who have followed and obeyed their lead so faithfully; yet these laws are as if they were not upon the statute books. If this state of affairs was to continue, Mr. Pinchback wanted to know it. If laws are to be contin? ued to be made specially for the protection of the rights of one clnss that have heretofore been excluded from those rights and these laws arc not enforced, Mr. Pinchback wanted to know it, as it would be better to make terms with the Southern people, and accede to their propositions than to treat with Northern men who violate their contracts and promises. This was the time and place to enter his protest in behalf his people against such violations. Mr. Pinchback did not wish to make a civil rights speech on this occasion, but he wished it to be distinctly understood that if his race were to be ostracised and deceived by fair promises in the future as they had been by fair promises in the past, the best terms that could be made with the Southern people would be accepted. The Northern people were not ask? ed to come here by the colored men. They came without invitation and assumed to take the helm of the ship of State with a view of guarding her through a stormy sea to a quiet and peaceful harbor. What is the result ? Whore is the ship of State to-day? Upon the promises of Northern men, privileges were given and franchises granted by the vote of colored men. They have said: "Give us this aid and we will do thus and so. Give us this right and our promises shall be kept." We. believed them?we gave them the aid they asked?wc granted them the privileges they asked?and what is the result?they have de? ceived us?they have falsified their promises. ? Southey says : "A good man and a wise man may at times be angry with the world, at times grieved for it; but be sure no man was ever discontented with the world who did his duty in it." ? What is the difference between a cloud j and a beaten child? One pour.! with rain, and ' the other roars with pain. Another Argument in Faror of; Cotton Fac? tories. Another consideration in favor of a cotton mill, which seems to have been overlooked by the advocates of the project, is the great amount of time that is saved in the way of converting the raw material into cloth. Ten bales of cotton which remains six months baled up, will entail a loss in interest of about ?30. This, of course, with the cost of insurance and storage, must be added to the value of the cloth. A cotton mill here, among the rich, fields that produce the fibre in abundance, would be free from this additional cost. Du? ring the four or five months of the picking sea? son the cotton could be taken from the plant in the field and converted into cloth before night. More rapid and wonderful work than this nas been done. Colonel Morgan had a cotton fac? tory in Selma before the war; often said that he gathered the cotton in the fields In the morn? ing and had the cloth from it rolling away on the cars, in fulfillment of an order from some distant town, that evening. Just think of the wonderful effects of industry and skill?five hundred prounds of cotton, worth eighty dol? lars in the field, is converted in the course of a a day into fabrics worth three hundred dollars! The rapidity with which raw materials can be wrought into marketable articles is startling. A gentleman in England some time ago bet five thousand dollars that he could shear two sheep at five o'clock in the morning, and sit down to dinner in a suit made from their wool before eight o'clock that evening. He sat down at six with a damson-colored cloth that had just come from the hands of the tailor, made from the "snowy fleeces" that was shorn from the sheep's backs thirteen hours before. The wool had passed through eighty different processes daring that time. Cotton may be gathered from the plant in the morning here and that same night a lady may attend a ball arrayed in beautiful fabrics made from it. What an overwhelming advantage it would be for us, then, to have mills right in the midst of our cotton fields that could send bales of cloth into our market in as quick time as the bale of cotton comes at present 1 What an accretion of wealth to us to have a three-hundred dollar bale of cloth put into the hands of a merchant to sell, instead of a bale of cotton worth eighty dollars! We have not as yet dreamed of the possibilities of the future. We are in the midst of untold wealth. .If our enterprise were only up to the possibilities of our situa? tion, we should become the wealthiest people on earth. The New York Shipping and Commercial Luit, in writing on the subject of Cotton Man? ufacturing in the South, says: In Georgia and Alabama the roost successful efforts have been made in this direction, and many thousand spindles are now running with' in sight of the cotton fields. There are now running in Alabama six factories, which num? ber in the aggregate over fortv-three thousand spindles, and consume upwards of twenty thou? sand bales of cotton annually. The fact is sig? nificant of the changes which have been wrought by the new order of things. In the days of slave labor, manufactures received very little attention in that quarter. So long as they had a market for their cotton, the land and slave owners were quite content with the tillage of their productive soil, leaving to others and other labor systems the manufacture of their wearing apparel, and even the very instrument with which they "tickled the earth" to make it yield of its abundance. Now, all this is in process of change. Mills and manufactories are springing up in several of the cotton pro? ducing States. IS orthern capitalists are finding it firofitable, in conjunction with the owners of and and water power, to invest their money in the erection of mills for the manipulation of the great Southern staple on the soil that quick? ened it Heretofore, less than^ne-fifteenth of the cotton crop has been worked into yarn and fabrics in Southern factories. In the future,, the local consumption of cotton will gradually expand, albeit, with the superior faculties of some of the Eastern States, it is not probable that the competition between the two sections will for many years to come be very sharp, or that the products of Southern mills will find their way North to any great extent Nor h> it probable that the spread of manufactures in the South will, to any appreciable extent in? terfere with the manufacturing interests of the North. All the products of Northern mills of whatever description will find, as heretofore,, a. ready market and the increase in the demand! will go iu direct ratio with the growth of the whole country in wealth and population; while the South, by enlarging her productive facil? ities and her industries, will attain a prosperity only-equalled by her commercial ana financial independence. One of the best fields for en? terprise in the South is the manufacture of Cotton Yarns. In this branch of industry the South, with the advantages of having the raw staple and unlimited water power at its doors, would have no successful rival, and the value of its cotton crop could be increased beyond present computation. The New Hampshire Ei.ECTiox.-^Tt seems tolerably certain from the returns received thatr* the Republicans have carried New Hampshire by a small majority. It has been a contest be? tween the unaided Democratic citizens of the State on one side, and the Republicans rein? forced by every kind of outside administration influence on the other. The supporters of Grant have poured in speakers and money, and their desperate efforts seem to have been successful. But if the Federal patronage had been iu Dem? ocratic hands, if the State had been canvassed by noted Democratic speakers from every part of the country, and there had been a profuse expenditure of Democratic money, nobody can doubt that the majority would have been the other way. The small Republican majority is the consequence of outside weights thrown into their side of the scale. . In 18G8, Grant carried New Hampshire by about 8,000 majority ; but now, after strenuous and desperate exertions, he has barely saved it by a pitiful majority of perhaps 1,000; which shows a great ebb in his popularity since he was elected President In 1868, the Federal patronage was in the hands of Andrew Johnson and wielded against Grant; but now, with the patronage in his own hands and most unscrup? ulously used, his majority is a more bagatelle compared with what it was then. The Demo? cratic party is satisfied with this result It confirms the certainty of Grant's renomination, precludes the taking up of anv other candidate who-might reunite the Republican party, and though last not least, it removes the last vestige of danger that any portion of the Democratic party will protest against the complete aban? donment of dead issues.?New York World. ? The number of stars in the Milky Way is estimated at 18,000,000. "In order," says Humboldt, "to realize the greatness of this number, I will call attention to the fact that there are not in the whole heavens more than 8,000 stars visible to the naked eye." ? It is said that "time cuts down all. both great and small." House rents, however, are an exception, for they are always going up.