The Anderson intelligencer. (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, May 25, 1871, Image 1
??O&T & GO., Pronators.
ANDERSON 0. H., S. 0., THURSDAY MORNING, MAY 25, 1871.
VOLUME 6?NO. 47.
SPEECH OP ?ON. ?*#. ?Hl*3 TBEleOT,
P^i^9m^4m!^^i8x-Payer^ Conven?
tion, on the subject ofrthcpostponern^nt of
the statutory lien oh the plue Midge Mail
road, and" ex-plaining recent legislation
^?Mr. 'Fr&ident: I avail myself of the
^'leg? which has been extended to. me
our resolution inviting me to a par
i^^.fn'yo^r'delibei'atiorjs^. to ,'move
an amendment to the resolution just read.:
'?.^^^^j.^aat.^he jjpunaej '..to'-wb o m
faas'Seen referred for iheir fegal opinion
the question, whether tho Legislature, of
BtiS^^'lfen^f thf-State ?%n%e Blue
Shige,Bailroa(I, to -the ?oncreated by'the
<rab?gago; of mid company fx?? 'Messrs.
Henry Gourd in, George S. Cameron and
^tepry Clews, trustees under;and by. vir?
tue* of. the act of 1868, be requested to
prepare and publish tbeir opinion ut the
earliest practicable opportunity." ,
IJbbI^I amjtese, some onfflijfero^tMn
submitting my reasons for the passage of
this resolution, an "embarrassment arising
?^frorh its subject, but from the charfto
teVW the body to. whom it is submitted; i
I had been under the impression that this
a assembly of private Citizens,- who,;
_ J^ogether by common Interests and
sympathies, hi-d come together for the;
purpose of exchanging Opinions and in?
formation, of consulting with all the,
frankness of old association and long es
tajbj^ed confidence upon tho condition of
the etat a to which we all-belong. But;
tho action of yesterday, if it means any?
thing, impiiDs a groat deah more. It
- a'that this body, without legal ^oxis
and irresponsible, intends to take
je of the public and private interests
of the.State?that, without tho means of
adequate investigation, they assume to
approve Or condemn, to create or to de
s irroy. 'Whether this is to bo done by the
inherent authority of this body, or wheth?
er its decrees and behests are to be oar
nod-oat formally by an arrangement with
the nominal State Govern men ?;, I do not
know?I do . not .propose to inquire/ I
know this, however, that it is the first
step in a very dangerous path, and it can
?iahe no difference how respectable aro
theindiy id aal elements, of a body, with
. out Ihi.forra and'authority of'-law. -when
such a body begins to legislate, it is the
first step to social anarchy.
But, Mr. President, I do not propose to
undo the action you have initiated f I do
not even, ask yon to reconsider what
think unwise; bat I do ask that you shall
not make it utycot, -and ?toppin?; just
>ybu have stopped is unjust. "What
was that action ?
. In this State, there is a corporation,
which has under it's charge an enterprise
which, lor nearly half a century, has been
Cherished by tho people of South Carolina
with persevering and hopeful assiduity? j
on enterprise iu whose inception was sac?
rificed the life of one *f the noblest and
purest of your statesmen?him whose
effigy, in the better days of your com?
monwealth, you placed upon the. portals
of your Capitol as the emblem -of public
honor and integrity, that your legislators,
as they passed beneath the ehadow'of his
fame, might carry with them to their
daily duties the memory of his life, aims
* and deeds. From the days of General
Hayne until to-day the State has never
stinted her aid, and bis successors have
labored through good and evil report,
through difficulties almost insuperable,
through embarrassments scarcely con?
ceivable, to complete that great work,
that direct communication with the West,
upon whitfh tho future "prosperity of this
State depends, the prosperity, especially,
of that metropolis, once the pride of Caro
- lina, and whose piteous cry of oppression j
and despondency has assombled you here
to-day. Well, in the progress of time, in
the process of its work*, the President and
Directors of that corporation have deem?
ed it judicious to ask of the Legislature
certain legislation?what the character of |
that legislation is I will discuss direct?
ly ; at present I confine myself to this
simple statement?that they asked-and
obtained legislation -which they deemed
advisable for the use of tho securities
Which the State guaranteed, and which
guarantee, remember you, has been nei?
ther impeached nor directly discredited.
Upofftne faith 01 the Legislature that
corporation has gone upon the market for
the. negotiation of these securities. What
do you now propose to do.? Yon adopt a
report containing certain statements and
a resolution calling for the legal opinion
of eminent counsel, by which you mean,
with all the weight which your ar.thority
carries, to say to the world that you be?
lieve this legislation to be invalid. Of
Course, to the extent that your opinion so
expressed carries weight, you mean to
discredit,and do discredit, the bonds of,
the Blue BJdge Railroad Company. Now,
it makes no difference that the legal point
you make is,'practically, of very small.
rmportfince---that if you had not a legal
opinion, but a legal decision of the Su?
preme Court, it would not affect the value
of the bonds, would not remove the guar?
antee of the State, would not prevent
their negotiation, and would not in the
?lightest dogroe relieve the State or lessen
the burden of the oppressed tax-payer, in
Whose interest wo are told this action
is taken. While this is truo, still the ex?
pression of your opinion taints and dis?
credits the bonds to this extent?mark
What I say?to this extent, that thoy be?
come more easily and surely the prey of
speculators, that is ail. You do not and
cannot provont the sale of the bonds, but
you enable tho stock-jobber to speculate
upon the necessities of tho company, and
buy that oheap which the State will havo
Xp redeem. Geutlemen, is this common
sense ? Do you really mean this ? Do
you wish that tho Blue Ridge Railroad
should be abandoned ? It so, thore is a
wiser and bettor aud surer mode of pro
eeediDg.. If yon, representing es yon so I
completely do, the property, the charac?
ter, the intelligence arid the patriotism of
the State, wish the road abandoned, who
wishes t?baHd^t f. It is the State's en
terprise-^-for years the pet project of the
?ti&e.. No words of mine can describe its
value, no zeal of mino can vindicate its
impwtenc?;w.ith one-teenth of the fervor
'dlsnliyed/y?ar.i^rryear, session after
session, by the' 'gentlemen who set around
me. .Ji', .-then,you wish i t abandoned, say
so; make provision for the payment cf its
small bat honest indebtedness, and, my
word tor it, the four-million of bonds will
be surrendered to t?c Stale, notrohe mis- j
sing.Ti?tbne sold,,not one stolen. But,
If yoo do nbt mean this, do not take ac?
tion which, by Airaply crippling the en?
terprise and discrediting lbo bonds, puts
them in,danger from which they are to-1
! day exempt. '? I
. What, then, do I ask you to do, in com?
mon fairness'nnd in view of the action
which you have already taaen t Simply
this; You are about to adjourn. You
?have by this resolution expressed your
doubt as to the validi ty of this legislation.
Dcf not leave that doubt unsolved to prej?
udice-our rights. Settle it cow at once ;
do not adjourn and leave it uncertain and
indefinite. You have selected certain
counsel, none better. I do not know that
they will assume the responsibility thus
thrust upon them. Let us know it. Wo
want their opinion; wo havo not the
Slightest doubt or fear of what it will be.
?et ns havo it. For, recollect, if that
opinion confirms ours, it this, and this on?
ly, is the objection yob. have to the legis?
lation'io question/then, if the decision of
the arbiters you have yourselves selected
is in our favor, your resolution becomes
approval, instead of censure. Your opin?
ion is strength to our bonds, and not
weakness. The bonds of the company
are now, to a limited oxtcnt, held as col?
lateral for a small loan, required by the
necessities of Its work, and negotiations
aro ponding for the sale of the bonds. If
you are right, and the priority of the
State lien is to be restored, let ub know in
time, for it will be no embarrassment, if
once distinctly understood, to tho uego
tion. If we are right, learn it yourselves,
and withdrawn all unnecessary interfer?
ence with the businoss of the company.
This is but common justice and this de?
mand I will cot anticipate a solitary ob?
jection.
And here, Air. President, I might stop.
But, whatever may be tho impressions or
prejudices or convictions of thoso who
surround me, I have no apprehension that
1 will be denied a fair hearing by a body
of South Caiolina gentlemen. The pub?
lication of your report and resolution will
give a color to this legislation which, 1
think, unjust .to the President and disad-1
vantageous to tho interests of the compa?
ny. 1 propose, very plainly and briefly",
to tell what I know of its history. I do
it with reluctance, nud with reluctance
only because I am the Solicitor of the
road, and because, whatever may the per?
sonal kindness towards me of the mem?
bers of this Convention, and looking
around-upon the familiar faces of so many
whom 1 will venture to call my friends, I
"feel assured of that kindly feeling?yet I
oannot but feel that what I may say will
naturally be supposed to be colored by the
pride of professional opinion and tho in?
terest which I have in the success of tho
corporation which I serve. But, while I
am responsible only for my legal advice to
that body, I have been thoroughly famil?
iar with the difficulties that -beset its ad?
ministration, and, more than that, I am
the personal friend of its President. I
know his troubles, his labors?above all,
I. know his character; and while I would
have preferred that he should be vindica?
ted by some one of those whom I see
around me, the friends of his boyhood,
bis colleagues in the House and Senate,
his associates for years upon the Board of
Direction, the men under whose advice,
and by whose assistance, he applied, in
1868, to the Legislature for the guarantee
of these bonds now under discussion, I
feel it my duty, to place before you, what
ho has not the privilege of doing, a plain
history of this legislation, the causes
which rendered it necessary, and What I 1
believe to be the true character and con?
sequences of its provisions. I shall con
fine myself to what I know.
I regret that I shall be obliged to refer
to the Greenville roud, but I do not pro?
pose'to denounce its present owners.?
They are responsible-men; lot them boar
the burden ot their offence, or cleurthem
of the charge of offonce. Tho Blue Ridge,
road found the Greenvillo road, a neigh?
bor, with whom its relations must bo
friendly or hostile, and I can say, with
truth, they wero not friendly. The Green?
ville road, in pursuit of its own policy,
and in conformity with its own system of
morals, desired and determined to appro?
priate the four millions of bonds belong?
ing to the Blue liidgo road. For that
purpose its friends prepared a bill, sotting
forth that the Blue Ridge road could not
bo built; that indeed it ought not to bo
built, for a Wostorn connection from
Greenvillo or Spartan burg was bettor, and
authorizing the Greenville road to take
up the indebtedness of the Blue Ridge,
and then appropriate its four million
bonds to the repair of its own road and
tho completion of the amondod connec?
tion. Upon learning this intention, Gen.
Harrison held a conference with its pro?
jectors, and refusing altogether, on any
terms to abandon tho Bluo .liidgo, offered
suoh opposition ns upon rejection induced
its friends to give up tho project. Scarce?
ly had ho lett Columbia than ho was re?
called by tho intelligence that a new
scheme of attack upon his bonds wns
contemplated. The now plan was this:
A bill was introduced into theSenato can?
celling tho State endorsement upon tho
four million of Blue Ividgu bonds, whilo
another bill was introduced into "the
House, by whjch upon the ground that
the State was thus relieved of four mil?
lions of liability, a now guarantee was
given of four million to the Greenville
road, and these now guarantied bonds
were authorized Uo bo converted under
the conversion : act into State bonds. I
will not' characterize this legislation. It
needs no adjectives. When General Har?
rison reached .Columbia, the'House bill
bad passed, three readings, and the Senate
bill, too. His duty to both the road of
which be was in charge and to the State,
forbid him to allow such acts to become
law, without any effort at defense.- Why,
if the bill, cancelling the endorsement of
the State, had passed, if, as it proposed,
the existing indebtedness of the road was
paid, what would it have cost the State,
not in remote liability, but in actual cash ?
A just mortgage debt, with accrued inter?
est of something over two hundred thou?
sand dollars,' advances secured by the
bonds as collateral to between two and
three hundred thousand more, the dam?
ages claimed by the contractor upon a
contract of one million and a half, broken
and abandoned, and if he had been base
enough, anything more which he might
choose to add as the recompense for hie
consent.
He resisted the bill; and defeated the
bill, and when the bill in the Senate failed,
the bill from the House was abandoned
because without cancelling the old en?
dorsement, of four millions, the new
endorsement of two could not be obtained.
Well, at this point, the Greenville road
proposed that the war should cease and
that the interests of the two roads should
bo consolidated. Look at the proposal:
The Blue Ridge road had bat fifty miles
of completed road; when they went upon
the market with their securities, they
met two difficulties : 1. That their unfin?
ished road was not adequate security. 2.
That the loan was not largo enough to
complete the rood. The consolidation
made a road of near four hundred miles,
of which one hundred and eighty were
plete, and_making a gross income of eight
hundred thousand dollars, while the com?
pletion of the whole line opened an enor?
mous and lucrative traffic. The bonds of
the Bluo Ridge, endorsed by tho consoli?
dated company, would be securities sure
of easy negotiation. Goneral Harrison
and his board consented to thisconsolida
tion upon two conditions. 1. That the
Blue Ridge road should bo adequately
represented upon the consolidated road;
and, 2. That sufficient guarantee should
be given that the four million of Blae
Ridge bonds should be expended upon the
Blue Ridge road. Bat the general con?
solidation act required the election of the
new board, a president, equalization of
stock, etc., etc., which could not be ef?
fected before the adjournment of tho
Legislature. It was agreod, therefore, to
accept tho present act as a preliminary
to the actual consolidation, General Har?
rison, stipulating that, as an effort bad
been made to discredit the Blue Ridge
bonds, by tho attempt to cancel them,
that endorsement should bo confirmed.
I say to-day, and I am willing to leave
it to the judgment of any impartial man,
that tbis proposed consolidation was wise
and in the best interests both of the rail?
roads and tho Stato.
But tho ground taken by the repot t and
resolutions, is that in one particular, this
bill is injurious to the State, inasmuch as
it postpones the statutory lien of the
State to the mortgage which protects pri?
vate individuals. My reply to that is:
1. That no statutory lien existed when
the mortgage was oxecated, and that
therefore in point of fact, and as an inevi
tSfclo legal consequence, the mortgago is
prior "to tho statutory lien. When, by
the act of 1868, tho endorsement of the
State was authorized upon four million of
bonds, no mortgage was asked. Itersecu
ity was purely voluntary. The statutory
lien of the Stato became binding, when
according to tho provisions of the act, the
Comptroller Goneral put his endorsement
upon the bonds. Under the most immi?
nent legal advico in the State, the mort?
gage was prepared and recorded accord?
ing to law, but by delays unforeseen and
beyond the control of the company, the
bonds wore not signed for months after
the execution and record of the mortgage.
The priority of the morgago is, therefore,
a fact independent of this legislaffon.?
But besides this, there was a first mort?
gage, not a iarge one, but as I havo said
with accruod interest amounting to about
$270,000, which was prior to both the
mortgage of 18G8 and the statutory lien.
To complain thon of this logislation be?
cause it postpones the State lien is simply
to rcjoct tho facts.
2. Tho mortgago was a better socurity
than tho statutory lien. It was cumula?
tive and voluntary. Tho statutory lien,
as every lawj'er will admit, could not ex?
tend beyond tho limits of tho State, cov?
ering only fifty-six miles of road, of which
only thirty-two were finishod. The mort?
gago covered all tho property of tho
wholo road from one end to tho other.?
And it must bo recollected that so long
as tho mortgage protected tho bond-bord?
ers, there was no accruing liability to the
State. She wanted no other security as
long as tho bond-holders did not fall back
upon her endorsement.
3. Whothor tho reloaso of tho prior
lien of tho State was right or wrong,
wise or foolish, the Legislature had tho
right to mako it, and once made, it is
complete This position I am willing to
leavo to any compotont logal authority.
1 havo thus attcmptod to show that so
far from the Stato being injured by this
legislation she is benefited. That the
postponement'of tho Stato lien complained
of, is not tho result of this legislation, but
oxisted as matter ot law and fact before
it. And that even if it is unwise, it is ir?
revocable.
I have endeavored to discuss this ques?
tion clearly, temperately and simply in
' its. business aspect. I have no objection
to the consultation of the eminent coun?
sel selected. I think it but justice that
this question be settled at once, and sub
' mitting the. amendment which I have
I moved, I leave the whole subject to the
I consideration of the Convention.
lU-Goy. PEW3r,,on the Situation.?A
correspondehtjof the New York Tribune,
who has been visiting Greenville, writes
as follows:
Greenville is tho home of cx-Gov. Per?
ry, who was made Provisional Governor
by Andrew Johnson. I had a short talk
with him upon South Carolina poliLies.
IHe appeared to feel keenly the continu?
ance, of his. political disabili ties, an d. i n -
trod need the subject at the outset of our
conversation, saying that he had been an
original Union mau and had fought, se?
cession until the war actually commenced,
but that notwithstanding this he was not
now upon political equality with cotton
field and corn-field niggers, and could not
hold the smallest office. This personal
grievance seemed to color his opinions of
all public questions. He took a gloomy
view of the situation in the State, fearing
that there was no peaceable remedy for
the evils of a corrupt legislation and ad?
ministration and oppressive taxation, and
that violent outbreaks would bo the re?
sult. He favored the plan of minority
representation, but said that it could not
be brought into operation for nearly two
years, and that would be too far off to
meet the present emergency. Speaking
of the exorbitant taxes, he said: *'Wo
are as law-abiding a people as can be found
on the face of the earth. The taxes, un?
reasonable as they are, would be cheer?
fully paid, if the people had confidence
that they would be used tor honest pur?
poses; but they believe that the money
extorted from them will go to swell the
gains of the unscrupulous Northern ad?
venturers who are enriching themselves
by plundering the State." The Governor I
was severe upon the native white men
Who had joined the Republican party. I j
ventured to deprecate the intoloront spirit
which denounces as scalla wags and thieves
Southern men of property and known char?
acter for honesty, morcly because they
have identified themselves with the ?Re- 1
publicans?in many cases, perhaps, with
the patriotic desire of doing their State a
service, by influencing tho ignorant ne?
groes to elect good men to office. But tho
Governor was not willing to admit that
any honest white man in South Carolina
could be a radical, and said, rather tartly,
"When a man joins a band of rouges, he
must expect to be looked upon as a rogue."
Gov. Perry is a good example of tho folly
of keeping up political disabilities in the
South. If there had been an act of gen?
eral amnesty three or four years ago in
all probability, he would to-day bo an ac?
tive Republican, representingbisdistrict in
Congress, or filling some other office whore
his talents and integrity would bo of ser?
vice to the people of his State. As it is,
the stupid policy of proscription pursued
by Congress has forced him into tho Dem?
ocratic party.
Cotton Manufacture? in the' South.
-J. R. Dodge, Esq., of the Bureau of
Statistics, makes the following statement
to Hon. Horace Capron, tho Commis?
sioner ol Agriculture:
"The cotton interest has already at?
tained its maximum of value and profit
for the present, and the cotton supply of
the world has nearly reached the limit oi
normal .consumption; at a lower price a
somewhat larger consumption might re?
sult; a largely increased supply would oc?
casion disaster and fluctuation in produc?
tion, disadvantageous aliko to planter and
manufacturer. There is ono mode, and
but one, by which the value and profit of
the cotton crop can be largely increased,
and by which cotton growers can remain
'masters of the situation," and that is by
manufacturing in this country, not twen?
ty per cent, of the crop, as in i860; not
thirty-five per cent., as in 1869; but at
least seventy-five por cent; and half of
this should be manufactured, noarithe cot?
ton fields into coarse goods at first, largely
into yarns, and ultimately into every va?
riety of cotton iabrics. It can be done
with profit at once. Idlo water powers,
abundant and cheap, .wood and coal for
steam machinery, dependent women anx?
ious to oarn a livelihood,, and children
growing up under tho pernicious influ?
ence of idleness, call for such utilization
of wasting resources. While these means
of opulence are ignored, and tho children
of indigence arc permitted to pine in pov?
erty, it would bo unmanly to envy the
possession of wealth elsowerc obtained by
the persistent and industrious utilization
of similar resources; and whilo such op?
portunities are thrown away, the highest
prosperity must not only be unattaincd,
but undoserved."
? A girl in St. Louis who is studying
law and intends to practice, was asked
by an envious lawyer if she was not
afraid of losing her reputation. She re?
plied that it novor occurred to her that
lawyers generally had any reputation to
lose 1 Tho conversation was here termi?
nated. #
? A gontleman in this city, whoso wife
is on the ,go-out most of the time, calls
her tho'active partner; and at home no
ono would ovor accuse her of boing a si
lent one,
? An editor in Alabama having read
an article in HalVs Journal of Health ad?
vising that husband and wife should sleep
in separate rooms, says : ,lDr. Hall can
sleep when and where he choosos, but lor
himself ho intends to sleep whero ho can
defend his wife against rats and all other
nocturnal foes as long as be has got ono
to defend."
THE TAX-PAYEES' CONTENTION.
SPIRIT OF THE PBE88.
That the Convention of Tax-payers,
which has just concluded its session at
Colombia, is the most important event in
the history of this Stato, since its seces?
sion from the Union in 1860f seems to be
recognized by all the leading journals of
the country. Tho following extracts
from various newspapers will show the
popular sentiment on the subject:
From the Providence (R. L) Journal, Republi?
can.
THE SOUTH CAROLINA CONVENTION.
The Tax-payers' Convention which has
been in session at Columbia, South Caro?
lina, was expected to adjourn yesterday.
It was a body of great respectability of
character and position, and its proceed?
ings have been marked by moderation
and prudence. It embraced members of
both parties, though the Conservatives
were probably very largely in the major?
ity. The advice which they gave to the
Governor was judicious, and what is gro?t
iy to his credit and to the public advan?
tage, he accepts it, and agrees to act in
accordance with it. The questions consid?
ered in the Convention were not political
in an ordinary sense, but such as relate to
the existing embarrassments of the State
and the mode of effecting its extrication
from them.
The Convention also voted to present
a petition to the Legislature to avoid in?
creasing the State debt, and also to re?
duce the expenses of the State Govern?
ment. The grand aim appeared to be to
secure more intelligent and honest Execu?
tive officers in all departments, and to
make the members of tho Legislature, if
possible, moro careful in their levies of
taxes, and in their State expenditures. It
is thought that much good will result
from tho Convention, which, in reality, is
likely to have nearly the power which
might belong to a third and higher house
of the Legislature.
From the Petersburg Index.
. The Tax-payers' Convention at Colum?
bia has published to the world the facts of
the grievous woes wrought in South Car?
olina by the Radical adventurers and their
ignorant allies. Governor Scott has ac?
knowledged the extravagance and corrup?
tion of his party, and confesses that he is
constrained to ask the help of the Con?
vention to relieve the State from the con?
sequences following the domination of the
party which put him in powor. Familiar
as are the members of that Convention
with the countless wrongs to person and
property committod by the Radicals, they
have contentetf*themselves with turning
their attention solely to the evils of taxa?
tion. AVI*at monstrous proportions these
evils assume, and by what ignorant crea?
tures they are inflicted, appears from one
simple statement. The Legislature of
South Carolina has this year imposed on
the Stato a tax of four million dollars;
and of that Legislature, seventy-four ne?
groes can neither read nor write.
From the New York Evening Mail.
Tho benefits resulting from this Con?
vention, if the policy it has initiated shall
be faithfully carried out, will not be con?
fined, as It seems to us, to the State im?
mediately affected. The example of lead?
ing men of all parties and shades of be?
lief, in a State like South Carolina, coming
together in a fraternal spirit to considor
calmly and independently of partisan
considerations the one question of the
public good, cannot fail to'largely influ?
ence publio opinion all over the South.
The Convention has done its work
thoughtfully, without partisanship and in
a conciliatory spirit. The work itself
seems to havo been immensely needed.?
Thoro is no question that the Stato was
getting into a foarful condition. Irre?
sponsible adventurers had involved it in
debts that were approaching the utmost
limit of endurance. There was through?
out the State a feeling of mingled alarm,
disgust and hatred on tho part of proper?
ty-owners and men of intelligence and
character. Violent men took advantage
of this intense sentiment to perpotrate
\ murders and robben'as that in turn called
for Federal intervention, and the exorcise
of Federal authority added fresh fuel to
the flames of discontent.
Let us trust that the good sense shown
in South Carolina .may prove contagious
and be exhibited in other Southorn States
which are in like disordered and unsettled
condition.'
From the New York Evening Post.
CONCILIATION IN SOUTn CAROLINA.
The conforence was remarkablo as the
first voluntary attempt of tho Southern
people at reconstruction without rogard
to party projudice. It is the first meet?
ing of men of oxtromo views for the pur?
pose of compromising their differences for
the common good. All shades of politics
wore represented, and, to show that thero
was no mistake in tho representative
character of tho conferonco, it is only ne?
cessary to add that tho movement was
proposed many months ago; that the
Statu has been thoroughly canvassed in its
behalf, and that it has met with little ob?
jection.
It is gratifying to remark that Govern?
or Scott frankly acknowledges the errors
that have boon committed by his officers
with his own consent, and points out in
sovoral instances the means to correct
them, Naturally a few of tho politicians
who profit by tho present disturbed state
of.society in South Carolina are already
complaining of his course, and accuse
bim of going over to the Democrats; but
outside of their limited circle the Govern?
or's course will no doubt bo approved by
tho Republican party. If these confer?
ences continue as they havo begun, and
the Convention approves the wiso course
of its leadors, wc shall probably hear lit?
tle more of Ku Klux outrages, and' the
army will find no moro work-to do in
South Carolina.
From the Nev York Financial Chronicle.
The Convention of Tax payers in South
Carolina is considered favorable to the in*
J terests of the holders of State bond 3, as
the tone developed has'been conservative
! and against increasing the debt, and the
action of the Convention is expected to
have much weight in the State. There is
evidently more confidence felt in the
soundness of the Southern State bond*
generally, as tho extravagance which was
shown in increasing tho debts of several
States immediately after the war lias to
a great;extent worked its own cure, and
during tho past year there has been*
much more conservative spirit shown, and
a strong party in favor of economical
administration is now to be found in every
State,
SOUTH CAROLINA. - ?.
?Under this head the Boston Post says: '?The
tax-payers of South Carolina have held their
Convention and adjourned. The proceedings
are described as having been harmonious, tem?
perate and dignified throughout. The records
prove their great and vital importance to the
welfare of the State, and form a disclosure of
profligacy, corruption and misrule, on the part
of the officials'of the Government, which it is
safe to,pronounce unparalleled in the history of
the Republic. The ignorance of the blacks in
power has only beet equaled by their wanton
extravagance. Loa-is have been put upon the
market at ruinous rates of interest, office-hold?
ers have multiplic-d like locusts, the Treasury
has been plundered?so has the Land Commis?
sion?so indeed has every department which
could be made to yield to the extortions of the
dominant party. The personal conduct of State
officers has also been made the subject of inves?
tigation, and from high to low they seem to
have been animated by the same fell spirit of
vice and plunder, regardless of the moral or
financial name and fame of the State.
"The Convention, among other business, con*
demned the Sterling loan, authorized by hist *
winter's Legislature, and requested the Govern?
or not to sign the bonds, ana the people not to
buy them if put on the market. As property
holders, the Convention declared its purpose to
resist payment of this issue as an unwarranted,
illegal and irresponsible pledge, and one made
in derogation of the rights of the people. The
Governor promised the Committee of the Con?
vention to recommend a reduction in the force
of office-holders, and favored their resolution
regarding cumulative voting, by which 60,000
tax-payers will have some proportionate repre?
sentation with 90,000 negroes who do . not pay
taxes. Plans were reported by the Convention
for increasing revenue and protecting the Trea?
sury ; for limiting the sessions of the Legisla?
ture, and regulating its pay and behavior; for
appointing competent men to office; for .col?
lecting of taxes, and for various other reforms
so urgently demanded by the industrious and
respectable portion of our population. The
Governor promised co-operation in all the salu?
tary measures proposed, and so did many influ?
ential negroes; but it will be difficult to redeem
these promises, with Congress urging enmity'
rather than sympathy with the disfranchised
whites.
"The revelations regarding the State deb?
and the measures taken by vicious and profli?
gate parties to raise money, illustrate the work?
ings of Reconstruction after the Congressional
plan. The present debt of the State, as prin?
cipal, is said to be $8,865,908.98, besides bonds
in the hands of the New York agent amount?
ing-to $1,800,000, which have been pledged for
a loan of $800,0001 The committee charged
that the State had paid as high as seventeen
per cent, interest on short loans 1 The warte?
nil extravagance which imposed these ruinous
financial obligations, and rendered the confer*
. ence of the tax-payers necessary, may be learn?
ed from a reliable correspondent of the World,
who visited the State, and examined, with'Un?
usual deliberation and apparent impartiality,
some of the scenes and causes'of the existing
disorder and discontent According to his de*
scription there - is no legislative hall at the
North which compares in richness of garniture *
with that of the South Carolina House of Rep?
resentatives. The drapery curtains are of cost*
ly crimson damask, upheld by gilded brackets,
and over the Speaker's chair is an elegant gold
embossed canopy of blue. Chandeliers, hand*
somer than any in tbe;Cap:tol at Washington,
depend in lustrous magniheence from the ceil?
ing, and upon the floor are velvet carpets of the
richest hues. The desks are of ornate black
walnut, of the most elaborate beauty of con?
struction, and the spittoons, for the hundred
negroes and fifty perhaps less worthy whites
who compose the body of legislators, are of
white porcelain, in the form of vases. The
Senate Chamber is similarly magnificent in its
fitting up. An open bar, with whiskey and se*
gars as free to contractors and lobbyists as to
members themselves, was an appropriate ac*
companiment to this inappropriate finery.??
These are miner details, to be sure, but they
are sufficient indices of the way in Which the
money goes, and show clearly enough how easy
it is, under sueh influences and with abody of
crude legislators, of exclusively mercenary pro?
pensities and partisan ideas, and irresponsible
alike to their own unenlightened consciences
and to the demands of propriety and justice, to
run wild with extravagance and to consummate
oppressive, unequal and ruinous legislation-^
prccisely such as hhs created the necessity for
the present movement and driven the class of
people who sutler most directly from its evils to
attempt some method of redress.
.''Efforts are already observable in Radical
quarters to disparage this Convention, misrep?
resent it objects and purposes, and to prejudge
its designs. Such would be the case with any
movement which is in its nature calculated to
supersede the Ku Klux law, upon which Radi?
calism wholly depends to maintain its ascen?
dancy at the South, against justice as "well as
the true interests and expressed wishes of the
people. So.far as our present information .ex?
tends, the: Convention was in no sense of a
partisan character. Prominent and influential
citizens, of both parties and from every section
of the State, were among the delegates, a prom?
inent Republican, the Attorney-General of the
State, being one of the Vice Presidents, and an
editor of a Republican. newspaper one of the
Secretaries. A former Lieutenant-Governor,
Hon. W. D. Porter, was President of the Con?
vention, and on assuming the Chair he distinct?
ly disavowed the alleged design of repudiation,
and declared the objects of those who had in?
augurated the movement tO;be to rebuke cor?
ruption in high places, to save themselves from
irretrievable ruin, and to guard against future
hazards of the public credit, which, he said,
most be unquestioned and unsuspected. What
the deliberations may effect, remains to be seen;
but if they serve only to enlighten the North
as to the atrocious 'misconduct/of the men
placed in authority by Congress,, they will have
accomplished eomc good purpose."