Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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-BOYT &r GO,, Proprietors. ANDERSON C. H., Ek C, THURSDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 28, 1871. VOLUME Vn.?NO.18* Great Speech of the Hon. tfm. S. Groesbeck, of Ohio, A"REVIEW OP THE CONKTIT?TlOKAL CHANGES 01 THE LAST TEN TEARS?ABBAIGN ? KENT OF THE EU KLUX LAW. Hon. Wm. S. Groesbeck addressed a mass meeting of the Democracy at Steubenville, Ohio, on the 13th instant, and his speech is pronounced by the Northern press to be the I most splendid and forcible political Utterance { ?e the days of Clay, Webster and Calhoun. Mr. Groesbeck) it will be remembered, was I Attorney General under President Johnson's administration, and one of his counsel et the impeachment trial. After some preliminary observations he came to the consideration of the constitutional amendments, which, had been adopted since the war, and said: ."Thechanges that have taken place in your political condition during the hist ten years are of two kinds: First, changes in the Constitu? tion, of the United States ; second, changes in the manner of administering , the government What are tire changes that have been made in the[Constitution? They are three in number. The first is this: "No shivery shall exist in the United States." When the Constitution was adopted slavery was everywhere, in the North as well as in the South, and, therefore, the Constitution did not forbid it very soon, however, and from time to time, the States themselves, acting separately, abolished it within their respective jurisdictions, till it was to be found nowhere but in the South ; and at last it was disturbed and threatened there. The Sonth rebelled at this. War came?a long, Moody, costly civil war, and the rebellion was overwhelmed and shivery destroyed. This re? sult is now declared in the Constitution. The recent constitutional amendments stand far the final treaty of our civil war. What is the second change? In substance this: "All persons born or naturalized in the United States are citizens of the same, and of the State in which.they reside. No State shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States, or deny to any person the equal protection of its laws." There is also in' this amendment a clause disqualifying certain citizens for holding any office under the United States, or under any State; and another clause affirming, the validity of our public debt.and. tiie invalidity of all rebel debts. What is the. third? "The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude," These are the changes made in our Constitution during the last ten years, the famous amendments of which we have heard bo much, and which are so often referred to even now. The thirteenth amendment abolishing slave? ry throughout the United States is accepted by all, and in the South as unanimously as in the North. - The doubt and hesitation nave 'been about the fourteen th and fifteenth amendments, because of the means used to procure their adoption, and because of the change they make in the relations which had always existed be? tween the Federal government and the State governments. In the language of our recent State Convention, the means used to procure the adoption of these two amendments wero extraordinary, violent, and unsatisfactory. There is no thinking, right-minded man, who desires that a single other amendment may be made to the Constitution as these were made, for it is impossible to preserve its sacredness under such treatment We may not look to the Supreme Court to declare these amendments Ujaconstitutionai; it. has no jurisdiction over them. We may not look to the States to an? nul them by a further amendment; it requires three-fourths of them to concur in such a movement; that number will not concur in auch a movement And we may not look to the people to combine to overthrow them in some other way; the people have already ac? cepted them. The destruction of slavery is acknowledged and approved by all, and our colored population has voted in every State of the Union, at our local and general elections, again and again, and without challenge or mo? lestation. These amendments will stand. Suffrage once granted cannot be recalled; suffrage that has been practiced will not be surrendered. I ap? prove the action of our recent convention on this subject- I regret the unfairness and spirit of domination in which some of these amend? ments were carried, and this unfairness-and force should always be condemned, lest they become a precedent for the future. I regret also the tendency to encroachment npon State sovereignty manifested in these amendments. Bat the State is not destroyed, and we may yet preserve it if we have the good sense no longer to waste our strength upon questions that have passed to final judgment I must believe that nie extension of the right of suffrage to that part of our colored population just emancipated was too much hastened. According to the theory of our government all should make some preparation for the responsible duties of a fuU citizenship. To this end we delay the foreigner by our naturalization laws; to, this end, we open schools for all. But the work is dose, and we should make the best of it The State has the safe keeping of our dearest rights, even of our liberties ; and if the keeper be elain, our liberties will be stolen. I yield to so one in love of the Union. It is indispensa? ble for us. Mere federation of the States is not enough. We tried it and failed. We needed a more perfect Union than mere fede? ration, and we made such a Union, and it has not failed. I rejoice in it; in its history, its achievements, its successes, and its example. There is no better government I have always thought that under the Constitution a State had no right to secede from the Union, but I Will not discuss that question. Secession of its own choice has had its trial by wager of battle, and its cause was lost Slavery also is dead. And so the State stands before us to-day re? lieved of secession and relieved of slavery, and in this condition I invoke for it the earnest support of all intelligent freemen and the con? demnation of? all action of the general govern? ment whose tendency is to destroy, weaken or degrade it. We accept these amendments. Accepting them in good fai th,, we churn that they shall be interpreted so as to preserve the exclusive in-1 risdiction of the State Over its own domain, and prevent all intrusion npon it by the gene? ral government. Accept them in good faith, arid this interpretation of them will soon pre? vail. It is the true interpretation. These amendments operate .to deny powers to the States rather than to grant powers to the Fede? ral government Let us notice them: No State shall abridge the privileges of citizens, or deprive any person of life, liberty or property, without due process of Jaw; or deny to any person the equal protection of its laws: or de? ny or abridge the right of a citizen to vote on account of race or color. There are in the Constitution other denials of power to the States, and all these denials of power'stand upon the same footing and are to receive a like interpretation. No State shall make a treaty ; no State shall co?k money, or emit bills of cred? it, or make anything but gold and silver alegal tender, or pass any bill of attainder, or impair the obligation of a contract, or grant any title of nobility. We cannot unmake the past?let us make the future. Slavery is gone, aud we are glad it is gone. The fourteenth and fifteenth amend? ments have'passed into the Constitution. The contest upon them is over, and the enemy has moved from that field to more advanced posi? tions. Our work is to fight him just where we now find' him?centralizing all power in the Federal government) and changing our repub lie into a despotism, destroying local self-gov- j emment, laying violent hands upon the sacred writ of freemen, dominating our elections, leg- j isla ting for the few at the expense of the many, squandering the lands of the people upon pri vate corporations, establishing monopolies, ex? empting some from taxation and oppressing all others with iL I might go on, but these are enough, and these are living issues now pend? ing, and to be settled in the contest near be? fore us. And now, my friends, what of the present administration and recent practices ? We charge that it is centralizing all power in the Federal.-government, and changing it into a despotism; that it is destroying local self-gov? ernment; that it is. laying violent hands upon the most sacred privilege of the freemen; that it is dominating our elections ; that it is doing all and more than I have stated. There never was a time in our history when the Constitution was so little regarded as by the party in power. They do just what they please. If the Consti? tution allows them, well; if it hinders them, they put it aside. It has seemed to me they stop at nothing they may think necessary to maintain their ascendancy and hold on to the government The President preceding the one now in office refused to do their bidding. He thought he was right, and he was right. They impeached him to get his office and fill it with one who would do their bidding. It was a desperate and dangerous proceeding, suggesting the worst practices of declining Borne. The Supreme Court is another department of our government, organized, among other purposes, to interpret the Constitution ; and in all cases within its jurisdiction its interpretation is bind? ing upon all. Its purity .should be irreproach? able, and its independence sacred. In the per? formance of its legitimate duties it annoyed this party, and did not do their bidding, and they threatened it. For its decision in another case, it is charged and believed by. many, they changed it and tampered with it. The govern? ment, as organized by the Constitution, does not suit this party. It is too limited. and abounds too much in checks and hindrances. They want something larger and stronger. But I will not dwell here, for I deiire to call 'your attention especially to the purposes of the .Republican party, as manifested in what ore known as the "bayonet" and "Ku-Klux" laws. In article 1, section 4, of the Constition, may be found this provision: "The time, places and 1 manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the Con? gress may, at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations, except as to places of choos? ing Senators." Last year, for the first time in our history, the present administration began to legislate on this subject It passed two laws. Under these laws United States troops were stationed last fall in the cities of New York and Philadelphia to control their elections. It was done without consent, without any pre? vious consultation with the States of New York and Pennsylvania, and without any desire having been expressed by the authorities of either State that it might be done. The Gov? ernors of those States denounced it in the strongest terms as an unnecessary and most dangerous domination of their elections. And so it was. But this law was put aside on the 28th of February last, to give place to a strong? er one. On that day another law was passed, very full and specific in its provisions. It is now in force. It provides that each circuit court shall appoint, on or before May, 1871, from the Circuit Court Commissioners, a Chief Supervisor of Elections in the district for which he is commissioner. This legislation is an in? sult to all the cities of the land. It was in? tended as a means to awe the voter, to domi? nate our elections, and force them to do the will of a party. They must guard and scruti? nize the manner-of conducting the election; they must station themselves before or behind the ballet-box, and just where they can best see each person offering to vote. Can this legislation he intended for peace? Not a word in it about the State keeping order or helping to keep the peace; ho plan or even suggestion of harmonious co-operation, but exclusive con? trol asserted and taken by the Federal govern? ment. It degrades the State as unfit to con? duct these proceedings and it insults the peo? ple as unfit to be trusted; and all this too when nothing had occurred to excite alarm or justify this interference. And who are these officers having this extraordinary command over us on this great day of privilege ? Men not of cur choice?irresponsible men, special deputies picked up by a marshal, who give no bond, and are yet authorized to do about what they please. The law nowhere imposes a penalty upon them; the law nowhere even admonishes them. It bristles with threats against the people; it does not contain one for their masters. There is one other law of this Administra? tion I desire to notice. It is w hat is termed the Ku Klux law. In the act of May, 1870, to which I have referred, Congress has legislated to enforce the fourteenth amendment by pro? viding that if two or more persons conspired to injure or threaten any citizen in order to pre? vent his free exercise of any right granted by the Constitution, they should be guilty of a felony, and, upon conviction, could be impris? oned not more than ten years, and fined as much as $5.000. That law also provided that all persons should have the same right to sue in every State, and equal benefit of all laws, and equal protection, any State law to the. con? trary. So the law stood, putting all upon the I same footing, and punishing heavily all combi? nations to injure any citizen in his constitu? tional rights. This would seem enough. No? tice another important fact. At the time the Ku Klux law was passed I think nine of the eleven States that went into the rebellion were under Eepublican administration. Their gov? ernors, legislatures and other officers were in sympathy with the administration at Washing? ton. Not only this. All United States judges, marshals; commissioners, and Federal officers of every kind were in sympathy with it i they ! were appointed by it. So that if lawless or dangerous combinations appeared, ample au? thority and power were in proper hands tosup ! press them ;. and if they could not, surely they could be depended on to ask help from the gen j eral government at the proper time and in a constitutional way. Such was the political condition of these States. Meanwhile the ad? ministration at Washington began to be unpop? ular. In this condition of public sentiment State elections were approaching, and if ad? verse or condemnatory they would endanger the continuance of Radical ascendancy. And so they got up the Ku Klux law. What is it 2 An act to enforce the fourteenth amendment. I can refer to but a. part of it. Where insur? rection, domestic violence) unlawful combina? tions, etc., in any State, shall deprive any por? tion of citizens of. any constitutional right, and the State authorities shall be unable to protect, or fail ih or refuse protection to such rights, such facts shall be deemed a denial by such State of equal protection under its laws, and it shall be lawful for the President, and his duty, to take such measures, by the employment of | the militia, land and naval forces of therUnited States, or by other means, as he may deem ne? cessary to suppress it To put the matter in the mildest words, we make a permanent despot over us all to correct a temporary and local evil. It may be a riotous outbreak in a mere township. That is enough; a case is made for the President, and this extraordinary power is let loose against us. The State may diner with the President; it may deny that there is a case for his interference; and if there be a case of | domestic violence, it may insist that it can and will put it down, in due time and in the best way. - What matters it now what the State may think or wish ? It is no longer fit to keep the peace within its own borders. It is silenced, and the whole matter is with the President But, we are told, the President will not abuse this extraordinary power. Who knows that ?. Again they tell us we can trust him. A free people trusts nobody with such powers. I can point you to long reigns of despots during which the peace of the nation was undisturbed, and all rights were respected and enjoyed. The sword of absolute power lay all the while at the hand of the .ruler, and was not once lifted.? But what people, jealous for their liberties and safety, would place it there ? How violent, and dangerous, and unnecessary is this legislation. The war is over, but its spirit is still upon us. The sword is everywhere?in front of us, to the right of us, to the left of us?on all sides and in all measures. It is fast becoming the daily remedy for private wrongs. The old-fashioned ways of keeping the peace with civil officers chosen by ourselves from among our neighbors, are dying out, and the practices of despotism are taking their places. Nor is this ail. The. fourteenth amendment Erovides that no person shall hold office who, aving previously, as an officer of any kind, taken an oath to support the Constitution, af? terward joined the rebellion. As a consequence, the administration of all these States, nearly one-third of the Union, is handed over to those who are without education or experience, and to strangers from the North, who, in the ma? jority of instances, had failed at home, and. were regarded as unworthy of any responsible trust We are not required to speculate about.] the results of such a policy; we have them be-, fore us. The last Legislature of South Caroli? na consisted of about eighty members. Fifty of them could neither read nor write. About j the same story may be told of very many in office in the other States. Take some results; Since the Radical reconstruction of those States, I the debt of South Carolina has swollen from $6,000,000 to $13,000,000; of Georgia, from $6,000,000 to $20,000,000; of Florida, from. $500,000 to $14,000,000. Senator Thurman re F>rts her entire tax duplicate at $16,000,000. hardly dare state the estimated increase of the debt of other States. It is enormous. The total increase of the debt of these States is es? timated at more than $100,000,000, and the States have little or nothing to show it It has been squandered, wasted and stolen. We bear, a great deal about mismanagement in a single : locality, the city of New York. It is comment? ed upon everywhere, and those responsible for it are held up for public condemnation. This, is right But have we nothing to say of this mismanagement over nearly one-third of the I Union, and have we no condemnation for the ' policy that has brought upon these States in a time of trial and distress, this heavy calamity ? I would like to have spoken of other subjects of present interest but they do not lie in the fath of the argument I have been making.?; 'ermit me, however, to refer to one of than? the currency. On this subject I adhere to the | historical doctrine of {he Democratic party. It is sound as the true dollar. The utmost fix ' edness that can be attained is the indispensible Suality for a right standard of value. What erangement would happen to all business done upon the yard-stick if it fluctuated in length from month to month or from season to season. And so of business done with the pound weight or the bushel or gallon measure, if they had ho fixedness. As the yard-stick, the pound weight and the bushel measure are for all business done with them, so should the standard of val? ue be for all transactions in which it is used. The greenback and the true dollar are now almost abreast Let us hope for abundant sea? sons that the former may be able to maintain its position. South Carolina Monument Association. Columbia, 8. C, Sept 15,1871". At the last meeting of the Executive Board of the South Carolina Monument Association, held in Columbia, it was unanimously resolved that a bazaar should be held in Columbia du ring the month of November ; the proceeds of I which bazaar shall be used to aid in the erec? tion of a monument to the Confederate dead of South Carolina. Through the kindness of | the President of the South Carolina Agricultu? ral Society, sufficient space for the bazaar has been assigned at the Fair Grounds, and the ba? zaar will be held at the same time as the Agri? cultural Fair?from the 5th to the 10th No? vember. Feeling assured that more good can be accomplished by a combined effort of this kind than by any individual exertion, however well directed, we earnestly appeal to the women of the State to help us in our work. Up to this time every call for aid has been most gen? erously responded to, both by South Carolini? ans residing outside of the State, as well as by those who are among us to see the progress of our work. Being convinced, therefore, that we have but to represent our cause for all to contribute gladly to its success, we ask the pub* lie interest in its behalf. Contributions of all kinds will be acceptable. Boxes must be mark? ed "S. C. Monument Bazaar," and the name of | the District from which the articles come should be put on each box. AH contributions to be sent to one of the Committee of Ar? rangements. Special- Committee of Arrangement* and Su perintendence.?Mrs. John T. Darby, Mrs. W. H. Gibbes, Miss Martin, Miss LaBorde. Executive Committee S. C. Monument Bazaar. ?The officers and Board of Directors of the South Carolina Monument Association, Full particulars of arrangements for each day will be published in the daily papers at the time of the bazaar. ?"So there's another rupture of Mount Vo? ciferous," said Mrs. Partingtou, as she put up her syces; "the paper tells us about the burn? ing lather running down the mountain, but it don't tell how it got afire." ? A quarrelsome couple were discussing the subject of epitaphs ana tombstones, ana the husband said: "My dear, what kind of a stone do you suppose they will give me when I die?" "Brimstone, my love," was the affectionate re? ply. For the Andereon Intelligencer. Gradation of Primary Schools. Mr. Editor i From an experience of twen? ty-five years in the school-room, as teacher in our primary schools,we have become thorough? ly: convinced that the coarse of studies, as usually prescribed, is unphilosophical, contrary to the laws which govern the human mind, and therefore radically wrong, and the sooner aban? doned the better for the cause of education. We try to teach the child too many things at one and the same time, and before he is pre? pared to learn or comprehend any one of them, the spelling-book. All tho A, B, C schools throughout the land have been converted into Colleges, presided over by ?//"-constituted^ro fesson, who, in many instances, ought to be Btudying Webster's Elementary. All the girls and boys who in days of yore attended "the j old field school'.' of the pedagogue, have been, through the magical influence of this fast age, transformed into young ladies and gentlemen A j Hence, the child of a few summers, who should be studying nothing but how to spell, is requi- j red by the professors of these caricatures upon the name of school, to study a lesson in Arith? metic, another in Grammar, another in Geog? raphy, and perhaps still another in Philosophy, all in the same day. Now, sir, the education imparted by this course is, superficial and imperfect The grad- j ?uates from these colleges know a little of several things, but unfortunately they understand none of them well enough to be of any practical utility. They are emphatically in a wilderness { of light, but it is-of the Jack-o-lantem kind,! always eluding their grasp* They know but little more of the sciences studied than their I . ^ow, sir, the remedy for this constantly j growing evil is to grade our primary schools ; and what we mean by graded schools is simply f this j : First. Let there be a school for juveniles, in which nothing but spelling and reading shall be, taught. After the scholars shall have "graduated''in the spelling and reading school, (and they should: not leave this school until they shall have become competent spellers and j fluent readers,) let them be sent to a writing school, After hating learned the art of pen? manship, they should then commence the study of Arithmetic, under a competent Arith? metician, who devotes his whole time to teach? ing this Useful science, Next, after having learned the- science of numbers, let them be sent to a Grammar school, taught by a teacher who fully understands the art of speaking and writing correctly?not from habit, custom or imitation, but from a thorough and compre? hensive knowledge of the science itself. Let J everything else that the child studies be taught in the same manner. But, says the professor of these juvenile col? leges, we advocate the variety course of studies upon the ground that it rests the mind. The child becomes weary in consequence of the monotony occasioned by only one study. Hence, in shifting from one branch of study to another, his mind becomes refreshed. This, sir, is one of the objections which we hove against your course. It is in accordance with an unalterable and universal law of the hvftmn mind, that no one can possibly advance understondingly in any study until his mind becomes interested. This will not happen un? til the mind becomes fully imbued with the subject matter of the science which he is studying. Hence, if you change his studies every.hoar or two throughout the day you re? lievo his mind of the labor of hard studying, and also of becoming interested in any one cf his several studies, and the consequence is, he does not make any beneficial progress, because his time and attention are so divided that he cannot concentrate the powers of his mind upon any one study. ?ut the main objection to this course of studies,- exists in the fact that it gives the teacher four or five times as much as he can possibly have time to do, requiring, as it were, the student to learn without a teacher. To illustrate our meaning: Here is a teacher who has under his charge fifty scholars. Thirty are spelling and read? ing; the other twenty studying Grammar, Geography, eta A class comes forward to re? cite a lesson in Grammar. While this class is reciting; all the rest of the school are, as a general thing, idling away their time. Those ciphering cannot advance from want of in? struction, and the teacher has not time to give it The spelling and reading classes arc brought to a dead halt; others are idle because the teacher cannot notice them, etc., etc. We will venture the assertion that if boys were sent to a competent Arithmetician who should teach Arithmetic only, that six months would-make them better arithmeticians than nine-tenths of those who study this science ever become. And the same is equally true of English Grammar. After a person can read fluently, from threo to five months at a Gram? mar school, under a competent Grammarian one who is theoretically and practically versed in the seienee?will make him a good practical Grammarian* And we would be willing to teach a Grammer school upon the condition that.forall who did not acquire a practical knowledge of this science in five mouths, that we wo?ld[ not charge anything for their tuition. \" W, H. ilelville,- S. C. ?? Bismarck's magnificent Russian horses?a present from parties in Moscow?are creating a freat sensation. They are said to bear a stri ing resemblance to Josh Billing's favorito bird, the "muill," which "wears its wings on the side of its head." ? The best thing for cleaning tin-ware is common soda. Dampen a cloth and dip in so? da and rub the ware briskly, after which wipe dry. Any blackened ware can be made to look as well as new* For the Anderson Intelligencer. ''Wine is a mocker, strong drink is raging, and whoso Brer is deed red thereby la not ?wise." No, he is not wise. He does not perceive that intoxicants lie; and that he who deals "with them must do so with both eyes wide open. They promise much, but give little. They sell a man's own corn to him; They give him re? vived activity, but they first draw it from hirn: They give him poetry, but it is a galvanized inspiration. They give him fluency) but it is speech without ballast or anchor/ They give him more life, but it is cut off from the end of his days. They giv? him tend* *s, but it is maudlin; They give him hope, but it is hope that conies fluttering down to the ground like a 8hotten bird: They give him repentance, but it is a repentance that needs to be repented of. They give him heaven, but it is the paradise of fools. Ought we to allow a deceitful intruder thus to play the fool with our existence ? See 1 A man walks yonder with steady gait, erect, quick; his conversation is interesting, his eye beams with kindness, but with more of this than of thought; his conversation fluent, continuous) presenting in rapid succession many interesting themes; but, alas I merely touching and guilding them. He draws no satisfying conclusions upon any subject, makes no effort of argument upon one point before he pitches upon another; His animation runs him over any subject beautifully. He seems to lack gravitation. He walks on stilts. Ere long he is still less engaging than usual? drowsy, placid, asleep, snoring. Bid him good? bye. His hand is warm, his temple arteries pulsating. "Was he Wise to put himself into a mental hallucination, where his imagination knew everything, his understanding nothing? Is it wise to suffuse the brain with more blood than is natural to it) and by disturbing the or? gan of thought) disturb the truth and value of thought itself ? Is it wise to falsify human existence, even for a short time ? The intoxicants superinduce a false experi? ence. They surround a man with the visions of Kaeelas, and intoxicate him with a tempo? rary visit to a world of maudlin realities, where all is fine?where his understanding is check? mated with false convictions. His crop is made) his duties are discharged, his prayers are said) his wife is cheerful, his children are the best/the world a paradise, and he shedding ape's tears over his happiness; Human life is too serious to ape, human re? sponsibilities too solemn to be put to sleep with siren voices. Man has too much to do and to answer for to be the pantomine of his own ex? istence. D. ?. F. General Wade Hampton on the Situation. The following letter, addressed by General Hampton to the editor of the Southern Home, is published in that paper in its issue of the 19th j Columbia, September 9,1871. My Dear Sir: The Southern Borne of the 5th instant, containing your editorial on the policy to be pursued by the Southern States in refer? ence to the next National Democratic Conven? tion, reached me a day or two ago, and along with it the letter in which you were kind enough to ask my opinion on this question. Though I cannot flatter myself that any opinions I may entertain can have the weight your partiality would induce you to attach to them, I moat cheerfully comply with the request contained in your letter, because it is only by consultation and discussion among- ourselves that we can hope to act judiciously and harmoniously. ft would perhaps be sufficient to say that I concur fully in the views you have expressed, as to the impropriety of the South taking any Sart in the approaching Convention; but, in eference to your wishes, I give briefly the rea? sons which induced this conviction in my mind. 1st. The Southern Delegates in a National Convention could exercise no influence in sha? ping the policy, making up the issues, or selec? ting the candidates for the next contest, with? out seriously injuring the prospect of a Demo? cratic triumph. That this result would inevi? tably be the case, is proven by the result of the last Democratic Convention, where the very presence of Southerners was used to prejudice the action and to defeat the candidates of our party. 2nd. If the Southern Delegates could not with propriety exert any influence in the Con? vention, while their mere attendance in it might result in infinite mischief to the Democratic Jiarty, it is surely the part of wisdom to refrain rom participating in the deliberations of the Convention. 3rd. The Northern Democracy will have to bear the burthen of the fight in the next Presi? dential contest, and it is only right they should choose the field and select the standard-bearers. These, in brief, are the reasons, in conjunc? tion with those you have already so ably ad? vanced, that have convinced me that our true policy is to abstain altogether from all partici? pation in the next National Democratic Con? vention. Of course, in pursuing this policy, we should take care to have our conduct and motives fully understood by our Northern friends. We should say to them, that we are actuated solely by the desire to promote the success of Democratic principles and Demo? cratic candidates; that we wish to leave them free to act, as the best interests of our party de? mand ; and that we pledge them in the contest all the aid we can give, only asking them to give us a good platform, and as acceptable can? didates, as they can. When the platform is announced, and the candidates selected, the Democracy of the South can ratify the action of the National Convention, and they can use every effort to secure the success of the party; for on its success depends the existence of the Southern States. If our people concur in this policy, arrange? ments should be made in each State to carry it out fully and effectually. Should they not con? cur, we must, in any event, act in perfect ac? cord and with entire harmony. Too much is at stake for us to differ amongst ourselves, and I for one am willing to yield my own opinions for the'success of any plan which will tend to save the South from ruin. I am very respectfully and truly yours, WADE HAMPTON: To General D. H. HiLL; ? An elderly lady of Norwich who was hand? ling a set of false teeth in a dental office and admiring the fluency with which the doctor de? scribed them, asked him, "Can a body eat with these things ?" "My dear madam, mastication ' can be performed with a facility scarcely equal-1 cd by nature herself," responded the doi'tor.? "Yes, 1 know, but can a body cat with them ?" Bausier's Letter agaiust Martial Law. The letter published by the colored Lieuten? ant-Governor of this State in the Charleston News was mentioned in our last issue. His views arc cogently expressed, and we give the full text of his argument against the declara? tion of martial law in any portion of South. Carolina: Charleston, S. C, September 14. To Wm. M. Fleming, Esq., Chairman Pepubli-. can Party, Spurtanburg County. S. C. : Dear Sin: It was my wish and desire to see you and Mr. Pointer* and others, personally, in reference to what seemed to be the deplorable state of affairs in yoUr county and in York, and consult with you upon the subject of the'pro? posed declaration of martial law, in the coun= tics named, by the President of the United States; but circumstances, over which I had no control, prevented me from doing so: I} therefore, adopt this method of addressing you on the subject. Sir, I regard the subject?the reign of mar; tial law in any portion of our State?as the most momentous with which we may be called upon to deal-nme that should be most careful-* ly considered by us in all its bearings before we recommend or demand it, and as I hope ana trust will be done by the authorities at Wash? ington before it is put into operation: You, sir, know the condition of affairs in. your county better than I do, of course; and . for this and other reasons are better qualified to determine what is better calculated to save* human life in your midst, break the bans of whatever of persecution exists therein, and re^ store to your heretofore well-ordered communi? ty that peace and good order so essential to the people and the well-being of the State; I shall yenture, however, an expression of my opinion on the subject, in the fervent hope that some good may result therefroon Sir, the outrages that most hellish have beert perpetrated in many counties of the State none. will deny; and I seriously doubt that we shall' ever be able to wipe out the stain that thus blackens our history of the past few years.? Outrages that, however the good-meauing and well-disposed of both political parties in the State may discountenance and condemn, have not ceased. That some men and newspapers give at least a negative, if not a positive en? couragement to the evil disposed,- is true ; and that the Republican party, however unwitting? ly, contributed towards this condition of things by the election of bad or corrupt men, is be? lieved. As to the charge of corruption and positive theft of the public moneys, is it aston? ishing that the people, or ,a large portion of them, should feel insecure as to their property, and seek to justify almost any and every act, however violent, outrageous or unlawful, that looks to the overthrow of the party in power, when they are made in high official circles 1 It is not ray purpose, however, just now to inquire into the causes which have led to these outra-* ges, which cannot be defended upon any pre-' text whatsoever, and are a disgrace to any civilized community, and loudly calling for some remedy, but to seriously ask those who ftfi vor the reign of martial law, what good results are expected to be obtained, and may not this "remedy" prove worse than the disease ? For' my own part, I am unequivocally and most de? cidedly opposed to it and for the following reasons amongst others: First, because I believe the civil power ii amply sufficient. The law, both of the State andthe United States, guarantees the fullest possible.protection to the life, liberty and prop-" erty of the citizen. If we say that the State authorities will not or cannot appreheud aud. punish the criminal, or that our laws do not sufficiently protect us against the class of or-" ganized persons known as "Ku-Klux," we have what is known as the Ku-Klux act of Congress which, it would seem, does: For in? stance, we have United States officials, max-., snals, commissioners, &c., whom I believe artf empowered, under the provisions of' the act' referred to, to command the assistance of the military in certain contingencies,, and every possible facility by which these offenders may be brought to punishment But, say soine^ "that is true, but these men will not "do their duty." S?ppOse" this statement is correct, can they not be reached? Can they not, and would they not, be removed, aud other men* who would do their duty, put in their places \ And, may I not ask whether the same tbiug1 may not occur under the reign of martial law? May not military judges also fail to do theirs 1 I am opposed to it, secondly, because it would be a source of constant irritation, and would widen the breach and embitter the feelings between the two classes of our people* and thus do an immense deal of harm, ana once inaugurated, would have to be kept up for an almost indefinite period; and it would, in my judgment^ be found then to ire neccssa; ry to extend it perhaps all over the State, irt order to avoid a possible revolution, or, when withdrawn, sooner or later, provoke the same" result. Thirdly, beouse it would be a splen? did card for the Democratic party in the next Presidential election, who would attempt t? prove, with the same show of reason, that the. country, under the rule of the Republican party, is tending toward a military despotism ?the subordination of the civil to the military power. And, fourthly, because it would seem to argue the failure of reconstruction, so far, at least, as the fitness of the colored man for citizenship and self-government is concerned, because, be it remembered, he is in the ma? jority in South Carolina; that being so, it would be asked why can he not have or make* such a government as will protect his own life, liberty and property, and engage in the legitimate pursuit of happiness, while doing the same in the interest of the other race. The foregoing are some of'the reasons, hur? riedly penned, why I am opposed to martial law. In conclusion, I may remark that I have no pet scheme of my own, but would say that if the State administration will do its duty; the" United States officers, under the Ku-Klux act of Congress, theirs; the influential men out? side the Republican party theirs, by condemn? ing, in unmistakable terms, tlicse outrages which we suffer, and the Republican party hurl from official position those who may be' proven to have acted in a manner discredita? ble to a public officer, and thereby abused the public confidence, and those who, from what? ever cause, may be unfit for the positions they fill, then we shall have peace and a stroug gov? ernment, willing and able to protect the hum-; blest citizen, without discriminating against any class, and trust we shall be satisfied to4 manage our own affairs. I am, sir, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, A. J. lvAXSIER, Cl.airman Republican State Committee. ? A negro had a severe attack of rheuma? tism, which finally settled in his foot. Ho* bathed it, he nibbed it, and swathed it, but all to no purpose. Finally tearing away the band? age, he stuck it out, and witli a shake of his fist over it, exclaimed : "Ache away, den, ole feller, acho away ; 1 shan't do nuffin more for yer; d? chile can stand it as long as you ken,"