Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page. It is also available as plain text as well as XML.

An Independent Family Journal?Devoted to Politics, Literature and General Intelligence. HOYT & CO., Proprietors. ANDERSON 0. H., S. C, THURSDAY MORNING, APRIL 13, 1871, VOLUME 6?NO. 41. Senator Blair on the Banger to the Country of the Proposed Kn Slux Legislation. Washington, April 3. In the Senate to-day, after the transaction of ?ome unimportant business, debate was resumed on Mr. Sherman's resolution calling on the Ju? diciary Committee to report a bill for tho sup* pression of the Ku Klux. Mr. Blair (Dem., Mo.) quoted from the de? bates in Congress, when the 1 ourteenth Amend? ment was under consideration, to show the Construction placed upon it by ita authors and supporters, and held that it was plainly laid j down at the time, that the only power of legis? lation which Congress had under it was to pre? vent any violation of its provisions under color of State law. The measure which it was now proposed to pas3 was an assumption of the power of Congress to punish violations of State law. The dangerous power which is now to be assumed by Congress may, and doubtless will, be exercised at some future day, by some other ?arty upon wealthy communities in the North, 'he design now of this legislation was to carry out the designs of that remorseless set of scoun? drels, thf: carpet-baggers, and their aiders and abettors, and to continue General Grant per? petually in power. The Republicans did not seem, altogether united on this subject; they had had a great deal of caucussing in the mat? ter, and although a majority had agreed, the minority were not inclined to follow them until the mandate of the President was sent in, and then tha new crusade against the South was resolved upon. If he (Mr. Blair) was only ac? tuated by partisan motives, he might be glad to see these reconstruction usurpations continued in the vain hope of controlling the political power of the South for political purposes. It was very easy, of course, for the men whom the South had repudiated to manufacture sto? ries of outrages to further their efforts to get back into power. The system of government under which the South is ruled is the disgrace of our age. This carpet-bag system is perfectly infamous, by which strangers, adventurers, men of no character, are ruling over the people whose ancestors made these States what they are. It is to the interest of the people of these States to repress disorders, because they own the property and pay the tases; but it is the interest of these carpet-baggers to manufacture and. magnify them, because it is that upon which they fatten. The prospects of the Rad? ical party were so alarming that something innst he done. The people were clamoring for revenue reform ; for a reduction of the taxes by which millions were wrung from them for the benefit of plunderers. They were searching very closely into the corruptions and venality of the Radical party. The rank and file were falling away from it, and something desperate must be resorted to to save it. The Radical gong was sounded of outrage and murder, crime and disorder, excelling in falsehood and malignity those which had preceded them.? There were no allegations against Virginia of Ku Klux disorders, although that State had been able to free herself of those obscure birds of prey, the carpet-baggers. Why was the crusade made agaiusi North Carolina? Simply because she had succeeded in throwing off the rule of the carpet-baggers and had returned to the principles of free government. These sto? ries of outrages in North Carolina, which had been related oefore the commit-too with closed doors, with no opportunity for refutation, were the utterances of men who would not be be? lieved by any one. Out of the month of Gov? ernor Holden himself was these falsehoods ex? posed. In his message to the Legislature, Irovernor Holden said distinctly that no disor? ders existed in North Carolina. Alluding to the reconstruction acts, Mr. Blair said that whenever the Supreme Court iiad any opportu? nity to pass upon any question connected with them, it had invariably pronounced them un? constitutional, and Congress, knowing they were unconstitutional, passed an act to prevent the Supreme Court from passing directly upon its reconstructed measures. He said the Dem? ocratic party, while it believed these acts to be unconstitutional, did not, as thoy had been charged, intend to overthrow them by force.? The only measures to which the Democratic party would resort were constitu tional meas? ures. Mr. Scott (Rad<, Pa.) here interposed and quoted from the "Broadhead letter" of Mr. Blair, that the President elect should disperse the caroet-bag governments by force. Mr. Blair said he was not the Democratic party, and the Democratic party was not Mr. Blair, and he repeated that the Democratic party had never threatened to use violent means to overthrow the unconstitutional acts of Congress. He (Mr. Blair) hr.d believed, and did believe, that the President, having taken an oath to support that constitution, should stand to that oath, whether against Congress or against individuals, for he believed that Con? gress violating the Constitution was no more than a mob. He had said that the army should be made to undo its work of usurpation, and he he said ao now. But no force would be necessary ; for if the army was withdrawn, the infamous carpet-bag governments would fall of themselves Mr. Blair then referred to an address alleged to hsve been issued during the Presidential can? vass of 1868 to the negroes of North Carolina, advising them to burn the barns of tho people who discharged them on account of politics, and which, on the authority of D. R. Goodloe, he said, had been written by United States Senator Pool and Judge Read. Mr. Pool (Rad., N. C.) interrupted to say that the address bore no such construction, and no sensible man could put such a construction upon it. Mr. Blair, resuming, said it was so regarded at the time, and the testimony of a negro be? fore the committee showed that the negroes had confessed that they were instigated to barn burning bv Governor Holden and then par? doned when convicted. It had been indispu? tably proved that the origin of the loyal leagues in the South was for the purpose of compelling the negroes to vote tho Radical ticket. These ignorant, superstitious negroes?the Senator from Ohio (Mr. Sherman) called them?were initiated into the Union leagues with blue lights and red-lights and every other kiud of lights, and other appurtenances calculated to bewilder their simple minds, and then sworn to the support of the Radical party. Mr. Blair then reviewed at length the condition of affairs in North and South Carolina, alleging that cor? ruption, fraud, and villainy reigns supreme ; that the people were plundered of their sub? stance by an army of carpet-baggors; that the debt of the State had been enormously increas? ed, &c, &c. The Senator from Indiana (Mr. Morton) had the other day favored the Senate with extract* from Democratic papers of Ken? tucky. He (Mr. Blair) proposed now to give some extracts from Radical papers of South Carolina. Mr. Blair then quoted from various Republican papers of South Carolina severely commenting upon the venality of the Legisla-. ture. , . _ He also quoted from the remarks of Gover? nor Scott that one of the greatest cnrsoa afflic? ting South Carolina was the horda of unscru? pulous adventurers from the North coming down there for purposes of plunder. Mr. Blair further read un account of tue person ucl of the [ South Carolina Legislature; Of that whole body but thirteen were white and the remain? der all blacks; but nineteen could read and write grammatically. Mr. Sherman (Rad,, 0.) admitted that the Legislature of South Carolina had behaved shamefully, bnt he would ask the Senator what remedy he proposed for it. Did he favor uni? versal amnesty? because if he did, he (Sher? man) would probably agree. Did he propose to take the suffrage from the negroes ? because if he did, that would be a subject for debate, but if the Senator proposed no remedy, he had certainly no right to bring these matters in here. Mr. Blair said he had a right to do it. He had a right to arraign this body for striking down the very vital principle of free govern? ment for destroying local self-government. Mr. Sawyer (Rad., S. C.) corroborated the statement of Mr. Sherman that every one voted in South Carolina, and Mr. Sawyer said there were not over twenty-five hundred in the State debarred from holding office by the four? teenth amendment. Mr. Blair thought the Senator was very much mistaken. Ho believed there were a great many more. Mr. Sawyer said the position of the Demo? cratic party in South Carolina was such that no considerable number would accept the prof? fer of office. They were i nfluenced by the at? titude of the Democratic party in the North, and the Broadhead letter of the Seuator to re? fuse office for a sentiment. Mr. Blair?For a principle. Mr. Sawyer?A sentiment. Mr. Blair?A principle. It was a principle ; and he was glad that the Democratic party ad? hered to principle in spite of the loaves and fishes. He was glad that the Democratic par? ty refused to share the plunder with the car? pet-bagger. Mr. Blair continued in review of the condition of other Southern States, tho debt of which, he said, had been so enormous? ly increased under Radical rule. He said that he knew Governor Warmonth, of Louisiana, well; that he went from Missouri ragged and naked, and without money to pay for his brijak ' fast; now he lived in a palace and was rolling in wealth, and he (Blair) was informed that he never signed a bill without a price. In regard to the case of Yerger, which had been brought into this discussion by the Senator from Ohio (Sherman), he (Blair) desired to allude to the aspect of that case as yet untouched upon. He then read from a statement of one of the counsel to prove that the case had been kept out of the Supreme Court because of the fear that the reconstruction acts under authority of which Yerger was committed, would be de? clared unconstitutional. The Radicals had thus confessed that those acts were unconstitu? tional, and yet without them they would be in a minority in both Houses of Congress to-day ?and a minority of a minority. The men who came in by virtue of these reconstruction acts had in caucus given the votes which deposed the man who built up the Radical party, the the Senator from Massachusetts, (Mr. Sumncr) Without concluding, Mr. Blair gave way, and the Senate, at 4: 40 o'clock, went into execu? tive session, and then adjourned. Exciting Scene in the United States Senate.?Wo make the following extract from the proceedings of last Friday, to the United States Senate: Garrett Davis, of Kentucky, made a speech refuting Sherman's charges against the South. Previous to its conclusion, an incident Of unusual character occurred, which excited considerable comment in the galleries and upon the floor. Butler of Mas? sachusetts, occupying the seat of Senator Thur mau, immediately adjoining that of Davis, had been for some time intently observing Davis. As he proceeded, Davis became restive, and speaking with his usual warmth and earnest? ness, suadenly faced Butler, and continuing his argument against the credibility of exagge? rated Ku Klux stories, said: "These ficticious charges are originated by parties to effect the coming elections. The Legislatures to be elec? ted are to choose over one-third the members of this Senate, and it is with a view of using this political capital for these diabolical and devilish ends that these vile and slanderous stories of outrages emanate from the brains of Eolitical scoundrels aud ruffians." After taking is seat, observing Butler still staring at him, Davis rose again, and addressing tho former, was heard to say: "What do you mean by at? tempting to browbeat mein that way? You are a damned scoundrel,- sir," adding, after a pause, "Yes, sir, I repeat it, you are a damned scoundrel, sir." At this juncture Wilson came froin his scat on the other side of *ho chamber and interposed to prevent a continuance of the scene; Butler soon after left the chamber. It is reported that he replied to Davis, "I don't know you, sir; I don't care for you, and I don't want to speak to you." Southern Agriculture Reviving.?Un? der this head, the New York Commercial Ad? vertiser, of Wednesday, says :# A very hopeful sign comes*to us this Spring from the South. From all parts, particularly the cotton-growing regions, our manufacturers are taxed to the full extent of their ability in supplying agricultural implements?not "im? proved machinery," strictly speaking, so much as plows, hoes, spades, and other small wares. They hear much about "subsoil" plowing, which really is something new. Instead of satisfying themselves with stirring the surface, planters seem to have mado the discovery that a f?w inches deeper in the earth, below the ex? hausted soil, they have a new farm, capable of yielding more bountifully than they had ever imagined. A light kind of plow for working the surface is also in heavy demand. Ono manufacturing establishment in New York has three factories engaged on the work incessant? ly.' These are sure indications that the South? ern people are reorganizing their system, re? cuperating their energies, and going to work in earnest. Unlike agriculturists in other sec? tions, they work on a large' scale, oe'eupving broad acres; and this waking up a few million people, this girding of themselves anew, must speedily tell upon the general weaJ. A Wisconsin Veto.?Gov. Fairchild, of Wisconsin, has vetoed an important bill and one which he approves on its merits, on the distinct ground that the bill was pasBod by bribery and corruption. He says that any oth? er bill presented to him under similar circum? stances would bo returned for like reasons. The Legislature sustained the veto and ordered' an investigation of the case. The Governor in his message says that the time has come when those who seek favors or privileges at tho hands of tho Legislature, must be made to dis? tinctly undcrstind that their application must stand on its merits alone, and be free from eveu a suspicion of corruption, and that the use of such means either for or against a mcasure'will meet on all hands the strongest reprobation and' a speedy punishment. The Governor has com? mitted ? bold act, and has set an example that will tend to purify legislation-. Bribery will go out of fashion when hills passed by purcli3*cd voters fail to receive the Executive sauccion.? N. V. Commercial. President Grant's San Domingo Message. Executive Maxsion, April 5,1871. 1h the Senate and House of Representatives: I have the honor to submit herewith to the two houses of Congress the report of the com? missioners appointed in pursuance of a joint resolution, approved January 12,1871. It will be observed that this report more than sustains all that I have heretofore said in regard to the productiveness and Iiealthfulness of the Re? public of San Domingo, of the unanimity of the people for annexation to the United States, and their peaceable character. It is due to the public, as it certainly is to myself, that I should here give all the circum? stances which first led to the negotiation of a treaty for the annexation of the Republic of San Domingo to the United States. When I accepted the arduous and responsible position which I now hold, I did not dream of institu? ting any steps for the acquisition of insular possessions. I believed, however, that our-in? stitutions were broad enough to extend over the entire continent as rapidly as other .peoples might desire to bring themselves under our pro? tection. I believed, further, that we should not fiermit any independent government within the imits of North America to pass from a condi? tion of independence to one of ownership or protection under any Europenn power. Soon after my inauguration as President, I was waited upon by an agent of President Baez, with a proposition to annex the Republic of San Domingo to the United States. This gen? tleman represented the capacity of the island, the desire of the people, and their character and habits about as they have been described by the Commissioners, whose report accompa? nies this message. He stated, further, that being wea~? in numbers and poor in purse, they were not capable of developing their great re? sources ; that the people had no incentive to in? dustry, on account of lack of protection for their accumulations; and that, it not accepted by the United States, with institutions Which they loved above those of any other nation, they would be compelled to seek protection elsewhere. To these statements, I made no re? ply, and gave no indication of what I thought was waited upon by a second gentleman, from San Domingo, who made the same representa? tions, and who was received in like manner. In view of the facts which had been laid be? fore me, and with an earnest desire to maintain the Monroe doctrine, I believed that I would be derelect in my duty if I did not take meas? ures to ascertain the exact wish of the Govern? ment and inhabitants of the Republic of San Domingo, in regard to annexation, and com? municate the information to the people of the United States. Under the attending circum? stances, I felt that if I turned a deaf ear to this appeal, I might in the futnrc bo iuatly charged with a flagrant neglect of the ptrmic interests, and an utter disregard of the welfare of a down? trodden race, praying for the blessings of a free and strong government, and for protection In the enjovment of the fruits of their own indus? try. Tlioso opponents of annexation, who have heretofore professed to be prominently the friends of the rights of niau, I believed ?"would be most violent assailants if I neglected so clear a duty. Accordingly after having ap? pointed a commissioner to visit the island, who declined on account of sickness, I selected a second gentleman, in whose capacity, judgment and integrity I had, and have yet, the most un? doubted confidence. Ho visited San Domingo, not to secure or hasten annexation, but, un? prejudiced and unbiased, to icarn all the facts about the Government, the people and the rc Eourcos of that republic. He went, certainly, as well prepared to make nn unfavorable report as a favorable oue, if the facts, warranted, it His report fully corroborated the views of pre? vious commissioners, and, upon its receipt, I felt that a sense of duty and a due rogara for our greSt national interests required me to ne? gotiate a treaty for the acquisition of the Re? public of San Domingo. As soon as it became publicly known that such a treaty had been negotiated, the atten? tion of the country was occupied with allega? tions calculated to prejudice the merits of the case, and with aspersions upon those whose du? ty had connected them with it. Amidst the public excitement thus created, thetreaty failed to receive the requisite two-thirds vote of the Senate, and was rejected ; but whether the ac? tion of that body was based wholly upon the merits of the treaty, or might not have been, in some degree, influenced by such unfounded allegations, could not be known by the people; because the debates of the Senate in secrot ses? sion arc not published. Under these circum? stances, I deemed it due to the office which I hold, and due the character of the agents who had been charged with the investigation, that such proceedings should be had as would enable the people to know the truth. A commission was, therefore, constituted, under authority of Congress, consisting of gentlemen selected with special reference to their high character and capacity for the laborious work on trusted to them, who were instructed to visit the spot and report upon the facts. Other eminent citizens were requested to* accompany the com? mission, in order that peoplo might have the benefit of their views. Students of scie'neo and correspondents of the press, without regard to political opinions, were invited to join the ex? pedition ; and these numbers were limited only by the capacity of the vessel. The mere rejection by the Senate of a trea'ty negotiated by the President only indicates a difference of opinion between two co-ordinate departments of the Government, without touch? ing the character or wounding the pride of either; but when such rejection takes place simultaneously with charges openly made of corruption on the part of the President, or of those employed by him, the case is different. Indeed, in such case, the honor of the nation demands investigation. This has been accom (ilished by the" report of tho Commissioners, lerewith transmitted, and which fully vindi? cates the purity of the motives and action of thoso who represented the United States in the negotiation. And now my task is finished, and with it ends all personal solicitude upon the subject. My duty being done, yours begins; and Igradly hand over tho whole matter to the judgment of the American people and of their representa? tives in Congress assembled. Thefacts will now be spread before the country, and a decisious rendered by that tribunal whoso convictions so seldom err, and against whoso will I have no policy to enforce. My opinion remains un? changed ; indeed, it is confirmed, by the report that the interests of our country and of San Domingo alike invite the annexation of that republic. In view of the difference of opinion upon this subject, I suggest that no action bo taken at the present session, beyond the prin? ting and general dissemination of the report. Bet?re the next session of Congress, the peoplo will havo considered the subject, and formed am intelligent opinion concerning it, to which opinion, deliberately made up, it will be tho duty of every department of the Goverment to heed; and no one will more cheerfully conform to it than myself. It is not only the theory of our constitution that the will of the people, constitutionally expressed, is the suprome law, In the course of time, I but I have ever believed that all men are wiser than any one man ; and if the people, upon a full presentation of the facts, shall decide that the annexation of the republic is not desirable, evCrv ''"njxrtment of the Government ought to acquiesce in that decision. In again submitting to Congress a subject upon which public sentiment has been divided, and which has been made the occasion of acri? monious debates in Congress, as well as of un? just aspersions elsewhere, I may, I trust, be in? dulged in a single remark. No man can hope to perform duties so delicate and responsible as pertain to the Presidential office without some? times incurring the hostility of those who deem their opinions and wishes treated with insuffi? cient consideration ; and he who undertakes to conduct the affairs of a great Government, as a faithful public servant, if sustained by the ap? proval of his own conscience, may rely, with confidence; Upon the candor and intelligence of a freo people, whose best interests he has striven to subserve, and can bear with patience the censure of disappointed men. (8igned)_.. Tj; S. GRANT. From the Nexo Orleans Picayune. Pretexts for Hatred. When our people see to what abuse Southern occurrences arc put?how distorted in report, how perverted in application, how misunder? stood and misrepresented as to cause?they may be impressed with two convictions: First, that political feeling, prejudice and the recol? lections of the war, will long prevent a North? ern estimate of Southern character either liber? al or just; second, that for our own peace and good it becomes us to avoid actions and lan? guage that can by ingenious handling be made to appear dishonorable, unruly and criminal. At this season, six years ago, all the twenty millions of the North were at war with the people of the seceding States, and their feeling towards us, as expressed in words or shown by deeds, was full of anger, hostility and revenge. The feeling was intense aud general. The war lasted so long that timo was given to the young to absorb hatred and to become educated in enmity, and to those who were of mature age, to be thoroughly inculcated with a sentiment to many quite new. The feeling was recipro? cated, as may be remembered. Can we reason? ably expect that feeling to subside in a year or a decade ? _Fifty years after the secession of the Britislf"~American colonies there were mil? lions of young men on this side of the Atlan? tic who, though they had never seen a scarlet uniform, hated the English with a hearty and thoroughly spiteful grudge. Three generations after the last Indian mur? der with tomahawks, the hoys of New England entertained for the coppcrskins an implacable, bitter aud loathing antipathy* All the annals of nations show that war sows enmities which grow for whole centuries, bearing fruits of bit? terness.- In oor case, owing to the good sense and general intelligence of both sections as well as to the chivalric qualities mutually ex* hibitcd and admired, the hatred may not be so intense nor lasting} yet even with us, after all the admonitions of wise and liberal man on both sides, after the renewal of business con? nections and social, intercourse, after numerous and always welcome accessions of Northern capital, their many fleecy crops have grown over smoky and dusty battle fields, with all the generosity of the really magnanimous to help in the cause of peace, we must expect that the ever-waning and lessening hostility will endure and be manifest uutil the most of those who saw, who felt and who shared in the great strug? gle shall have given place to another genera? tion. Should we not be patient, therefore? Should we fret and chafe when cuuning men appeal to the latent or active hatred of those lately our armed enemies? Should we be sur? prised that they magnify trifles to fill the spec? trum of their political show? Should wc wonder that the posture-makers and scene shifters of the Congressional drama should try the last to extract sensational profit from his? tory so recent and so tragical ? Nor need we be surprised that the existence of secret associations in the South should be made the text of violent and effectual political essays and harrangues. There are, or have been since the close of the war, (as well as any time for the last forty years), sporadic bands or cliques of men, rudely organized by tacit or expressed pledge, but co-operating chiefly by virtue of a common purpose, calling themselves or called variously "vigilance committee^, "regulators," "committees of safety," or by some local and peculiar name, having for their object the riddance of the community, by ex Eulsion or death, of notorious outlaws, or nown and dangerous characters who have gono unwhipned of justice. These bands or gangs arc rapidly formed, never numerous, and extend their operations over the limited area of such of the ruder sections as invite outlaws by the uncertainty and inefficiency of the repres? sive and punitive action of the criminal law. These bands generally dissolve when the end for which they were formed have been reached, although it may sometimes happen that what is illegal in its object and means becomes per? verted to violence for which no excuse can be of? fered. But while in some rare instances good men have been assassinated, the victims ,of these regulators are in most cases such as de? served the capital sentence from a court of criminal judicature. This extra legal, sum? mary, secret violence is in itself criminal, and wholly at war with the best interests of society. These organizations are a hideous, dismal de? formity wherever they occur, far more dam? aging to society than the few villains whom tliey expel or destroy. No citizen who knows the true value of personal security, as pledged by the laws of the countty, can approve, coun-1 tenancc or uphold them. It is out of the gangs which we hflfve de? scribed that the fertile fancies of the North have conjured Ku Klux. It is out of those wholly non-political, few scattered and independent bands that Sumner and his votaries ba-ve in? vented an association comprising all the. White men in tho South, and pledged to secrecy, to oppression and to bloodshed. This slanderous and monstrous perversion makes it more than cVer tho imperative and patriotic duty of all good men in tho South to discountenance and suppress, by all available and legal means, everything that can be suspected of being orga? nized for violence or for a secret political pur? pose. Work if You would Kise.?Richard Burke being found in a reverie, shortly after au ex? traordinary display of power in tho House of Commons by his brother Edmund, was question? ed by Mr. Malonc as to the cause. I have been wondering how Ned has contrived to mon? opolize all the talents of the family, but then, again. I remember, when we were at play he was always at work." The force of the anec? dote is increased by tho fact that Richard Burke was not considered inferior in natural talents to his more distinguished brother. Yet the one rose to greatness, while tho other died comparatively obscure. Don't trust to your genius, young men. if vou would rise; but work! work II WORK NF ? There are over forty women editorially connected with the New York press. The New York World's Bemedy for Misrule in South Carolina. In commenting on the recent letter of the Hon. C. G. Memminger, the New York World sets forth a plan to remedy the gross misrule under which this State is now groaning: It seems that Governor Scott, desiriug advice in the present deplorable condition of the State, had invited a number of prominent citi? zens to confer with him. Mr. Memminger did not attend, but afterwards submitted his views in the letter which we reproduce. It reflects more credit on his public zeal and good inten? tions than on fertility in devising apt expedi? ent* for meeting the difficulties of the political situation. The remedy he proposes might do if he could get the people to adopt it; but of that there is not the slightest chance; He cor? rectly attributes the extravagance and rascali? ty of the South Carolina State Government to the ignorance and degradation of its negro constituency, and he declares his opinion that the corruption which runs riot in the Legisla^ ture admits of no other remedy than the exclu? sion of ignorant negroes from the elective fran? chise. He recommends a convention to revise the State constitution, and introduce into it a provision, borrowed from the constitution of Massachusetts, that no citizen shall vote unless he can read and write, and has paid a tax. This would exclude a large majority of the pres? ent negro voters, and also a considerable por? tion of the present white voters. Of course, these people are never going to vote for their 1 own disfrancbisement. While, therefore Mr. Memminger's remedy steers clear of the fif? teenth amendment, it would be wrecked against the more fatal obstacle* Unfortunately, the ig ' norant classes whom it is proposed to disfram ehise hold the decision of the question in their own hands. We cannot expect our counsels or sugges? tions to have much weight in South Carolina; bnt such as they are we will venture to offer them. We believe that a tolerably good State government might be organized without taking; the suffrage from any who now possess it. The present government cannot stand; tli? people are so agitated and indignant that un? less a new government is constructed the State will be plunged .into the horrors of civil war. followed by anarchy. We are not intimately enough acquainted with the public sentiment of South Carolina to perceive that there would be any insuperable opposition to a revision of the constitution, embracing the following points, which, if accepted, would probably rescue the State from its present deplorable condition. First. The State should adopt so much of Mr. Memminger's proposition as is practicable; although no immediate advantage could be ex? pected from the modification which we suggest. Let the Massachusetts qualification be adopted to apply to all voters hereafter admitted to the right of suffrage. In ten years or so, it would revolutionize the character ?f constituencies without excluding from the elective franchise any citizen who had ever possessed it. This would, indeed, be o?ly s provident measure looking to the future; leaving the present evils to be coped with in all their magnitude. But the problem, difficult as it is, should not be giv? en np in despair. Second. Introduce into the State eouatitrj tion a provision that, for the ensuing ten yean;, the members of the Legislature shall serve without pay. This would not encounter Buch a torrent of prejudice and demagogue invec? tive as Mr. Memminger's proposition to imme? diately restrict the suffrage, and it might per? haps prOve even more effectual in elevating the character of the Legislature. Every negro would vote just as freely as before," and be equally eligible to every office; but the Legisla? ture would consist mainly of men of property and public spirit, who had a stake in the pros? perity and a pride in the fair fame of the State. The electors of each district shonld be permit? ted to choose whom they pleased, going out of the district for their representative if they could find a fitter candidate in any other part of the State. With such a range of choice neither party would have anv dificulty in find? ing members who would fairly represent their views and be patriotic enough to serve without compensation. The advantages of this plan over Mr, Memminger'ff is that it would be prac? ticable, while'his is not: Tliird. Even if an unpaid Legislature (which seems to us the most promising remedy) should be disapproved of, there are still other expedi? ents that might have some mitigating effect, and perhaps be worth trying as accompaniments of any scheme of legislative reform. Let there be a prohibition to incur any State debt previ? ous to the year 18S0, except for the purpose of sulKliring insurrection or replaciug the public buildings if they should be destroyed by fire. : Fourth. Let a fair estimate be made of the reasonable expenses of the State government, and insert in the constitution a prohibition to raise a greater sum by taxes for a period of ten ; yerfrs. Tho Legislature knowing exactly the amount of money at its disposal for the expen? ses of each year, and being prohibited to au? thorize loans, would have to confine their ap I propriations within the prescribed limits. Fifth. Give the Governor an absolute veto ? on bills passed by the Legislature, requiring him in ever}' case to state his reasons. It might be well to associate with him in the exercise of an absolute and final veto some of the higher judicial officers of the State, as under the New York constitution of 1777; but this would prob? ably be too cumbrous. The Governor shonld have authority to veto separate item's in' appro? priation bills without thereby defeating the whole bill. Sixth. Tho appointing.power of the Govern? or should eitcner to aft tlie; subordinate execu? tive and all the judicial officers of the'Stale. Undoubtedly, more or less inconvenience might attend the operation of some parts of this plan ;' but the State is roduced to a choice of evils, and in its actual situation we doubt if anything better can' he contrived, than an un Eaid Legislature, an absolute veto power in the ands of the Governor, and strict limitation of the debt-incurring and tax-levying power for a term of years. With the Massachusetts qual? ification for* aF? firtiire Voters, the gradual im? provement of tho constituencies would render it safe to make the restrictions on the taxing power and loan power temporary, and after awhilo to nay the Legislature as in other States. But we should regard an attempt to make a sudden change of the constituences as unfortu? nate, both because it would certainly fnU and because it would raise prejudices against "other modes of reform which might be attempted by the same parties._ ? A spoiled child?the one that played with the kero?ene can. ? A gentleman took a lady out to rido tho. other evening, and came home with afelsecurl j attached to the button on the side of his cap. ?A. rich but ignorant lady of Boston, who was ambitious that her conversation should be up ' to the transcendental style, in speaking of a j friend, said: "He is a paragram of politeness-l" "Excuse me," said a wag sitting next to her; "butdo yoll mean parallelogram ?" "Of course I moan parallelogram," replied the ambitious , lady; "how could I have made suoh- a mis? take/" Expense of Utting fjp the State Hoof; The Columbia Phoenix furnishes a detailed statement of the'bills, contracted for fitting op the House of Representatives, Committee rooms, Speaker's and Clerks' rooms, &c., about which there was so much discussion at the re? cent session of the Legislature. The aggre tatc amount of the three bills rendered is just ,57,442.41, and the itemized expenditures show a prodigality and recklessness which is char? acteristic of the reigning regime. We" invite? the attention of tax-payers to the various items: M. H. Berry's bill for furniture?e mbracing book-cases, tables, chairs, wash-stands, hat racks, lounges, etc., which has been sanctioned by Governor Scott?amounts to $12,3119.50. Bought of Nicol Davidson?1 carved walnut time piece, made to order for House Representatives, ?475; box No. 1, $3.50; I ditto and box No.. 2, $478.50 ; 8 10-12 dozen* globes, 7 inches, No. 58, at $24, $212 ; hogs? head No. 3, $6; 7 6-12 down globes, 8 inches, $30, $222.50; hogshead No. 4, $6; 8J dozen globes, 9 inch, at $36, $126; 11-12 dozen globes* 8 inches, at $30, $27.50; hogshead No; 5, $6; } dozen globes, 9 inches, at $36, $18; 1 8-12 dozen globes, 8 inches, at $30, $50; 3 2-12 doz? en globes,.7 inches, at $24, $76 ; hogshead No. 6 $6; 5 6-light chandeliers, bronze, etc.; $756 j 2 5-light columns, br?nze and gilt, with elite* tens, for Speaker's stand, at $225, $450 j 8 box? es, Nos. 7,8, 9, at $10,50; 1 bundle rods Noi 10; 52 cuspedors, richly decorated; and mark? ed House Representatives, at $8, $416; 3 dec? orated tulip toilet setts, 11 pieces, and jar, green, and marked House Representatives *for committee rooms, at $65, $195; 1 decorated toilet set, 11 pieces, and jar, green, and marked Speaker's room, at $65; 5 decorated pitchers* frosted, and marked House Representatives* at $10, $50; 1 decorated pitcher, marked Speak? er's room, $10; 4 2-12 dozen navy goblets, with monograms, at $20, $83.33; 1 fine black Belgi? an clock, No. 6,629, with best French move ments, for committee rooms, at $95; 1 find black marble clock,-No. 6,624, with best French movements, for committee rooms at $90; 1 fine black Belgian marble clock, No.- 6/626,- with best French movements, for committee rooms/ at $115; 1 ditto, No. 6,630, for committee" rooms, at $115; 1 ditto, No. 6,956, for commit? tee rooms, at $175; 1 ditto, No. 7,295, fctf Speaker's room, at $160; 2 hogsheads, Nos. 14 and 15, and 1 tierce, No. 16, at $15; 4 dozen" globes, No. 58, 7 inches, ground and eut crn tal, at $24* $96; 2 dozen globes, 8 inches, No. 58}, ground and cut crystal, at $30, $60; 1 doz? en ditto, at $36; hogshead No. 17, at $6; 4 27' light chandeliers,- bronze and gilt,- in 3 tiers of lights, at $87.50, $3,560; 15 8-lig.iits, real bronze and gilt, at $65, $975; [brackets made to match 64 light chandeliers;] 1 large box* No. 18, $10; 1 cask, No. 19, $4; 99 cuapado?, richly decorated, and marked House Represen? tatives, at $8, $79.20 ; 3 decomted pitchers,first $80, No. 838, marone, marked Hpn&e Repre? sentatives, at $80; 6 cuspadors, maroue, Speak? er's room, at $48; 3 decorated toilet, sets; Tti pieces, and jars, green,' and marked Hotise Representatives, at $65, $195 ; 1 silver plated urn, large, at $175; 1 tilting ice pitcher with tray, slop bowl and goblet combined, at $85 j 1 silver jplated tray, Speaker's stand, at $30; 9 casks, Is 09. 20, 21, 22, at $15; 22 easpadora/ richly decorated, and marked Honse of Rep? resentatives, at $8, $176; tierce No.- 5!3, at $2; 1 64-light, real bronze and ormulu chandelier, with clusters on upper aud lower lights, made to order, for House Representatives, at- $2,600 } 10 lengths of slip tube, and 10$ pipe, 100 feet, at 60 cents, $60; 1 rod for 64-iight chandeliers; 1 grons-cast globe holders; 21 cuspadors, rich? ly decorated, and marked Honse Represents** tives, at $8; $168 ; 4 packages, Nos; 80, 81; -82; 34, at $16; 2 4-light chandeliers, French bronze and gilt, at $90, $180; 1 torch and key for lighting chandeliers, at $5.; extra lengthen? ing pipe, at $7.50; 10 dozen 7-inch globes* "No. 58*, at $24, $240 ; 6 4-light chandeliers* No: 1,950, at $90, $540; 4 bells for hall pendants, at $2.50, $10; packages Nos. 36, 37, 38, 89, at $30; 5 French walnut and gilt mantel mirrors: for eommittCe rooms,- at $355, $1,775; 6 mantel boards, covered with rep and fringe;; at $22* $182; 1 large cornice, with a curved and gilt eagle on top; also, a carved shield with coat of arms of State South Carolina, at $875; 1 wal? nut and gilt mantel mirror, for Speaker's room; carved with Palmetto shield and eagle* at $775; irons for putting up mirrors and coat of arm?, at $25; boxing for mirrors, etc., at $55; 68 days time for man putting np mirrors'; etc, af $6, $408; traveling expenses 8 men to Coluin bia; at $146; time of men to put iip cornice} at $65; 1 164-light chandelier, oronze and gilt; with clusters on upper and lower tiers* mado to ordor for House of Representatives, alt $2,600; 1 6-light chandelier* at $245; S3 brackets, real bronze, at $65, $195; 6 lengths1 slip tube, 60 feet, at 60 cents, $36; boxes Nosv 24, 25, 26, at $21; 4 6-iigbt chandeliers* in1 French bronze and gilt, at $150* $600 ; 4 4-" light* chandeliers, in French bronze and gilt, at $U0, $360; 2 cases, Nos. 28 and 29, at $15; fit? ting, alcohol, cement* etc, Used id putting up chandeliers and in extending pipe, $-16; fares for two returns from Columbia, at $5.20; meals on road and sleeping car fares, $18; extra time not charged on former bill, 16 days, at $6, $96; fare and expenses retaining hands to*' put up* corh'ices, $32; 4 1} nipples; $1,3$ ; 8 If nipples, long, $2.75; 7 1} tees, $3.6*; 3 1} lock nuts, 78 cents; 5 1} caps, $1.75; 6 l| hooks* 60 cents ; 1 f nipple, 7 cents ; 1 f tee, 18 cents; 6 | stiff joints, $L?0; 6 gilt ceiling plates, $3; 1 1-inch nipple, 15 cents, 2 J nip? ples: 24 cents; 3 i-in. bushing, 30 cents;..6 f hooks, 48 cents; 1 g tec, 12 cents : 4 j elbows, ? cents; 3 U in. nipples, $1.02; 3 1} ells, $1.32, 3 1} toes, $1.26; 6 1} bushiug, $1.74^ 6 1 bushing, $1.14; 6 I lengthening pieces, 60' cents; brocatclle drapery for coat of arms, with fringe, tassels and labor putting up, $285; cart ing in New York and insurance on goods to? Columbia, $348.38. Total, $23,828.32. Stewart, Sutphen & Co.?825 yards of 8-4 Brussels carpet, at $2.50 per yard, $2,064.37 ;< making, at 12} centa per yard, $103.22 , 888? yards of 6-4 Brussels carpet, best quality, at' $1.90 per yard, $1,620.70; making, at 12} cents per yard, $106.03 ; 703 yards of 1-4 Brussels' csrpet, best quality, at $1.90 per yard, $1,336.18;: making, at 12} cents per yard, $87.91; 25} yards of oil cloth, at $1.50 per yard, $88.25 ; laying, at 12} cents per yard* $3.19; 10 baler of carpet lining, at 35 cents per yard, $350 ; 2 colored mats, at $15 each, $30; 24'eofei-edmatsv at $6 each, $144; 1 pair of brocatclle curtaratr*, $625.70; draperies and trimmings, $705.28; 12 pair of long Terry curtains and trimmings, at $241.25 per pair, $2,895; 14 Terry lambrir quaus and trimmings, at $195..25 each, $2,747. 50; 12 Terry lambriquaus-and trimmings;-at $166.25 each, $1,995; 4 brocatelle rarabriquariS and trimmings, at $675.38 each, $2,701.62; 30 comicca, at $85 each, $2.550; 1 cornice, $100 ; irons for cornices,-$66; boxing,. $86*. 6 boxes for goods, at $2.501eafch. $16; 43 gilt band shades, with spring rollers, at $tl.3?; eaclP, $542.40; baling^ carpets, $16.39; expense of men, $416.50. Total, $21,294.69. ? Somobody sayfe.wi'trr homely force: "Y- tf can't eat enough in one week to last a whaler year, and you can't adver tiss on. that pla% aibher." .-A ?